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THE JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY

EDITED

BY THE SECRETARY.

VOL EX:

PART II.—JULY TO DECEMBER, 1840.

NEW SERIES.

‘¢ Tt will flourish, if naturalists, chemists, antiquaries, philologers, and men of science, in differ-
ent parts of Asia will commit their observations to writing, and send them to the Asiatic Society
in Caleutta; it will languish, if such communications shall be long intermitted ; and will die away

BISHOP’S COLLEGE PRESS.

1840.

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CONTENTS.

No. 103.

I.—Points in the History of the Greek and Indo-Scythian Kings in Bactria,
Cabul, and India, as illustrated by decyphering the ancient legends on their

coins. By Christian Lassen, Bonn, 1838. (continued. ) soee sees

II.—Abstract Report of the Proceedings of the Committee appointed to super-
intend the Boring Operations in Fort William, from their commencement in
December, 1835, to their close in April, 1840. By Col. D. McLeod. ....

I1I.—Report on a line of Levels taken by order of the Right Honorable the
Governor General, between the Jumna and Sutlej rivers. By Lieut. W. E.
Baker, Superintendent of Canals West of the Jumna..... obs eeee

I1V.—Memoir on the Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). By Lieut.
Wiekelle os. aes cece esos eee eeee pieiee

V.—Sketch of the Physical Geography of ae By Captain Edward Conolly,
6th Cavalry. afeiale aes peers ele stall SERS

VI.—Proceedings of the Avahe Epa nee see sees uses

No. 104.

I.—Points in the History of the Greek and Indo-Scythian Kings in Bactria,
Cabul, and India, as illustrated by decyphering the ancient legends on their
coins. By Christian Lassen, Bonn, 1838. (concluded. ) ane 456

I] —Paper on Ancient Land Grants on Copper, discovered in Assam. Com-
municated by Major F. Jenkins, Governor General’s Agent N. E.
Frontier. (with plate. ) ahaioka sees ode maiete seme

III.—Memoir on the Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan.) By Tieut.
Tickell, (concluded. ) stereia sade Ae Bete ese

IV.—Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, and the adjacent Districts. By Captain Fisher,
formerly Superintendent of Kachar and Jynta. .. PS oeee :

V.—Memorandum on the’Silk Trade between Shikarpore and Khorassan, 6
on the produce of Indigo in Sinde. By Lieut. J. Postans, Assistant Poli-
tical Agent, Upper Sinde. .... esee eisai eriale sees ooee

VI.—On the Historical Geography of Hindustan, and the origin of the Social
State among the Hindus. By Jas. Bird, Esq..... 00 a wee sees

VII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society, .. Spears ones reine eres

627

710
726

733

766

783

808

843

848
809

iv Contents.

No. 105.

I.—Description of, and deductions from a consideration of some new Bactrian
coins. By Lieut. Alexander Cunningham, Engineers. eee ooee
11.—Notes of a March from Brimham Ghat on the Nerbudda, to Umurkuntuk,
the Source of that River. By G. Spilsbury, Esq. (with plate.) «s.+ wees
III.—Notice of Amulets in use by the Trans-Himalayan Boodhists. By W.E.
Carte, Esq. (with plate.) aeae SO erie ACE RE OCS teas
IV.—Report on the Country between Kien Tatta, and Sehwan, Scinde.
By Capt. E. P. De la Hoste, Assistant Quarter-Master General. .. eae
V.—Narrative of facts attending the Wreck of the Transport ‘¢ Indian Oak,”
on the Loochoo Islands; communicated from the Political Secretariat Office,
Government of India. ese cose cece eece sels
VI.—Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. By the late cam Edward
Conolly. .... Soon aoe =< Aor Sane :
VII.—Extract from Bees of the Numismatic Society of London, 1837. 38,
VIII.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. .

No. 106.

I.—Extracts from the Journal of an Expedition into the Naga Hills on the
Assam Frontier. By Lieut. Grange, Assistant Political Agent, undertaken
by order of Government in the beginning of 1840, (taken by permission from
the records of the Political Secretariat under the Government of India)....

Il.—A short Memoir of Mechithar Ghosh, the Armenian Legislator. By Johan-
nes Avdall, Esq., M.A.S. &c. eee ae sis Sn 5 48e

III.—Letters, forwarding a Paper on the formation of the Museum of Hebndinie
Geology of India, from Captain Tremenheere, Engineers.

IV.—Grammatical construction of the Ho language. By Lieut. Tickell. eoee

V.—Note, to be appended to my account of the coins of Mayas, in the article on
‘* Some New Bactrian Coins.’’ No. 105. By Lieut. A. Cunningham. ....

_ VI.—A Third Memoir with reference to the Theory of the Law of Storms in
India; being, Researches relating to the Hurricane in the Bay of Bengal,
and at Cuttack, from 27th April to Ist May 1840. By H. Piddington, Esq...
(with plates)

VII-—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.....

No. 107.

I.—Vocabulary of the Ho language. By Lieut. Tickell. .... ae ot wees
II.--A short account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur, in North Sind.
By Captain G. E, Westmacott, 37th Regiment Bengal Native Infantry.....
III.—A cursory Notice of Nayakote. By B. H. Hodgson, Esq. Resident at
the Court of Nepal. ooee bes oe at teks
IV.—Fossil Shells discovered by Gaplain ae. ist Bavopean ee in the
neighbourhood of Bajgah, foe (with plates) .
V.—Proceedings of the Asiatic Society,..

867
889
904

907

916
924

938
941

947
967

973
997

1068

1009
1055

1063
1090

1114

vee sees 2126

1129

Contents. Vv
No. 108.
I.—The Galvanic Battery in its various Practical Applications as an Igniting
Agent. By Lieut. R. Baird Smith, Bengal Engineers, (with plate.) .... 1149
II1.—On the Common Hare of the Gangetic Provinces, and of the Sub-Hema-
- laya; with a slight notice of a strictly Hemalayan species. By B. H.
Hodgson, Esq. Resident at the Court of Nepal.. sees cece . 1183 —=
I11.—A Short account of Khyrpoor and the Forties of Bukur, in North Sind.
By Captain G. E. Westmacott, 37th Regt. Bengal N. [. (concluded. ) .... 1187
IV.—Three new Species of Monkey; with remarks on the genera Semnopi-
thecus et Macacus. By B. H. Hodgson, Esq. .. Sarai See BT es red
V.—General notice of the tribe of Kujjukzyes (Upper Sinde). By Capt.
N. Hart, 2nd Regt. Grenadiers (Bombay Army.) cose eens ~ 1214
VI.—Second Notice of some forged coins of the Bactrians and Indo-Scythians.
By Lieut. Alexander Cunningham. (with plate.) als Nee - 1217

Index.

Page. Page.
Proceedings of the Committee ap- Sketch of the Physical Geography of
pointed to superintend the Boring Seistan. By Capt. Edward Conolly,
Operations in Fort William, from 6th Cavalry, esse sees
their commencement in December, Vocabulary of the Ho language. By

1835, to their close in April, 1840, Lieut. ‘Yickell, eae =seiteie LUGS
Abstract Report of the, By Col. D. Wreck of the Transport ‘ Indian
McLeod, Ty he tO Ay Oak,’’ on the Loochoo islands,
Silk Trade between Shikarpore and Narrative of facts attending the,
Khorassan, and the produce of In- Communicated from the Political
digo in Sinde, Memorandum on the, Secretariat Office, Government of

By Lieut. J. Postans, Assistant India, oe es a .. 916

Political Agent, Upper Sinde,.... 843

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Points in the History of the Greek, and Indo-Scythian Kings
in Bactria, Cabul, and India, as illustrated by decyphering
the ancient legends on their coins. By Curistian LASSEN,
Bonn, 1838.

Character of the Alphabet.

The rule for reading the Alphabet is the Semitic, and this
fact is the more remarkable, as the Indian characters of the
immediate neighbourhood, as_ well as those occurring upon
Greek coins, coeval with the most ancient coins on which the
Cabulian characters occur, have never assumed this direction
in all the varieties which the Indian alphabet has gone through
within India and out of its confines.

The arrow-headed inscriptions too have the same direction
with the Indian, and though at least one variety of them
does not express the a, following consonants, yet it has not,
as the characters of the coins have, signs of the shortened
vowels i and u.

On the other hand, there is evidently in the legends a certain
approximation to the Indian system of vowel-writing, not
especially by the fact, that i and perhaps also u, even when
short, are not denoted by marks on the consonants, nor by
the other similarity, that they are not represented, even when
long (with u however this is mere conjecture) by the correspond-
ing quiescent semivowels j and v; for the first may occur in

1 Continued from p. 488. vol. ix.
No, 103. New Serigs, No. 19, AY se.

628 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

Semitic alphabets, the latter may be omitted in them, especi-
ally if they be applied to a foreign language ; but this approxi-
mation of the vowel system is made remarkable by the pecu-
liarity, that.a is not treated in the same manner with i, but |
is considered inherent as in Indian languages. Whenever any
Semitic language expresses the short vowels by smaller
signs, it does so with a as well as with i and u: whenever it
denotes the long vowels by quiescent consonants, similar to
vowels, it applies for this purpose x as well as » and }. But
all Indian alphabets represent, as our coins do, A, I, U, by
their own signs only as initials to syllables, but never A, when
following a consonant, and the other vowels only by abbrevia-
tions.

The diphthongs, at least 6, do not follow the Indian system,
according to which aa te, tai, ay, to, as well as @ fu, are
written by abbreviated signs, they do not follow a Semitic
system ; but the diphthongs are placed in the line with the other
letters, and 6 has in the writing no reference to u; é has it not
to ee; while instances of the uncontracted diphthongs di and du
are wanting. The instance of Eukratides can decide nothing as
to the system of orthography peculiar to the language.

As the diphthongs are written in this language, so were all the
vowels in Zend ; but that language distinguishes between long
and short vowels, though the former are but amplifications of
the latter. .

Now supposing that the characters on the coins were a Semi-
tic alphabet applied to an Indo-Iranian dialect, the shapes of
the consonants, and the initial vowels, might be considered as of
Semitic origin, the principle for the medial vowels would have
been borrowed from the Indian system of orthography, while an
independent principle was invented for the diphthongs; and if
the orthography of the Zendic language were likewise of Semitic
origin, the principle adopted on the legends for only 6, (and é)
would have been extended in this language to all vowels.

This conjecture embraces the postulate, that at the period
when the characters on the coins were introduced, the Indian
alphabet had already completed the system upon which its pe-
culiar mode of representing the vowels is founded.

1840. | Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 629

This supposition may, I think, be proved correct.

Let us first of all dismiss any consideration of the Semitic
origin of both alphabets, and look to the reference they have one
to another. If in the one, the system of vowels be of Indian
origin, and in the other original (and peculiar to the language,)
as above supposed, there can be no point of comparison. But
with regard to the diphthong 6, it is worth remarking, that P, 6,
has the form ? on later coms, but slightly differing from, and
hence it would appear as if the Zendic alphabet had borrowed
this 6 from the alphabet on the coins. This, however, does not
hold good with é.

By comparing the consonants, we find resemblances perhaps
only between r and w, (not v, of the Zend alphabet), and n, in
which, however, the similarity is very obvious, though we in fact

are comparing two extreme points only, viz. the characters on

the coins in their most ancient form, and the Zendic character
of wholly modern manuscripts. With other letters we only
require a common medium of comparison to ascertain their rela-
tion, as for instance with m, dh, and others.

I do not propose to carry this comparison further, which to
afford satisfactory evidence, would require us to obtain in the first
instance the characters of the coins in their latest shapes; and
would also necessitate us to point out in the Zendic alphabet,
what characters were subjected to a change of shape, to which the
nasals are especially liable. Lastly, it would not be sufficient to
confine our comparison to these two alphabets ; all other alpha-
bets must be similarly considered, which in a geographical
and historical point of view are included in the same circle as
these, viz. the Pehlvi characters of the books of the Parsees, so
intimately connected with the Zendic character, as well as the
various characters of the Sassanian monuments. All of them
are closely connected, first, in a geographical point of view, as
they are the native tongues in the countries west of the Indus,
and east of the Euphrates, viz., in Iran, probably so called ; and
secondly, in an historical point of view, as they came into use in
the period intervening between Alexander the Great and the
invasion of the Mahomedans.

Without at all deciding on the time’ when the Zendic

630 Lassen on the History traced [No. 1038.

works were first composed, it is certainly evident, that the
characters of the coins, appearing before the dominion of the
Sassanians, were the most ancient of the alphabets of Central
Tran. |

The characters on the coins are therefore of special im-
portance with regard to their relations to Semitic alphabets,
before proposed as a mere conjecture, and if we do consider
that it was during the dominion of the Seleucides, and their
successors, in use in Bactria and Parthia, we must look for
the model upon which they are formed, in the capitals of the
Seleucidian power, if their origin from the west be admitted.
The comparison must consequently specially include all that
may be most likely to afford us an idea of the Syrian alphabet,
as it was in use under the Seleucides, such as the inscriptions of
Palmyra, though the most ancient of them is nearly a century
and a half later than the characters on the coins.

These conjectures pretend to no more authority than is
implied in them as mere suggestions, and they must not hinder
us from determining more exactly the alphabet on the coins in
a geographical and chronological point of view.

Its geographical limits are connected with the extent of the
Greco-Bactrian and Indo-Scythian power southward from the
Indian Caucasus. None of the Greek kings who reigned in
Bactria only has made use of this alphabet on his coins, and
even of those who have adopted them, Hukratides perhaps alone
possessed territories in Bactria, as well as southward from the
Caucasus. |

To this we must add the following : the Kanerkis, who, while
passing towards India, must have lingered longer in Bactria
than other Scythians, because they appropriated to themselves
in preference Bactro-Persian gods, have, like the Greek purely
Bactrian kings, never adopted this alphabet.

This being so, we cannot help supposing, that the characters
of the coins were not indigenous to Bactria, that is to say,
that they existed to the south only, and not to the north of
the Caucasus.*

* A short inscription, a word from Bamian, which Mr. Masson had read
according to their alphabet, is quite uncertain, As. T. v. 188.

1840.] from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 631

They are discovered to the east in topes, near Jelalabad, and
between the Indus and Hydaspes in Manikyala, but further
eastward than this, they have not been met with. We also do
not know yet whether they extend to Kandahar, in a more
westerly direction. To the north of the Cabul river those cha-
racters are met with in Kapurdigarhi, in the ancient Peuke-
laotis. As. Trans. v. Pl. xxvii.

As the matter therefore rests at present, we may assert, that
these characters were geographically limited to the country
about the Cabul river, and we will term the characters on the
coins THE CABULIAN ALPHABET.

Menandros, or Eukratides, is the first who made use of the
alphabet. That we may not pretend to fix the time more
exactly than the facts admit, we shall assign their first occur-
rence to the years 180—170 (s. c.) It existed in use, as has
been already noticed, till within the Sassanian era, and is
therefore coeval with the character found further west on the
monuments and coins of the Sassanides.

The latest occurrence of these characters is perhaps found in
the report of Hiuan Thsang, when he says, that in Thsaokiutho
other characters than the Indian were in use; now there, in the
country to which our alphabet was indigenous, about the Pan-
jhir, a tributary of the Cabul, it appears hardly possible to
allude to any other characters than to these.

But it was, on the other hand, also cotemporary with the
Indian alphabet, which appears as early upon the coins of
Agathokles and Pantaleon, and proves entirely different, both by
its opposite mode of writing and by the shape of its characters.
This Indian alphabet occurs immediately before this date on the
columns of Azoka (260—219. B. c.)* and continues under the
Indian kings of the Maurja dynasty.t As now the empire of
Azoka extended to the Indian Caucasus (I shall hereafter recur
_to this) and as it would appear preposterous that he should
have introduced an alphabet foreign to him upon the stupas
which he is said to have built there,{ as on the contrary the

* Zeitschrift fuer die Kunde des Morgenlander, As. Trans. vr. 791.
+ As. Trans. vi. 678.
t Foe K. p. 395.

632 | Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

Cabulian characters on the coins disappear in western India,
together with the dominion of the foreigners, the following
conclusions seem still to result. First, the Cabulian charac-
ters on the coins occur in the Punjab, not because a native
alphabet was unknown there, but in consequence of the foreign
dominion, which transplanted thither from Cabul, carried on
its coins along with it, to the east, its peculiar characters.
Secondly, it is doubtful, whether the dominion of the foreigners
descending from the Caucasus, found in western Cabulistan, this
alphabet alone in use, or employed in common with an Indian
one. To us it appears probable, from the foregoing remarks,
that these foreigners did not import the alphabet with them
from Bactria. At the very place where the intercourse of trade
brought into contact the east and the west, India and Iran, it was
most easily possible that an alphabet, introduced from the west,
such as we must admit the alphabet on the coins on our
previous investigation to be, may have been in use in common
with Indian letters, unless we be disposed to attribute to the
Paropamisades the invention of an alphabet of their own.
Whether there were indeed an Indian alphabet there, we shall
not question ; the coins of Agathokles and Pantaleon, however,
prove, that an Indian alphabet, if not in western Cabulistan,
prevailed at least more to the eastward; had this not been the
case, why should they have used Indian characters? But these
characters disappear with those kings, and retreat proportion-
ately with the extension of the dominion of Menandros to the
eastward.

I do not here extend these remarks, as the era and the
abode of Agathokles and Pantaleon are still uncertain ; I shall only
add, that I can place them neither with Mr. Raoul-Rochette in
Bactria at the head of all those princes, nor with Mr. K. O
Mueller remove them to India Proper.

But the following fact will prove, how correct it is to con-
sider the characters on the coins as foreign to India. Upon the
ancient Buddhist coins, discovered* in the ruins of the town
Behat on the banks of the Jumna, there occurs the title PY1uU

* As. Trans. 11, 227.

1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 633

Mahérdéjé, in Cabulian characters, and on the reverse the same
words in the old Indian characters of the Agathokles coins, and
the Azoka columns.* By this factitis quite evident, that the
Cabulian alphabet on the coins was not in use in India Proper,
and this at the period when the most ancient form of the
Devanagari, which we as yet know, was still prevailing. Those
Buddhist kings whom we otherwise do not know, must have
employed the Cabulian characters only for the use of their. sub-
jects on the banks of the Indus.

It does not follow from the foregoing remarks, that the cha-
racters are not more ancient than the coins upon which they
occur. If no coins were previously struck there, the characters
could not indeed be used for numismatic purposes, but they
would be in the transactions of other business. When Panini
(IV. I. 49) informs us, that by the affix ani to the word Javana,
the writing peculiar to this nation Javanani aaatat fafa:
qaqratat is represented, he perhaps points at the Cabulian
alphabet. According to Indian tradition, Panini is placed im-
mediately before Chandragupta, (therefore during the reign of
Alexander the Great); it is more certain, however, that his
native country was the ancient Gandhara, where he would be
certainly enabled to become familiar with the characters of the
Javanas of that country.

I have taken it for granted in the course of the preceding
remarks, that the Indians were already possessed of an alphabet
of their own, at the period when the Greek kings first extended
their dominion to the south of the Caucasus; some of my inferen-
ces are mainly founded upon this view.

* T owe this important fact to communications Mr. Prinsep made me
by letter. The proper names are not yet read, as far as I know, upon
the coins of this kind, with duplicate legends ; those that are read, are only
in old Indian characters and Indian. As. Trans. VI. 464. As those others
are ancient, I presume, that on these very coins, monuments of the dynasty
of the Buddhist Khanishka will be brought to light; for he must have
reigned a short time before or after the commencement of our era; he
ruled Gandhara, Kazmira, and the country Keenaputi 500 lis to the eastward
from Vipazd, (Foe K. p. 381). This lies in the nearest neighbourhood
of Behat, and the use of the two-fold characters for the same language is
exactly suited to these countries.

634 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

But now I perceive, that an erudite person whose views must
be of great weight with all those that have occupied themselves
with his writings, draws from the newest inquiries into Indian .
coins, the conclusion, that the. Indian alphabet is derived from
the Grecian.

Mr. Prinsep in decyphering these Indian characters, written
in a peculiar manner on the coins of Saurashtra, asserted, that
the more ancient the Nagari, the more similar become the cha-
racters to the Grecian ones. Upon this he had grounded the
conclusion,* that the most ancient Greek characters are but the
Indian turned upside down.

Mr. Mueller, who did not of course require proof of the inva-
lidity of this view, takes the converse of the assertion. “ If,’
says he, “the relation of the ancient Nagari to the Greek alphabet
is closer than can be explained by the common derivation of both
from Phoenician language, we are forced into the conclusion,
that the Greeks introduced this alphabet to the Indians, and that
in consequence, the heaven-born alphabet of the Brahmins is not
older than Alexander.”

Now this is no casual remark, such as sometimes occurs in
a journal, and which we may put aside without notice, but
it is, if not a view deliberately considered, still an opinion
positively pronounced and hopefully cherished. He says (p.
249,) ‘We must, however, confess that our hopes as to the
historical connexion between Indian and Grecian civilization,
go far beyond this fact,” (that the Indians have borrowed
their shapes of coins from the hide: Sey thiarts) a ane extend
over the whole history of art and letters.”

It is therefore a favourite opinion of this celebrated scholar,
the correctness or incorrectness of which must be of vital im-
portance in Indian antiquities. For if the Indians had no alpha-
bet before Alexander, all the writings that we have hitherto
considered the subject matter of as genuine sources for the
knowledge of India from the most ancient days, were penned
after Alexander’s time, or more correctly speaking, after the

* As, Trans. VI. p. 390.
| Goett. Gel. Anz. at other places, p. 252.

1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 635

establishment of the dominion of the Bactrian kings in Cabul
and on the Indus, as no sound critic can assign such an influ-
ence as consequent on Alexander’s momentary sojourn in India.

‘Bayer had discovered from some Indian words, communicated
to. him, that a striking similarity obtained between the Greek
and Indian numerals; hence he concluded, that the Indians had
borrowed these words from the Greeks. The affinity was in-
geniously discovered, while the inference not too bold, as he at the
same time admitted, that the Indians possessed other and more
ancient native numerals ; none, however, will probably in our days
earnestly undertake to refute Bayer’s opinion; but in his time
he could hardly draw any other conclusion from the reports at
his disposal.

- Mr. Mueller’s conclusion, however, appears to me much bolder,
and whatever species of criticism he may meet with from others,
I for my part shall refute him in good earnest.

Supposing, there exists in very deed a similarity between the
- Greek and the Indian characters on the Saurashtra coins, as Mr.
Prinsep has maintained; granting also, that they were imitated
after Parthian and Indo-Scythian models, it will be asked, what
inference can be hence derived? Certainly only this, that the
characters on those coins are of Greek origin. Mr. Mueller*
places a date to these coins, subsequent to the first century of
our era; the age of the Indian alphabet cannot therefore be
traced with certainty prior to this period.

Whether this similarity do exist, or not, is here wholly
beside the question ; I think it fallacious, but I shall here drop
the subject.

Mr. Mueller will have it for granted, that the older the
Indian characters are, according to his conjecture, the closer
must be their similarity with the Greek.

Now he assigns himself the coins of Agathokles and Pantaleon
to the year 200—160 s. c. Their coins, having exactly the same
alphabet as employed but a short time before on Indian monu-
ments, was undoubtedly the form, then adopted, of Brahminical
Debnagari. This character has been now decyphered with full

* p. 248,
4m

636 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

authenticity by Mr. Prinsep, as is the most ancient from the
Indian characters hitherto discovered.

I shall here copy this alphabet, (and ask), whether the hopes,
above alluded to, of tracing the sources of the Indian alphabet
to the Greek, are likely to be much favoured by this discovery?
I must strongly doubt it.

ths tnicricte dtacLovitnie Raw oiDesGe! ith dese ease
Gk Ok c.g. 0 oO 0h. ae
Aviteii@i thy» Pedyo Bodieh Lone bsp pipe
ek ei TUR Fa ln ae I eRe: CPs rae

It may be added, that this alphabet had already the junctions
of consonants, and the representative marks for shortened vowels,
such as we find them to this day in the Indian orthography.

To prove the desired derivation of the Indian alphabet from
the Greek, it will be necessary to point out, as existing be-—
tween the era of Alexander the Great, and the grandson of
Chandragupta, Azoka, a form of Indian characters, marking the
progress of transition from the Greek alphabet to the Indian,
above exhibited. Tull this has been effected, we may be allowed
to keep in store (as reserve artillery), the remaining arguments
in favour of the originality of the Indian alphabet, which are to
be discovered in the grammatical system, in the history of the
language, in the substance of the inscriptions, and, lastly, in
the reports of Megasthenes and Nearchos.

The time has been, when every invention of the human mind
must have passed from the East into Greece; but the philologists
of classic antiquity would like to establish the converse of this
view on every subject. The hope of advancing science is most
laudable, but most fallacious, if cherished for a favourite system,
since it impedes the judgment in forming clear and impartial
conclusions. How otherwise could a man of so clear a mind,
as is Mr. Mueller, fail to perceive, that he clung to a predilec-
tion, while neglecting the most important facts ?

It seems to me, I confess, a pleasant accident, that this latest
effort at Indian conquest, made by Greek philology, may be

1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 637

refuted by the mere agency of a petty monument of Gre-
cian art. |

§ 13;

The Language.

That the language of the legends in the Cabulian character
belongs to the widely extended family of the Arian languages,
is so evident from the foregoing disquisition, as to render it.
unnecessary to dilate on the subject; a few words only on the
latest coins of the Kadphises dynasty, constitute the only
exception to this fact.

The language on the coins also remains at all periods un-
altered ; in the word ¢déddré alone is an alteration affected to
dhddhdaré, giving evidence of a later variety in pronunciation.

I do not include in this assertion the language of the
Kanerki-coins ; they refer to another dialect, on the position
of which, as to local use, a conjecture can only be formed here-
after. From the discussions, as to the country to which this
alphabet was indigenous, the natural inference ensues, that
_ the language, expressed in these letters, may be assigned to the
Same country; all peculiarities hitherto discovered, as to the
system of sounds in the language, tend to the same conclusion.

The language is not Zend, for this does not absorb the
consonants ; the Zend has puthra, not putta, and retains even
on the Kanerki-coins, athro, mithro, ardethro; the language
of the coins, on the contrary, reads, Minadhé, Eikatidé ; Zend
again retains n before t, but not the language on the coins;
Zend does not exclusively express its nominative in the ter-
mination 6, and it alters an Indian H into Z, while the
language of the coins has mahaté. Zend has no L, while
with our language it is a favourite letter, as for instance, prati
becomes pati, and even pali. A Zendic, or more correctly
speaking, an Iranian affinity, appears only in the substitution
of k (i. e., q or kv) for sp identical with sv. This fact, and
the correspondence with the old Persian in omitting the nasal
before dentals, are the only peculiarities which refer to Iran.

Other facts have been noticed, with regard to the language,
as common to the Indian dialects of Pracrit, viz. the absorption

638 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

of consonants, the alteration of hard into soft roots, and the
1 for t. The word Dharma has a decided relation to India,
being all a doctrinal term, which cannot be declared as such
with reference to Iran; again, rdjan for king, and gaa for
victory ; tdddré too is also Indian,—though we will not deny its
also belonging to Zend. These indications lead us to a country,
immediately bordering upon India, and the language of which,
though not entirely Indian, and rather forming a transitional:
dialect in some respects between the Indian and Iranian lan-
guages, still did not very materially differ from an Indian
dialect ; in saying which, I allude to the language in daily use
with the common people, and not to Sanscrit, which was then
already, in all probability, the language of the learned castes,
and of the great. The existence of the dialects of Pra-
crit, as in common use with the people, is ascertained by their
occurrence on the Buddhist monuments of this time; the Pra-
crit, or what eventually is the same, the Pali, could not have
been raised by the Buddhists to the dignity of a religious
language, unless it had existed aforetime among the people.
Now as about the period of the first of the Greco-Indian kings,
Pracrit was used on monuments in India itself, at least by the
Buddhists, there is no occasion for wonder, if we meet with
a popular dialect in Cabulistan, especially on coins: the San--
scrit would have only been in use there under a Brahminical
influence.

The country of the language on the coins may therefore with
certainty, I think, be looked for westerly from the Indus, and
to the south of the Indian Caucasus; but it is very difficult to
define its limit more exactly; for though we have already
proved, that the influence of Indian dialects extends to the
westward of the Indus, even to the Cabul river beyond Jelala-
bad, still it does hence not follow, that to the country west of
that, the same language existed. It is true, we found also, that
the Paropamisades were represented as being Indians, and a
later notice extends the term Jndian even to Arachosia ;* but re-
ports of only a little later date, have limited the influence of the

* Isidor. Charac. with Huds. p. 8.

1840. | - from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 639

Indian language to a point beyond Jelalabad. To arrive at a con-
clusion, would involve the necessity of acquaintance with the
more minute peculiarities of those languages in their ancient
condition.

Again, the existing relics of the ancient languages in these
countries, admit the inference of no deduction. The Deggani lan-
‘guage in Lamghan, as well as the spoken language of Kaferis-
tan, may still be recognised as remnants of old Indian dialects,
but we do not know them so well, as to be able to make use of
them here. The language of the remaining ancient races of
western Cabulistan, the Kohistan of the present day, is entirely
unknown. We can therefore only say generally, that in one of
those dialects the remnants of the ancient Cabulian language
must exist, the oldest traces of which occur on the coins, but
without being able to decide ourselves in favour of any particular
dialect among them, as being the receptacle of those remains.
I indeed know, that some have pretended to recognise the
Afghans in eastern Cabul, even as early as Alexander’s time ;
not so Mr. Elphinstone,* who rather proves their immigration
into Cabul at a much later period; this conjecture has originated
with Professor Wilken, who thinks, he recognises the Afghans
in the Assakanes.t If these were indeed Afghans, the Afghan
language would have been spoken throughout Cabul, and the
language of the coins must be the sources of the Pushtoo.
Without observing, that neither ancient authorities nor modern
Afghan history, admit or require this supposition, the correct
assertion of the learned academician himself, that the Afghans
belonged to the Medo-Persic tribe, is at variance with it ; the
Assakanes inhabited a country, where even in the 7th century
A. D., an Indian language was spoken. The language of the
Afghans, moreover, shows an evident difference from the lan-
guage on the coins; as, for instance, it substitutes like Zend,
z for the Indian h, zwmy, winter, for hima, and this z is altered
in the western Afghan dialect into gh, urighu (rice) for urizu,
for vrihi.t

* Account, &c. II, 10. 33. 44. 50. 56. &c.
+ Abhandlg. der Berl. Acad. 1818-19 p. 261.

t “Opvéa has been introduced through Persian into Grecian language.

640 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

Though I cannot therefore discover the Afghans on the Indian
frontier at so early a period, yet I willingly allow, that the ori-
ginal seats of the Afghans, may have had a situation sufficiently
near Cabul. On this supposition, it would by no means be sur-
prising, if their language were not a purely Iranian dialect, but
rather like that on the coins, forming the transitional dialect
between the Iranian and the Indian, but approaching (in point
of locality), the west, with a prevailing affinity to Iranian pecu-
liarities. I dare, however, not indulge myself by pursuing
this interesting investigation.

§ 14.

The Kings. Classes of coins, and places of their discovery.

There is much more difficulty in obtaining for the seat of the
different empires, established by the coins, and for the series of
their kings, even that degree of probability, which we have, I think,
succeeded in arriving at for both the language and alphabet.

It will here be necessary, first to have before us the materials
to be arranged ; I shall accordingly enumerate the names of the
kings according to the coins, adding the facts, which hence
result, as regard the era, the succession, or any remarkable cir-
cumstance with respect to each of those kings. I have invari-
ably noted the places, where the coins have been discovered, if it
appeared to be instrumental in determining the native country
of the kings. The classes I have adopted, are founded on the
language and alphabet, and their sub-divisions upon the numis-
matic inquiries of Mr. Raoul-Rochette, and upon the titles of
the kings.

Concerning this catalogue, I must premise, that it has been
only made with a view to facilitate succeeding investigations,
and that it does not pretend to giving a numismatic description.

I. Coins with merely Greek characters.
§ 1. Greek characters, and purely Greek names and titles.
Euthydemos. Head with diadem; on the reverse Hercules,
either standing with the club raised in his left hand, the lion’s
skin over the arm, and in the right hand a crown, or else a com-
mon Hercules, seated, leaning on his left hand, in the right the

1840.) from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 641

club placed on a rock.* The coins presenting Hercules in a
standing position, exhibit the youthful head of the king, which
indeed differs from the head of EKuthydemos, as ordinarily re-
presented, and rather resembles that of Agathokles ; hence Mr.
Raoul-Rochette’s conjecture, that EKuthydemos may have suc-
ceeded Agathokles, and may at first have retained on his coins
the portrait of his predecessor. The resemblance with that
king, however, appears not striking enough, and the connexion
between both of them could be only admitted in the reversed
succession. Lastly, a coin has been discovered, the reverse of
which represents a horse without trapping, and galloping ;{ one
legend occurs invariably. BASIAEQ> EYOYAHMOY. Bronze
coins with an Apollo, crowned with laurel, and the reverse with
the tripod. R. R. IT. 60. J. d. S. p. 387.

We may get some single specimens of these coins, which
are distinguished for their beauty, from the south of the
Caucasus; but they come in course of trade from Balkh;
there occur too in Bokhara many coins of Euthedemos, bar-
barously executed, with an almost illegible legend, which some-
time eluded all attempts at reading it.§ These latter are
imitations, originating with the Scythians of the north, whom
we cannot call Indo-Scythians, as they had not arrived yet
in India.

Demetrios, son of Kuthydemos, a fact confirmed by the coins.||

Beardless, diademed head ; reverse, helmeted Minerva, stand-
ing, with a long tunic, and a shorter one over it, the left hand
leaning on the shield; in the right a spear. Another reverse
with Hercules standing, either similar to the coins of the father,
or crowning himself with his right hand; and the head of the
king, elegantly adorned with the trunk and tusks of an ele-
phant. This latter emblem, evidently refers to his Indian con-
quests. Mr. Raoul-Rochette infers from the similarity of the
other type with that on the coins of the Eukratides, that these

* R. R. J. des Sav. p. 328. p. 386. I. p. 7. A. T. IV. pl. XXV. No. 1. V,
pl. XLVI. No. 3. + 1. 8.
t As. T. V. pl. XLVI. No. 4. § RK. R. I. 3. I. 12.
| R. R. J. des Sav. p. 330. I. p. 3. II. 17, if
G7 RR. 1 p.'7. &e. Il. p. 16.

642 | Lassen on the History traced — [No. 103.

coins of Demetrios were struck, while he was unexpelled as yet
from Bactria by Eukratides, and infers, that Demetrios had there-
fore also reigned in Bactria, though but for a short time.* That
he laid claims to Bactria, is certain enough. These coins are
likewise of superior workmanship, and in most elegant taste.
Legend BAZTIAEQS AHMHTPIOY. The coins are rare, and
have been partly transmitted to us through India, partly
through Bokhara. Their proper place of discovery is perhaps
not yet exhausted (discovered ?) On this hereafter. Mr. Mion-
net (vi11. 473) pretends to infer from these coins the existence
of two Demetrii; till this new fact in history is more surely
proved, we may be allowed to treat this second Demetrios as
“a king of shadows.”

Heliokles—Known only by his coins, and first embodied
in the series of Bactrian kings by Mionnet, then by Visconti.T
Mionnet asserted, that he was the son of (or of an) Eukratides,
while Mr. R. R. thinks him his predecessor.{ A specimen
has been brought from the city of Cabul by Mr. Honigberger,$
Type; Jupiter standing, with the thunderbolt, and the legend
HAIOKAEOY= BASIAEQS AIKAIOY. On account of
the epithet (just,) Mr. R. R. puts Heliokles in connexion with
other kings, who likewise style themselves jus?,|| as the founder
of a separate branch; but Lysias, whom he had in mind, in
forming his opinion, is a Spalyrios, and of the other Grecian
kings, only one has the same epithet, viz. Archelios, a later
discovery, he has indeed as well the Jupiter type, but he in
addition calls himself NIKH®OPO%, and has a native legend.
A copper coin of Heliokles, the first specimen of this kind,
has been discovered of late in the Punjab, (As. Trans. Vol. v1.
987,) it is not stated, whether with a native legend or not.
I may be hereafter allowed to propose a conjecture on historic
grounds concerning his era.

Eukratides. Mr. Raoul-Rochette{ distributes the coins bear-
ing this name, between two Kukratides, father and son, on
the precedent of Bayer, who maintained, that some things

* 1..p.40, As. T. IVi pl.yXXWVe No, 2.
+ R.R. J. des Say. 1834, p. 329. i. R. I. p. 34. ID. p. 26.
§ RAS: || I. p. 26. {] T. der Say. p. 387.

1840.) Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 643

were mentioned of Eukratides, not in correspondence with
the victorious king of this name; hence he concluded, the
name of his son, successor, and murderer, was the same.*
But that the son and parricide did bear the same name, is
not conclusively established by authorities (of which hereaf-
ter); while Mr. Muellert objects to this view from the very
reason, that, according to the arrangement of M. R. R., this
very Kukratides, known to us as a parricide, was called “ the
Great.”” There occur indeed two specimens, one of which has
also native legends. I here describe the purely Greek one alone,
postponing my own view for the historic examination.

Diademed head of the king; reverse, a naked Apollo crowned
with laurel, standing with one hand leaning on a bow, in the
other an arrow. Legend BASIAEQ> EYKPATIAOY.{ This
type never has a native legend. On other coins a head of
Apollo with a laurel wreath; on the reverse, a horse with the
same legend in Greek alone.§

The coins with the Dioscuri on horseback, with the title of
“Great King,’ and which are partly of purely Greek and
some with a native legend, are assigned to Kukratides IT.

This type of the Dioscuri, however, likewise occurs with
the simple Greek legend, BASTAEQS EYKPATIAOY, || and
without the native character, which only appears, when the Greek
has the word METAAOY. The Dioscuri on horseback have
sometimes a helmeted, and sometimes a diademed head of the
king; those with the caps of the Dioscuri only a diademed head,
with the title either simple, or at length.{

It is evident, that neither the difference between “ king’’ and
“Great King,” nor the native legend, affords any criterion for
assigning the type of the Dioscuri to the son. There remains
the difference in the features of the king, which may be laid to
a difference in age. On the native legend we shall remark
hereafter.

> Paavo. t+ p. 205
{ J. des Say. p. 386, I. No. 5.
§ R.R. IT. 60. | A..T. IV. pl. gxey. No. 6..7.

4 A. T. V. pl. xuv1. No. 10. No. 32.)
AN

644 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

Masson found 107 coins of Eukratides in Beghram, he does
not, however, distinguish them according to the types.*

There occur also coins of Agathokles, with a purely Greek
legend; but as nobody would adopt the idea of two Agathokles,
we shall postpone the investigation of this point.

§ 2. Purely Grecian characters, the kings not Greek, having,
however, no barbarian titles.

The following coins present a singular phenomenon. Mr. Mas-
son discovered at Beghram,t in the space of three years two hun-
dred and fifty-seven specimens of a coin with the legend
BASIAZSEYS BAZIAEQN ZOTHPMETAS, but without a
proper name. The Greek legend being sometimes corrupted,
we observe either BASIAEY or BASIAEY QN.+ Bags full of
these may be had in Affghanistan, andin the Punjab. The simi-
lar coins with a native legend, never have the bust of the nameless
king. Mr. Raoul-Rochette describes them in this manner:
‘“* Bust of a king, the head encircled by a diadem and a nimbus ;
with his left hand holding an iron spear; no legend. Reverse,
a man on horseback with the Greek legend, above mentioned.
The head of the bust helmeted, occurs too as a variety.’’§

The large number of these coins proves that this king posses-
sed an ample empire, and did not reign for a short time ; he must
have governed Cabul, and a part of the Punjab. The corrupt
Greek suggests an era, more recent than that of many. other
Indo-Scythian coins. The title owTnp seems to connect him to
the Greek Soter family, which may have concluded with Hermaios.
This is the remark of Mr. Mueller, and I am only prevented
from adopting it, because the Kadaphes coins are apparently
still nearer related to one or the other Hermaios, and all the
other Soters have likewise native legends. M. Raoul-Rochette||
accounts for the want of the name by (the supposed existence
of) an agreement, with regard to the currency, to the effect, that
in order to put the coins into common circulation in neighbour-
ing states, the name of none of the kings of those states was

§ R. R. I. No. 17. No. 18. No. 19. As. T. IV. pl. xxi1. No. 26 (Among
the Azes’ coins.) | II. 38.

—_— ee

1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 645

used on the coins. The nameless king, however, appears to
have been too powerful to acquiesce in such a stipulation. Ac-
cording to Mr. Mueller, his name, on account of its dissonance,
could not be well expressed in Greek. People, however, who
were not offended at the nominative PaotAzv, or the genitive
BaciAevwv, would not have hesitated at obtruding a name as
barbarian as possible, on the Greek letters, and if the attempt
were unsuccessful in Greek, why was not given recourse to
native letters ?

I cannot explain, why there is no name; but from the use of
Greek characters alone, it becomes probable, that the Soter be-
longed to a certain Scythian horde, which had for some time their
abode in a country, where purely Greek, and not native charac-
ters, were adopted for the coins. The nameless king, who per-
haps first settled his horde in Cabul and about the Indus,
perhaps adhered at first to the established custom by not
adopting native characters on his coins. At an after period,
however, he perhaps used them; if indeed the coins with native
legends, which M. Mionnet assigns him, be really his.*

There exist besides, coins of some other Indo-Scythian kings,
with regard to which it is doubtful whether they have native or
purely Greek legends. They bear the title ‘‘ King of Kings,”’
and some of them have a horse, others an elephant, and they
reigned therefore partly in Bactria, partly in India. As the
names are illegible, we shall here only refer to the engravings
and descriptions of these coins ; for we must at first leave even
’ this undecided, to which of these kings the native legends belong,
and whether we have to adopt a separate series of Indo-Scythian
kings, who admitted purely Greek letters and titles, whilst
the Kanerki dynasty adhered to Greek characters to express
barbarian words. If the assertion, that to the north of the
Caucasus the characters on the coins were not used, be well
founded, we might presume, that those Indo-Scythian kings held
fixed dominion in Bactria alone. Now those coins yield no other
historical result, than that the Indo-Scythians were divided into

* VIII. p. 505. pl. x. No. 85.

646 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

a number of dynasties, and that we are far from knowing the
whole series of their names.*

Lastly, we have yet to mention here the king Mayes.

Type a Caduceus; legend BAZIAEQ> MAYOY, Reverse,
the head of an elephant from which a bell hangs, of beauti-
ful Grecian workmanship and with good Greek characters ;
according to M. R. R., contemporary with Menandros and
Apollodotos, as the same head of an elephant occurs on their
coins ;, his conjecture, that the name may be a variety of
Apollodotos, has hardly any support whatever.t Mr. Mueller
thinks these large copper coins to be the most ancient monuments
of the Indo-Scythian dominion in India.t The elephant alludes
indeed to a campaign against India. Being taken from the col-
lections of the Generals Ventura and Allard, they refer to the
Punjab. M. Mionnet ascribes to Mayes, moreover, a native
legend, which consists of two signs.—This legend as given by
Mr. Prinsep, is scarcely to be taken as letters; M. R. R. has
not noted it at all ; the pretended legend stands besides between
Bacikéwe and Mavov; the name must have been expressed by
PAV, which does not appear with Mr. Mionnet. How then
has this king used a native legend? As respects this king
also, I must leave it to numismaticians to make a historical
application. :

§ 3. Pure Greek characters ; barbarian names and words.

Kodes. Small silver coins. A head, the hair wreathed with
fillets, and descending to the neck; it would appear, that the
face is different (on different specimens) ; one has mustachoes, but
all of them have suffered much. Legend, KQAOY, complete on
but one coin.§ Reverse, a figure standing, the right hand lean-

* As. Trans. v. pl. xxxv. No. 4, iv. pl. xxi. No. 12. No. 13. No. 14. Then
iv. pl. xxi. No. 7 and 8, lastly iv. pl. xxi. No. 11. Compare Mionnet viii. p.
504. No. 135, No. 136, No. 141, No. 142. I shall not undertake to read the
native legends, represented x. No. 88. :

+ II. p. 49. The coins R. R. II. No. 18. As. Trans. iv. pl. xxv. No. 4.
New varieties of them are discovered of late in the Punjab. As. Trans. vi.
987. t 228.

§ As. Trans. v. pl. xiv1. No. 16, No. 17. No. 18. 1v. pl. xxv. No 11. No.
12. No. 13. R. R. J. d. S. 1834. No. 8. No. 9. p. 389.

1840. ] from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 647

ing on the hip, in the left a spear, indistinct head dress, flames
behind the shoulders. Legend according to Mr. Prinsep’s con-
jecture: (A)PAHOPOY MAKAP(O3). The Greek letters
terminate in points; upon No. 13 there is perhaps the name
of another god. A second variety, has the anterior half of a
horse. They come from Cabul and western India; but like-
wise through Bokhara to Russia.

The horse refers to Bactria, as do the purely Greek characters
and the god of fire, with whom the names of gods on the
Kanerki coins are connected.

Kodes is perhaps the very same king, who went southwards
over the Caucasus, and founded an empire on the banks of the
Indus and of the Cabul, for the Kanerkis.

Kanerki coins. 1 shall not repeat the remarks above made on
the legends, the words PAO NANO PAO and KOPANO, and
the names of gods. Kanerki is represented in a standing posi-
tion, with a long Usbek coat, pointed Tartar cap, the right
hand leaning on a spear (and a bow over the back, T. A. V.
Xxxvi b. 9.) with the left making an offering over an_ altar.
The figures of gods on the reverse are already described. In the
note I shall mention the coin,* some from the topes in Mani-
kyala, Jellalabad, and from Cabul and the Punjab, from Benares,
and likewise from the Ganges.t

Ooerki. Bust of the king, adorned with a tiara, holding with
the hand a plant which he contemplates.{ The same places
of discovery. No coins having Greek words, or the god of
the sun.

A man mounted on an elephant; his name illegible, only

PAO NANO PAO-KOPANO.)§

On the coins of another king of this series, a female figure

* T. As. m1. pl. xu. pl. xxv. iv. pl. ur v. pl xxxvi. Trans. R. As. Soc. 1.
pl. x1. R. R. J. des Sav. 1834. and 1. pl. u. and the authorities. 1. 57.

+ As. Trans. 111. p. 443. 1v. p. 631. R. R. 1. p. 4.

{ As. Trans. 11. pl. xxi. No. 2. xxi. No. 24. 1v. pl. xxxviut. No. 9. No. 7.
v. pl. xxxvi. No. 3. No. 7. R. R. 11. p. 58. J. des Sav. 1834. No. 10. As.
Trans. ur. p. 445.

648 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

with a glory, seated on a couch; one foot on the ground, the
other, on the couch.* Here also the name is illegible.

There is another type of a figure sitting in a cross-legged
position ; some other varieties may probably be still dis-
covered.

The most ancient specimens of these coins have a tolerably
good style, and distinct letters; both become gradually worse,
and lastly deteriorate into a chaos ; then follow the Indian imi-
tations. The places of discovery prove, that the Kanerki
dynasty possessed, at least at the commencement of their rule,
a large territorial dominion ; from the traces of the Shiva wor-
ship, we may conclude that the Kanerkis added to the worship
of Mithra, introduced by them from Bactria, the worship of
Shiva, as it occurred with the Kadaphises.t Hence they must
(partly at least) have taken possession of the dominions of the ©
Kadaphises. We may consider their dialect either as a more
modern one, or as a provincial variety. It is evident from the
coins, that they out-lasted the Kadaphises, who never sunk into
the same barbarism.

It will remain doubtful, whether the Kanerkis maintained
themselves till within the Sassanian period, unless it be decided,
that the topes must be ascribed indisputably to the Kanerkis.
They certainly reigned in India before the time of the Sassa-
nians. Lastly, the opinion, that the Kanerkis were Buddhists, or
in other words, that we have to recognise Kanishka in Kanerki,

7A, Un. ph xxi. NoOw29, ay. pl. 21. No: S,

+ The worship of Shiva appears to have prevailed in Cabul in the first
centuries of our era, and beside it, pure Buddhism was widely diffused.
Hiuan Thsang at least mentions a temple of Bhima, viz. of Parvati or
Doorga, in Gandhara, p. 379. But Megasthenes appears to have already
corrected this mistake. For if he reported, according to Arrian and Strabo,
that the Indians of the plains worshipped Hercules (whereby Mathura is
made mention of) and that the mountaineers, on the other hand, adored
Dionysos, these latter must be probably understood to be the inhabitants
of the mountainous districts about the Cabul, and below Kazmira, in the
Punjab, while the plains are those of the inner country, and on the borders
of the Jumna and Ganges. It is true, it has been of late doubted, whether
Hercules be Krishna, but I hardly think, one acquainted with these sub-
jects, will doubt it any more, than that Dionysos cannot be but Shiva: -

1840. } trom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 649

must continue to be improbable, until Kanerki be also discover-
ed on Buddhistic monuments.

Il. Greek, and Indian characters.

The coins of Agathokles and Pantaleon alone as yet compose
this class.

Agathokles. Diademed head of the king; reverse, a standing
Jupiter, with the left hand leaning on his sceptre, holding
on the right a small three headed Artemis, bearing a torch.
Legend, BAZSIAEQS ATAOOKAEOYS.* = Tetradrachma of
very superior workmanship.

M. Raoul-Rochette has proved, that the figure on the legend
is the Persian Artemis Hecate, the Zapnric or Zapa, whose wor-
ship Artaxerxes Mnemon was endeavouring to propagate with-
in his empire, and Bactria is especially mentionedt with regard
to this. Male head, with Dionysos’ crown of grapes. Reverse, a
panther walking, holding with his fore claw a grape. The same
legend as above mentioned. Tetradrachma.t{ ,

Square copper coins with the same legend. On the obverse,
a female Bacchanal, flourishing the thyrsus, and the legend above
represented, in old Indian characters. Eleven specimens have
been discovered, all from Cabul.§

M. Raoul-Rochette has tried by a vast display of learning
to establish his conjecture, that Agathokles was the first king
of Bactria, he having been the Eparch of Persia under Antiochus
the second, who is called Pherekles by others, and whose
pederasty is said to have excited the Parthian revolt.|| Not to
mention other objections, this conjecture falls to nothing owing
to the Indian letters, which Agathokles cannot have used for his
Bactrian subjects. But previously to Euthydemos, no Bactrian
king made conquests southwards from the Caucasus. As
copper coins are less likely to go by trade into other countries
than gold and silver (coins,) the place of discovery of the

* R. R. J. des Sav. 1834. p. 332. No. 2. 1. No. IL. p. 12 A. T. tv. pb
xxv. No. 3. from the Punjaub.)

+ (J. des S. at other places, p. 340. 1. p. 13.)

t (J. des 8. No. 1. by the way of St, Petersburg.)

Gen. Re TT Nov ie 9. 12 A. T. V. pl. xxxv. No. 9.

| (J. d, S. p. 336.)

650 Lassen 0” the History traced (No. 103.

Agathokles’ coins points out an empire on the borders of the
Cabul river.

The worship of the Persian Artemis must not appear sur-
prising on the coin of a king, who, though not reigning in Bac-
tria, yet started from that country. The Bacchanal symbols
certainly allude to an Indian expedition; but it is surprising,
that Agathokles and Pantaleon, almost coeval with him, should
alone parade these symbols of Dionysos. Going a step further,
we dare assert, that Agathokles reigned immediately over
those districts, where the traces of the expedition of Dionysos
were fancied to be extant ; viz. over the country of the Nisaeans.
But it is not India Proper, but Cabul, that is celebrated
for her grapes; in Cabul too, are the copper coins of Aga-
thokles discovered, and instead of the nation of the Nisaeans (a
somewhat fabulous race) of Alexander’s period, we observe in
the late report of Ptolemy, the well defined town of Nagara,
surnamed Dionysopolis, which denomination can have been only
given by a Greek king, probably by Agathokles. His use of In-
dian, and not Cabulian characters, leads to the conclusion, that
his reign succeeded a previous use of Indian characters; viz. it
argues a former Indian domination in these districts. I therefore
think he is the same, who first brought Grecian arms down the
Cabul river. According to Mr. Mueller,* he reigned about the
Upper Ganges. In this case he must before Menandros have
advanced beyond the Hyphasis to the Jumna, and even further,
which is at variance with Strabo’s explicit statement. His coins,
exhibiting a much better style in art than those of Menandros,
he must have reigned before this king. Strabo would likewise
mention him as the first, who crossed the Hyphasis.

Pantaleon. Square copper coins, exactly like those of Aga-
thokles, before described as from Cabul and the Punjab.t
Legend, BAZIAEQ> NANTAAEONT(O2) and the other
legend in Indian characters, above mentioned. From the
small number of coins it becomes probable, that Pantaleon did
reign but for a short time ; the dominion, founded by Agatho-
kles, must on the whole have been of short duration. We shall
hereafter recur to this subject.

a I Vp + As. Trans. 111. p. 168. v. p. 552.

1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. | 651

Ill. Greek and Cabulian characters.
§ 1.—Greek Kings.

Eukratides. 1 assign to this place the coins bearing the title
““Great King,” as they certainly mark an epoch in the life of the
one Kukratides, even if they should not belong to a second of
the same name. The Cabulian legend never occurs unaccom-
panied by the word METAAOY in the Greek legend; hence it
follows, that the title, “‘ Great King”? was first adopted in the
south of the Caucasus.

Helmeted head of the king. Reverse, the Dioscuri on horseback,
with spears couched, holding branches of palms above the should-
ers. Legend: BAZEIAEQ> METAAOY EYKPATIAOY.*

The same with Greek legend on the obverse ; on the reverse,
Mahdrdjé Eikatidé.t

The same reverse with BAZTIAEQ> EYKPATIAOY, and on
the reverse with the helmeted} or diademed § head of the king ;
no Cabulian legend.

Diademed head of the king; legend, BAZIAKQ> METAAOY
EYKPATIAOY. Reverse, caps of the Dioscuri with palms, of
the native legend only Maharajé.||

According to Mr. Prinsep’s statement, { the complete legend is
PAVhI YPAAYTEL ALY mahardjé raja rdjé Hikatidé. This le-
gend however appears only to occur upon one coin, on which the
helmeted head of the king on the reverse has a female figure,
seated, with the turret-like crown of the Cybele. The word
is raja rdjo ; it can hardly have occurred upon the other coins.
As it cannot be, however, adopted by mere chance, we must as-
cribe the complete title to that as yet single coin alone. It is
the only instance in which a Greek king of Bactria styles
himself king of kings, and this only in Cabulian language, as
it were, not venturing to obtrude this ostentatious title on his
Greek subjects. Likewise Eukratides alone calls himself in

* J. des Sav. No. 5. As. Trans. IV. pl. xxv. No. 5.

+ As. Trans. IV. pl. xxv. No. 8. 9. 10. R. R. I. No. 7.

} As. Trans. IV. pl. xxv. No. 7.

§ As. Trans. IV. pl. xxv. No. 6. R. R. I No. 6. 11. No. 3.

|| As. Trans. V. pl. xuv1. No. 11.

{] As. Trans. IV. p. 338.

{| According to the description. As. T. III. p. 164.
40

652 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

Greek letters great king, while the others adopt the simple

Bacirsvc as equivalent to Mahdrdjé. It therefore almost ap-
pears, as if Eukratides first used Cabulian legends, without pro-
perly attending to the comparative value of the different terms ;
since the same etymological value of two words in different
languages is in many cases not the same in the real acceptation
of the words.

Mithridates VI. of Parthia, had adopted the title king of kings ;
and Eukratides seems to have imitated his contemporary in as-
suming this title.* Coins of Eukratides are frequently met
with in Cabul.t |

On account of the dispute of numismaticians, we shall
postpone the decision, whether we must adopt two or only one
Eukratides, to the examination of the historic authorities.

Antimachos. Head of the king with the Macedonian hat,
(kausia), and Neptune with a palm on the reverse. Epithet
of the king, Osoc. A coin, published by Kohler, obtained
through Russia, which refers to a victory at sea.[ Victory
dressed and winged, in the right hand a palm. Legend,
ANTIMAXOY BAZIAEQS NIKH®OPOY. Reverse, the
king on horseback gallopping. Cabulian legend, PIZAL. Putty
PSUNI, Mahdrdjé gajavaté Atimakhé.§ From Cabul. M. R.
R. has proved, that these coins are an imitation of those
of the Seleucidian Antiochos IV., who likewise styled himself

Ozcc. Antiochos reigned 176—164. 'B. c., and Antima-
chos therefore about the same time. The correspondence
of these coins with the tetradrachmas of Heliocles will also
give evidence, that Antimachos was his contemporary. On this
supposition, it becomes difficult to place both of them be-
fore Eukratides. The Cabulian legend points to an empire to
the south of the Caucasus, but perhaps not in Cabul itself, as
the Antimachos’ coins are scanty in Beghram. I beg to direct
the attention to two points: the equestrian coins form a separa-

* Visconti. Jconogr. Grecque. 111. 76.

+ As. Trans. 111. 164. v. 547.

{R.R. J. des Sav. p. 329. 1. p. 18.

§ R. R. II. No. 4, p. 17. A. T. IV. pl. xx1. No. 3. at the same place No. 4
_ has S for “4, therefore perhaps a‘h, or k for kh.

1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythan coms. 653

ted class, and Antimachos has strengthened his dominion by a
victory at sea.

Philoxenos. Bust of the king; the bow of the diadem pro-
jecting from under the helmet. Legend, BASIAEQS ANI-
KHTOY ®IAOZENOY. Reverse, king on horseback gallop-
ping. Cabulian legend: Mahdrdjé apalihaté pilashiné (or pi-
dushino) .* :

Demeter Karpoforos; in the right hand a crown; in the left
a cornucopia; the foregoing Greek legend; reverse, the bull
with the hump. The same Cabulian legend.t

The same obverse, with the reverse of a victory with crown
and palm (only described).

M. Raoul-Rochette takes him for a king, who reigned in
the neighbourhood of the Scythians, and valiantly fought against
them on horseback. The Cabulian legend prevents us from
acceding to this. Philoxenos wears a kausia, as Eukratides
and Antimachos do, and as a horseman, moreover, is analagous
with them. The bull with the hump is correctly interpreted as
referring to a particular country, but to what country, will be evi-
dent from the coins of Azes. In Beghram no coins of Philoxe-
nos have been discovered by Mr. Masson.

Archelios. Diademed head of the king. Legend, BA2I-
AEQS (AIKA)IOY NIKH®OPOY APXEAIOY. _ Reverse,
Jupiter, seated on a throne, the sceptre in the left hand, the
thunderbolt in the right, and the legend, PAs? PI3ZAM Phwe
PAL, maharajé, dhamiké, gajavaté Achilijé. From Beghram.

I have given him this place, because the epithet ‘ victorious”
puts him into comparison with Antimachos ; Antialkides, how-
ever, bears the same epithet, and has besides, the Jupiter.

Antialkides. Uncovered head of the king, with the branch of
a palm, crossing the field. Legend, BASIAEQ> NIKH®OPOY
ANTIAAKIAOY. Reverse, the Dioscuri caps with palms, as
upon the coins of Kukratides. Legend, maharajé gajavaté
Atialikadé.t

* R. KR. IL. No. V. A. T. No. IV. pl. xx1. No. 1.
+ R. R. II. No VI. As. T. IV. pl. xx1. No. 2.
{ R.R. IL. No. 7.1. No. 15. A. T. IV. pl. xxv. No. 9. 10. 11.

Gh4.- Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

M. Raoul-Rochette assigns to him with certainty a place
immediately following Eukratides, in a neighbouring country,
which we cannot, however, look for with him to the North of
the Caucasus.* On account of the title Nikephoros, he has some
analogy with Antimachos.

There exists another coin of this monarch with the head of
the king, with the kausia and the same legend; the reverse
represents Jupiter, seated on a throne, with a sceptre and
a winged victory in his right hand. The same native legend.t
All these coins are from Cabul or the neighbouring districts.

Lysias. Uncovered head of the king, the palm crossing
the field as with Antialkides, the bust partly given. Legend,
BAZIAEQ? ANIKHTOY AYSIOY. Reverse, elephant.§ Le-
gend, Mahdrdjé apalihaté lisijé (lisajé.)

M. R. R. pronounces him with full confidence successor
of Antialkides ;|| here likewise follow the titles Aniketos and
Nikephoros, one after the other, as above mentioned, with
Philoxenos and Antimachos. Coins of Lysias and of Antial-
kides are found in Cabul; 4 the elephant alludes to an Indian
expedition. The dynasty to which Antialkides and Lysias
belonged, seems therefore in fact to have had their site in Ca-
bul, and their empire was probably established upon the ruins
of one more extensive.

I here insert a coin, for which I cannot discover a proper
place.

Amynitas. Bust of the king with indistinct head-dress ; le-
gend, BASIAEQS NIKATOPOS AMYNTOY. Reverse,
helmeted Minerva, with shield and lance, extending her right
hand. Legend, Maharajé, gajavaté amité. From the Punjab.¢{

We now come to a longer series, bearing the title “deliverer.”’

Menandros. Helmeted head of the king with the upper part
of the bust, and the chlamys; legend, BAZIAEQ> ZQOTHPOZ
MENANAPOY. Reverse, Minerva tp0uayoc. R. R. I. No. 8.
Legend, Maharajé tdddré Minadhé.

bgt Wl iu” { As. Trans. V. pl. xxxv. No. 2. { R. R. IL. p. 22.
6“: ie No. 18. As. Trans. IV. pl. xxvi. No. 12. — || II. p. 24.
pena G7 A. T. V. pl. xiv. No. 1.

1840. | Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 655

Helmeted head of the king, with the same Greek legend.
Reverse, a clothed victory, with wings, palm, and crown. The
‘same Cabulian legend.*

Head of an elephant, with the same Greek legend. Reverse,
a club, with the Cabulian legend.t

Uncovered head of the king, with the upper part of the bust
dressed in the chlamys; the right hand raised to throw a
lance. The same Greek legend. Reverse, Thessalian Minerva,
protecting herself with the shield; in the right hand the thun-
derbolt raised. The same Cabulian legend.t

Head of the king in a helmet, and the Greek legend. Reverse,
Aigis, and Cabulian legend.§

The same obverse; upon the reverse an owl, and the Cabulian
legend. ||

Obverse, wheel with eight spokes, and the Greek legend.
Reverse, branch of a palm, and the Cabulian legend.

Uncovered head of the king, with the Greek legend ; reverse
head of an animal, which Mr. Prinsep, with probable correctness
describes as an elephant, though Mr. Masson has drawn a dol-
phin. The same Cabulian legend.{{ Lastly, head of a boar, with
the Greek legend. Reverse, branch of a palm surrounded by
the native legend.**

Coins of Menandros have been frequently discovered in
Beghram by Mr. Masson, so many even as one hundred and
fifty-three specimens up to the year 1835; they are likewise met
with in Agra, on the borders of the Jumna, and near Mathura. f+
These were probably the extreme points of his empire. We have
shown, that his reign extended to the Jumna, and the elephant
on his coins corroborates this extent of his dominion. Whether
he also ruled in Bactria, we shall hereafter inquire into; the
native legends rather disprove than confirm this opinion.

R. R. I. No. 9. 10. As. Trans. 1V. pl. xxvi. No. 3.

R. R. I. No. II. p. 17. As. Trans. IV. pl. xxvi. No. 2.

R. R. II. No. 12. As. Trans. IV. pl. xxv. No. 1.

As. Trans. V. pl. xiv. No. 5. || At the same place, No. 6.

At the same place, No. 8, as the preceding copper coin; according to

M. R. R. II. 34. a club. ** At the same place, No. 9.
++ As. Trans v. p. 547. 722. Trans. of the R. A. S. [. 515.

*
+
§
q

656 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

For the historical arrangement of all those kings, it is of
vital importance to ascertain the era of Menandros. M. Raoul-
Rochette has most plausibly assigned to Menandros a later
period than to Eukratides.* The inference he further draws
from this position of Menandros, that he first took possession
of the Indian empire of Demetrios, and afterwards of the
Bactrian dominion of Eukratides, is hardly to be reconciled
with the authorities of written history; we do not understand,
in fact, how Menandros could dethrone Demetrios, since Eu-
kratides had done it ; we shall therefore hereafter lay hold of the
only fact which is proved with probability by numismatic inqui-
ry, viz. that Menandros seems to have reigned subsequently to
Eukratides.

Apollodotos. Apollo standing, leaning his left hand on the
bow, holding a lance with his right. Legend, BAZIAEQ>
ZOTHPOS AIIOAAOAOTOY. — Reverse, a tripod: legend,
Maharagé Apaladaté tadaré. t

Uncovered head of the king, with diadem and upper part
of the bust, and the chlamys. Legend, BAZIAEQ2 2OTH-
POZKAI. ®IAOMNATOPOZ ATIOAAOAOTOY. Reverse,
Thessalian Minerva, as upon the coins of Menandros, covering
herself with the AXgis instead of the shield. The same native
legend, without ¢uAomarwp, tdddré alone preceding the name.t{
Elephant in motion. Legend as before mentioned : reverse, the
humped bull, and the same native legend. §

The coins are discovered at the same places with those of Me-
nandros, and M. Raoul-Rochette deserves the merit of having
proved, with the utmost probability, that Apollodotus was the
son of Menandros.

Diomedes. 'The Dioscuri, standing, and with lances. Legend,
BAZIAEQ> SOTHPOS AIOMHAOY. Reverse, the humped
bull, and the native legend, which he probably thus restored :

* IL. p. 32. 33. |

+ R.R. I. No. 12. As. Trans. LV. pl. xxv1. No. 6. No. 7. No. 8.

} R.R. U. No. 13. As. Trans. IV. pl. xxvi. No. 4.

§ R. R. Il. No. 14. As. Trans. IV. pl. xxvr. No. 5. See. R. R. II. p. 18.

1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 657

PrAwA APIA (PY)AU (Vv) Maharajé tdddéré Dijamidé.* Only
one specimen from Beghram.. The humped bull, and the epi-
thet, prove the right of position as here given.

Agathokleia. Helmeted head, which must be the head of a
woman, with the upper part of the bust, and of the dress. Le- .
gend, BASIAIZSAS OEOTIPOTO(Y) ATAQOKAETAS.
Reverse, Hercules seated, in the right hand the club, placed
on his knee, with the left supporting himself, as on the coins
of Kuthydemos. Legend, Maharajé tdddré Mikonidé.t

Howsoever we may read the name, it is certain, that we have
here a new king, whose epithet assigng him a place among the
successors of Menandros. The place of discovery is not men-
tioned; the coin is, however, found in India. If any relation
is to be admitted between Euthydemos and Agathokles, we
may perhaps recognise another analogy in the fact, that Aga-
thokleia exhibits a type of the Kuthydemos’ coins. She is cer-
tainly, however, the wife of the new king, mentioned only in
this place ; perhaps a heroine of masculine character, like Eury-
dike (the niece of Alexander, and grand-daughter of Philip),
whom her husband honored by associating her with himself up-
on his coins. May not the unusual epithet perhaps allude to
this fact? {

Hermaios. Uncovered diademed head of the king. Legend,
BASIAEQ> SOTHPOZEPMAIOY. Reverse, Olympian Ju-
piter, seated on his throne. Legend, mahdrdjé tdddré, hirmajé.§

Uncovered head of the king, with diadem, the upper part of
the bust, and of the chlamys. Reverse, Olympian Jupiter seat-
ed, and extending his right hand. Legend as above described. ||

Head of the king, probably with diadem, the same Greek
legend ; the reverse has a horse; and the native legend as
above described.

* As. Trans. V. pl. xxv. No. 3. + As. Trans. V. pl. xivr. No. 2.

t I find Osorpo7oc to be authorized by one passage alone in Heliodor.
Carm. v. 250, as an epithet to §nAoc. Only one Greek king of these pro-
vinces, Antimachos, has styled himself God.

§ R. R. I. No. 13 (where the initial letter in tadaro is misdrawn). As.
Trans. IV. pl. xxiv. No. 1.

| R. R. I. No. 14. p. 21. As. Trans. IV. pl. xxiv. No. 2. No. 3. No. 4.
§] As. Trans. V. pl. xxxv. No. 11.

658 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

In Beghram so great a number of the coins of Hermaios
have been discovered, that no doubt can be entertained of
the seat of his empire. Mr. Masson thought he might’ adopt,
according to the difference of the types, three different kings
of this name, an opinion, rejected by M. Raoul-Rochette.*
There is no doubt the coins, above described, with the bust,
and the name of Hermaios on the obverse, and with Her-
cules, standing and leaning on the club and the curious native
legends on the reverse,t do not belong to the Greek Her-
maios himself, as in the Greek legend the name of Kadaphes
is substituted for that of Hermaios, without any alteration
of the type. Those only upon which ZAQOY occurs, have
perhaps a title in another type; all the coins, however, that
are published, are very indistinct.t}

As these coins prove that a Kadaphes took possession of
the empire of Hermaios, so other facts concur in giving
evidence, that Hermaios concluded the series of the Soter
dynasty. His coins represent a rapid decline of art, and are
partly excelled by those of the more ancient Indo-Scythians.
M. R. R. has also here the merit of having proved, that the
type of the Olympian Jupiter is an imitation of the coins of
Alexander II. of Syria,§ and that Hermaios must have accord-
ingly reigned after the years 129—23. B. c.

‘With Kadaphes, above mentioned, Kadphises is connected by
name ; but as previously to him, other Indo-Scythians must have
ruled in the country on the borders of the Cabul, we shall first
insert them here. Z
Barbarian Kings.

Azes. King on horseback, in his right hand a lance. Legend,
BASIAEQ> BAZIAEQN METAAOY AZOY. Reverse, Mi-
nerva, with the AXgis on her arm, in the left hand the lance, the
right raised. Legend, mahdrdjé rajdrdjé mahaté Ajé.\| Or
reverse, Minerva clothed, holding shield and spear in a moving

* As. Trans. 111. p. 162. v. p. 547. R. R. II. p. 37.
t R. R. 1. p. 36.
t As. Trans. V. pl. xxxv. No. 13. new coins of this class have been lately
rH pede VI. 987.
God, eae: | R. R. I. No, 15. As. Trans. IV. pl. xxi. No. 18.

1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 659

position.* Or, reverse with a male figure in a tight tunic ; tiara
with ribbands hanging down, and bearing on the right hand a
winged Victory. On both of them the same native legend, which
is but seldom completely preserved.+

Or, the same obverse; reverse, a male figure, standing, with
the tiara, and long stole, holding in the right hand an idol.f
As far as traceable, the same native legend. Or, reverse with
an Abundantia,§ standing and holding a cornucopia. Native
legend, maharajé, mahaté, dhamiké rajddirajé Ajé. This com-
plete legend is on the reverse not discernible.|| Obverse, Ceres,
seated on a throne, in the left hand a cornucopia, the right
raised ; reverse, Hercules standing, and leaning on his club.{]
As far as legible, the simple native legend.

The following coins are of importance, as they mark the
provinces, which were under Azes’ dominion.

Obverse, the king on horseback. Reverse, the humped bull;
on others, a Bactrian camel.** Obverse, elephant; reverse,
the humped bull.tt

Obverse, humped bull; reverse, lion without mane,{{ or
Bactrian camel.§§ The Greek legend always the same, and
the simple native legend (“ without dhamiko’’) on some, raja-
rajo ; on others, rdjddirdé.

Obverse, Neptune clad in the pallium, standing, with the
left hand leaning on the trident, the right foot placed on the
figure of a man, as if swimming. Reverse, a female figure in a
long robe.|||| M.R. R. has proved, that these symbols allude to

. R. II. p. 40. As. Trans. iii. pl. x1. 45. No. pl. xxi. No. 15.
. R. II. No. 19. As. Trans. at the same place xx11. No. 17, No. 19.
-R. II. No. 16. As. Trans. iv. pl. xxi. No. 24. perhaps also No.

‘ovina. Goddess of Plenty.

I. p. 43. As. Trans. IV. pl. xx1u. No. 22. The legend v. p. 549.

I. p. 45. As. Trans. iv. pl. xx. No. 10. No. 11.

. II. p. 43. As. Trans. IV. pl. XXII. No. 9.

. II. p. 44. As. Trans. IV. pl. XXII. No. 4, 5.

e name place No. 1, 2, 3.

LR. 11 cee 17, As. Trans, TV. pl. XXIII. No. 14.
4p

660 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

the Indus river, and to India conquered. Legends, as above
described.

As now by these coins Azes lays claim to having conquered the
Indus, so the four animals evidently point out the extent of his
dominion. The Bactrian camel requires no interpretation, nor
the maneless lion, which undoubtedly alludes to an Indian
district, and though in our time the lion is only met with in
Guzerat,* they must in Azes’ time not have been confined to that
‘province. I would rather presume, that by the adoption of the
lion, the Sinha, the subduing of the lions among Indian men,
viz. the Narasinha, Rajaputra was to be represented, therefore
the subjugation of the warlike tribes in the modern Rajpootana,
which moreover lies beyond} Guzerat. The Indus subjected,
refers certainly to the districts towards its mouth, to Pattalene,
which on the west is bounded by Guzerat. As now, the ele-
phant likewise points to Indian provinces, a question arises as to
what particular province this refers. It must of course allude
to that part of India, which must have been likewise under
Azes’ dominion, viz. to the country to the north of Rajpootana,
the Punjab ; yet I confess, I know not why the elephant, which
might obviously be used as an emblem for the whole of India,
should be made to refer to this part of India alone. A glance

* Mr. Lassen is not aware, of how valuable an argument he has de-
prived himself in not having ascertained the existence of the lion in
our days in Hurriana, where they were a few years ago plentiful; they
are now more rare, being driven into the desert by sportsmen, and the
gradual settlement of the country. Lions have been shot within the
last fifteen years on the banks of the Chumbul, not more than fifty miles
from Dholepore. (Ty

' + I have already observed, that the lion even in our days is known
to exist at no great distance from the Indus. It is perhaps worthy of
remark in this place, that ample evidence is extant as to the great changes
which must have taken place in the localities of wild animals in India, on
the testimony of Baber, who mentions killing the rhinoceros on the banks
of the Sind and Behreh. ‘There are numbers in the jungles of Pershawur
and Hashhagar,” according to Baber, (a. p. 1526), whereas in our own
days that animal is not found to frequent any part of upper India above

the Pillibheet forestyin Rohilkhund; under these circumstances, it is hard ~

to fix a location for the lion in the days of Azes. joy

1840.} Jrom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 661

at the map must give evidence, that Azes could not allude to
any other country.*

It will be proved hereafter, that the Greek kings also, who
have chosen the emblem of the elephant for their coins, must
have especially referred to the Punjab.

If then the elephant and the lion allude to India, and if Azes
also possessed Bactria, he cannot have typified by the humped
bull any other country than that on the Cabul. This interpre-
tation is also very well adapted to the other instances in which
this symbol occurs; moreover, the Chinese mention the very
same humped bull as an animal they for the first time met
with in Kipin ;+ the names of Cabura (gopura, town of cows,)
Kophen, and Koas, are perhaps allied to the name of the animal ;
on this point, however, the native orthography of these names
alone can decide.

Azes, moreover, proclaims himself the possessor of so many
provinces, upon those coins, where, besides the ordinary reverse
of the king on horseback, the reverse exhibits a Victory,{ having
in the left hand a palm, in the right an indistinct effigy,
probably bearing a trident. The native legend is mahdrdjé
rdjardj6 mahaté Ajilis6. Of this hereafter.

We first mention the coins on which he is seen seated cross-
legged, a sword across the knee, while the reverse has a four-
armed male figure.§ I think, it certainly represents the Indian
god Shiva. He had therefore adopted the Indian worship, as
did after him Kadphises, and in some degree the Kanerkis.
Azes was either also called Azilises, or this was the name of
his son and successor. This fact is proved not only by the
coins, already mentioned, but also by the following :

King on horseback, with lance depressed, and the Greek
legend, BAZIAEQ> BAZIAEQN METAAOY AZIAIZOY.

* We have an excellent dissertation by Mr. Ritter, on the extreme
boundary within which the lion is found in India, Erdkunde VI. p. 709,
to which I willingly refer.

+ Ritter, Erdkunde, VII. 684.

RR. I. No. 16:

§ As. Trans. IV. pl. XXII. No. 12,13. R. R. II. p. 46.

662 Lassen on the History traced {No. 103.

Reverse, Victory with a palm in her left hand ; in the right a
trident; native legend, Mahdrdj6é rdjdrdjé mahat6, Ajilisé.*

The same obverse, with the reverse of the humped bull, and
with the same legends.f

Azilises therefore claims Cabul and the country on the
Indus to the sea, and if he were another king than Azes, as
I think he was, he must have been his successor, on account of
the exact correspondence in their coins.

It is, however, of far greater importance, to determine the
period of those kings.

The coins of Azes are so closely connected with Greek
types, that he must undoubtedly be a proximate successor of
the Greek kings and their dominion.{ Kadphises and the
Kanerkis are at a greater distance. Kadaphes alone pretends
to have conquered the empire of Hermaios ; and yet, this Kada-
phes must have lived, according to the coins, at a later period
than Azes. But if then Hermaios reigned about the year 120
B. C., Kadaphes must be of almost the same period; Azes
would be, on this supposition, an earlier successor to the other
Grecian thrones; he preceded Kadaphes therefore, and must be
considered as a cotemporary of Hermaios. © We shall hereafter
state, to what conclusion the examination of the historic ac-
counts must lead us. As to the matter in hand, M. Raoul-
Rochette maintains, that the Minerva type of Azes was
imitated after that of Vonones; for as the titles and the mona-
grams on the coins of both kings correspond with each other,
Azes must be taken for the successor of Vonones.§

If I be allowed to object to the opinion of so solid as cholar, »

I venture the following remarks :-—

First, the connexion between both of them being ascertained,
why does it follow, that Vonones preceded Azes? Certainly
neither from the execution of the coins, nor from the historic
accounts, would hedoso. The Indo-Scythians decidedly reigned

* R.R. II. No. 20. As. Trans. IV. pl. XXIII. No. 27.
+ At the same place, No. 28.
jt R. R. IL. p. 47, p. 41. ’
§ R. R. IL. p. 30,41.

age

lil rene

1840.) from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 663

on the Indus, previously to Vonones, even if he were the first
of this name. Secondly, how can M. Raoul-Rochette re-
concile the facts, that Azes was the immediate successor of the
Greeks, and was still preceded by Vonones, obviously of Parthian
origin. The monograms decide nothing as to the succession.
Parthian kings, even Arsakes VI, had, a long time previously
to Vonones, the title of “great king of kings.” The epithet
< just,”” assumed alike by Azes and Vonones (this escaped the
notice of M. R. R.) also occurs much earlier in Parthian history,
even in the time of Arsakes VII.* Why must Azes have borrow-
ed these titles from Vonones ? As Archelios among Greek kings
already styled himself “ just,” why cannot Azes have adopted
this title from him? Lastly, the Minerva type, upon which the
whole argument is based, already occurs with Amyntas; why
should it not have descended thence to Azes?

The Vonones under consideration, can hardly be the first of
this name, and if M. Raoul-Rochette be right, we must assign
Azes to a still later period. I think, however, I have proved,
that we shall proceed with more certainty in determining Azes’
place by historical accounts, independent of any connexion
whatever with Vonones.

It is probable, that such an extensive empire as that of Azes,
was not at once overthrown ; thus we observe, besides those of
Azilises, coins, apparently belonging to successors (of his
dynasty) ; the emblems of the various provinces, however, viz.
camel, humped bull, lion, and elephant, do not recur; hence we
may.conclude, that the successors were not powerful enough to
maintain the whole empire.

Some of the coins above (see As. T. 1840, p. 645.) mentioned,
perhaps, belong to this class ; we would still add the following :

An equestrian coin with BAZIAEQ> MEPAAOY; re-
verse, king holding a spear, with a Kaftan,t and mahdrdjé. Azes
never has this dress himself; a name is not traceable. ;

Another coin of a horseman, with illegible Greek legend, and
the monogram of the Kadphises’ coins. Reverse, two male

* Visconti. Iconegr. III. 76, 80.
7 As. Trans. IV. pl. XXIII. No. 25.

664 Lassen on the History traced . [No. 103.

figures crown the king, who stands between them, and leans on
a club. On the native legend are only the initial letters of
Mahdrdjé discernible, and of the name, P——HA; the three
middle letters should be, according to Mr. Prinsep 111; ac-
cording to the coin, however, this is hardly clear.*

There is a third equestrian coin, on which a figure of indis-
tinct shape delivers to the horseman a diadem. Greek legend
effaced. On the reverse, according to Mr. Prinsep, a Caduceus ;
the name indistinguishable ; we can only read Mahdrdjo.y+

Of the following king, we know but the name of his brother ;
and even with this clue, his era has not been ascertained. It is
Spaliryos, likewise represented as a horseman. ‘The reverse
seems to have been much disfigured; the well known type of
Hercules seated. The legends are above described.f

On account of the similarity of the name, we place after him
Spalirisos, with Tartarian Kaftan, and a palm over his left
shoulder. The reverse is apparently a disfigured form of Jupi-
ter,§ seated, as occurring on the coins of Hermaios. This
king appears to have reigned in Laghman, and perhaps also in
some neighbouring districts.

As these last mentioned sovereigns still preserve the relics of
Grecian art, so also Vonones, who belongs to this class as being
a horseman.

The king on horseback, with depressed lance. Legend,
BAZIAEQS BAZIAEQN METAAOY ONQNOY. Reverse,
Jupiter, clad in the pallium, leaning on the sceptre, in the right
hand the thunderbolt.|| On the reverse, a Victory without wings,
in the left hand a palm, in the right something indistinguish-

* As. Trans. V. pl. XXXV. No. 5. from the Punjab. The position
of the horseman is quite the same with the Parthian Artaban III.

+ As. Trans. V. pl. XXXV. No. 15. pl. XLVI. No. 14. V. XXXV.
perhaps belongs too, to this king.

t See As. Trans. [V. pl. XXI. No. 9. V. pl. XXXV.‘No. 6. R. RK. IE
No. 9. From the Punjab and Beghram. R. R. II. p. 26. As. Trans. V.
p- 551.

§ R. R. I. No. 21. As. Trans. V. pl. XX XV. No. 7. IV. pl. XXI. No. 7,
six specimens from Manderor in Laghman. As. Trans. V. p. 551.

| R.R. IL. No. 10. |

1840. } from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 665

able.* The same Greek legend; the native one has been
already mentioned.

Lastly, Hercules, the lion’s skin in the left hand, the club
on. his arm, crowning himself with the right ; reverse, Minerva,
viknpoooc, with a helmet ; on her left hand the shield, and holding
on her right hand a winged Victory.{ According to the native
legend, the word AIKAIOY must have occurred here instead of
METAAOY

I think I have already proved, that the name Vonones cannot
have occurred in native characters on the reverse of these coins,
but probably the name Volagases ; and further, that this Vono-
nes need not have been, according to the coins, a predecessor
of Azes. On comparison with other Parthian coins, it is
likewise evident, that Vonones, in striking coins for his Cabulian
subjects, followed the coinage of Cabul, and not of the Parthians.
To trace the period of Vonones from coins, purely Parthian,
would therefore be fallacious.

Another fact to determine the era of Vonones offers itself in

the following. The initial letter of the Parthian coin, above
described, is M. The Roman Victory on this coin, renders it
necessary to assign to this king a later period than to Vonones I.
who first of the Arsacides adopted this type.{ This also leads
to Meherdates, who was educated in Rome, and the initials of
the name are more like ME than MO;; but this does not decide
the question, whether it were Vonones the First or the Second.
_ As we have now to admit among the sovereigns of Cabul, not
Greeks, but Parthians also, who probably reigned after Azes, (on
this hereafter), so a dynasty succeeded the great Indo-Scythian,
which assumed the Soter-title of the Greeks. As Azes does not
bear this title, they are probably not his descendants.

First, a nameless king, a horseman like Azes, with the legend
[BASIAEY>] BAZIAEYON (sic) COTH[P] the name is
effaced. ‘The reverse presents a male figure walking, with the
left hand extended ; in the right an elevated spear, with a pecu-

* R. R. II. No. 14. of the coin. As. Trans. IV. pl. XXI. No. 15. I do not
venture to trace the reverse.
. ff R. RII. p. 30. I. No. 20. As. Trans. IV. pl. XXI. No. 10..
{ Visconti Iconogr. ITI. 146.

666 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

liar head-dress, the left shoulder naked, otherwise clad in a
robe after the fashion of the Gods on the Kanerki-coins. Legend,
PUTMLU PET P11vu, mahaté tadharé mahargé ; the name is
also heres effaced.*

The monogram on this coin is now the very same with that
of the nameless Soter-megas, and we must recognise here, if
not himself, yet a near successor of his. The Greek characters
do not allow us to connect this king, or the nameless Soter,
with the Greeks.

This Scythian Soter dynasty, however, prove themselves as of
the same period, or as directly succeeding, the Arsacides above-
mentioned, by the following coins, namely by those of Yndo-
pherres. Having the same title, the same Greek characters,
and, besides, the Victory of the Arsacides, he is allied to them.
He is a complete barbarian in comparison with Azes, and if
Yndopherres indeed succeeded the Parthians, Azes may claim
an earlier era. Yndopherres, however, endeavours to keep the
Greek style of the stamp, while the Kadphises, about to be
mentioned, has removed every trace of Grecian art, save the
characters, on which he also obtrudes words of his language.

Kadphises. 'The king on a low seat, bearded, in a high Tartar
cap in the form of a cylinder, from which flowing ribbands
descend, in a Kaftan and Tartar boots, holding a branch in his
hand. In the space below, aclub. Reverse, Siva in a light dress,
the left hand on the bull Nandi, in the right the trident. There
occurs the complete native legend above described ; the Greek
is the short one.t

The king standing in the same dress, the left hand on his
hip, holding the right over a small altar, above which, a trident ;
in the left space a club (or a sceptre) the long Greek legend ;
the reverse as above described.{

Bust of the king, in the right hand sceptre or club; above
the cap, the moon-formed sickle (of Siva); in the left a small

* As. Trans. IV. pl. XXIII. No. 23.

+ R. R. Journal des Sav. No. VIII.

{ Trans. of the R. A. S. I. No. 10. R. R. I. No. 23. p. 30. As. Trans. ITI.
pl. XXVI. No. 4. No. 5. V. p. 547. From Balkh, from Beghram and Many-
kyala.

1840. | Jrom Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 667

hammer, short Greek legend. Reverse, Ardhanari, holding
in his right hand a long trident, in the left the discus and
pasa of Siva; the complete native legend.* The same reverse ;
the bust facing the right.t

Lastly, the king on a carriage with two horses; over the
shoulder the club, in no proportion with the charioteer ; the short
Greek legend. Reverse, Ardhanari with the native legend.t

As copper coins of Kadphises are dug out even near Benares,§
he must have reigned from Beghram to a great distance in
India Proper. The execution of these coins is indeed still
Greek, but whenever the worship of Siva is represented, the
types have become purely Indian. This worship first appears,
though not frequently, with Azes, is exclusive with Kadphises,
and is joined by the Kanerkis with Bactrian gods, who have
the same monogram with Kadphises, and are found together
with his coins.|| There is scarcely any doubt, that Kadphises
was a near predecessor of the Kanerkis. His relation to Kada-
phes is more obscure. It is clear, that Kadphises has some
reference to him, save that the former is more ancient, because
he is immediately connected with Hermaios. This king (or
the last of his name) was limited to Beghram, and this must
have been the principal seat of Kadaphes, though his domi-
nions were of further extent. Now it is a singular fact, that
according to the Chinese accounts, the ancient (Scythian)
empire of Gandhara was situated in Kiapiche (Capissa), and
therefore just beyond Beghram, while the native legend ex-
presses the name Kadphises by Kapisa; this is accordingly
the name of the country in the form of pronunciation
delivered to the Greeks and Chinese, which name, however,
appears to be an absorption from Kadphisa. If the name
however be a geographical determination, a new enigma
is given, and Uhavima must be understood in this case

* Rk. R. I. No. 22. From Cabul in a tope. R. R. I. 28. IT. 4. 56. J. des
Sav. p. 390.
+ As. Trans. IV. pl. XX XVIII. 4, No. 2, 3.
t The same No. 1.
§ As. Trans. p. 631.
|| As. Trans. IY. 631.
4a

668 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

as a proper name. But it is at variance with this supposition,
that Kadaphes should bear the same name. Or is this
perhaps a title, and the same case with the nameless Sofer-
megas. art .

It would be also desirable to ascertain in an approximative
degree the relation of Kadphises to the Scythian Soter family.
Yndopherres, like Kadphises, appears to have reigned in Begh-
ram ;* but the former is allied to the Parthians, the latter to
the first Azes ; the first has ruder coins, though a classic style ;
the second, types of a better, although of entirely Indian exe-
cution, with an assimilation to Azes by the Siva-worship, while
his relation to Kadaphes places him nearer Hermaios; he
appears therefore more ancient than Yndopherres. The only
objection would be, that the latter in this case is thrown
between Kadphises and Kanerki. If the equestrian coins
allude, as I presume, to a more westerly country than Gand-
hara, the solution is perhaps given by the conjecture, that
Yndopherres and the Soters, closely allied to him, reigned as
horsemen in a more westerly direction than Kadphises and
Kanerki; they might therefore rather be placed near either
of them, than between them; but I willingly abandon this
uncertain base of argument.

It will be proper to look out for firmer grounds upon which
we may classify the many dynasties, above enumerated.

§ 15.
Greco-Bactrian Kings.

Let us turn now to the examination of the written accounts
of the history of the Greeks in Bactria. Bactria continued
under the dominion of the Seleucides to the period of Antiochus
Il. (262—247. s. c.) when Theodotus took advantage of the
weak government, and probably of the wars of that monarch
with Ptolemy IJ. to render himself independent. This separa-
tion of Bactria from the monarchy of Antiochus happened a short
time before the declaration of independence by the Parthians, or
previously to 256 3B. c. as appears from the fact, that Arsaces,

* According to the number of coins, there discovered. As. Trans. V.
p. 547,

ee ee

natalie ca a ee Re de

1840.] Jrom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 669

the founder of the Parthian empire, had fled from the increas-
ing power of Theodotus.* }

We do not know how far the power of Theodotus extended.
Sogdiana was perhaps subjected to him, but it is hardly credible
that the thousand towns which Justin attributes to him, to show
his power, really existed in his dominions. Bayer plausibly
conjectures, that these thousand towns were erroneously trans-
ferred by Justin from a notice on Eukratides, to the founder of
the Bactrian empire.t The passages show only that Theodotus
contrived the conquest of Parthia, while the aggrandisement of
the Bactrian power is ascribed to Euthydemos.

In opposition to the explicit authority of these authors, M.
Raoul-Rochette has endeavoured to establish Agathokles as the
‘ founder of the Bactrian empire.{ It is true, the eparch of Persia
under Antiochus II. is called sometimes Agathokles, and some-
times Pherekles ; but our Agathokles reigned in a province of
India, and previously to Euthydemos the Bactrian dominion did
not extend so far southward.

* Prolog. Trog. Pomp. XLI. “ In Bactrianis autem rebus, ut a Diudoto
rege constitutum imperium est.” Just. xli. 4. On Arsaces: “Non magno
deinde post tempore Hyrcanorum quoque regnum occupavit, atque ita
duarum civitatum imperio preditus, grandem exercitum parat, metu
Seleuci et Theodoti, Bactrianorum regis. Sed cito morte Theodoti
metu liberatus, cum filio ejus et ipso Theodoto foedus ac pacem fecit.

Strabo xi. c. 2.p. 515 *‘ Newrepiobévrwy d& rwv ew rov Tavpou
Sia TO TOOC adAnAove sivat Tove TIC Lupiac kat tne Mnétac
Basiréac, rove eyovrac Kal Tavra, Topwroy pev THY Bakrpiayny
améoTnoay ol TETLOTEVMEVOL, Kal THY eyyve avTne Tacay ot TEpl

EvOicnpov.” § 3. p. 515. on Arsaces, o1 dé Baxrpiavoy Aéyovsty
> ? ? Vee ae ” ~ \ aN 5) ~
auTov. gevyovra oe THY avSnow Twr mept Atodoroy, amoornaat
mv IapOvaiar.

But there was no long interval between both insurrections. Justin, xii.
4, fixes the defection of the Parthians as under the consulate of L. Manlius
Vulso, and M. Atilius Regulus; “ eodum tempore etiam Theodotus, mille
urbium Bactrianarum prefectus, defecit, regemque se appellari jussit.
Quod exemplum sequuti, totius orientis populi a Macedonibus defecere.”’

But who were they, unless the Parthians ?
t p. 47. t J. des Sav. 1834, p. 334.

670 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

There have not yet been discovered coins of Theodotus and
his son of the same name, and they can only come from Bactria.
Whether another king reigned between Theodotus II. and
Euthydemos, is unknown, but not improbable; the one fact is

certain, that the latter sovereign dethroned the family of Theo-'

dotus, for he alleged this very act in order to obtain the favour
of Antiochus III.*

Upon Strabo’s authority, above mentioned, Euthydemos took
possession of the districts adjacent to Bactria ; Parthia cannot be
understood by this, he must have meant Aria and Margiana; he
had at least collected against Antiochus an army of horsemen
on the borders of the Arius,t and had already fought against the
northern nomades, he must have, therefore, certainly possessed
Sogdiana, and to him probably refers the notice, that the Greek
kings of Bactria divided their empire into Satrapies.t

We owe to the expedition of Antiochus against upper Asia, a
clearer insight into the circumstances of those countries at
that period. This war, and the negotiations between the Syrian
and the Bactrian kings belong to the years 208-5. 8.c. From
Polybios’ account, which is extant, it follows, that the Parthian

* Polyb. Fragm. xi, c. 34. Schw. III. p. 379. yeyovevat yap OuK

bette) > , - , >] Sse = > 4 ’
avTuc atoorarne Tov Baciréwe, arr ETEOWY ATOOTAYTWY, ETA-
veAomevog TOVE EKELYWY EK-yOVOVE, ouTW Kparnoat TIC Baxrptavev
apne

+ Polyb. x. 49.

t Strabo, xi. 11, 2. ot ds KaTaoy ovrec auTny "EAAnves, Kal £¢

Le: duppnkaow* ov thy te Aomiwvov Kat TV eee
agnpnvro ‘Euxparioay ot TlapOvaioe. “"Eoyov 0& Kat THV
Loyduavny kK. tT. A. The two satrapies mentioned, evidently lie toward
the northerly Scythian country, the frontier of Sogdiana. The? Agwagid-
Kat (Strabo, xi. Scyth. 8.) to whom Arsaces fled, belonged to the Choras-
mians and Attasians, who have likewise the name ‘Avyactot; perhaps we
ought to read ’Aoracuot. Polyb. (x. 48.) calls all Nomades about the
Oxus Aspasiaces, which is therefore a general term for the nations of
horsemen (Azpa, horse). Mr. Burnouf undoubtedly explains with
propriety Turiana by the word of the Zend Tiirja; it is the Turan of
¥irdysis; the Turanian satrapy of Bactria, according to Strabo.

1840. | trom Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 671

empire, at that period, was still limited to Hyrcania and
Parthia, and the Scythian nomades to their northerly heaths,
though even menacing invasion. Among the conditions of
peace occurred likewise the following stipulation,—that Euthy-
demos was to surrender his elephants ; hence we may presume,
that although he had made no expedition on the south beyond
the Caucasus, yet, he must have entered upon connexions
with India. At that time he had not yet a firm footing
southward of the mountains, as we find there the king Sopha-
gasenos, who concluded an alliance with Antiochus, delivered
over to him some elephants, and agreed to pay him a certain
sum of money. The Indian king apparently engaged in this
league as a protection from Euthydemos, whose power had al-
ready manifested itself in the south of the Caucasus. As it is
called a renewed treaty, this Indian king must have belonged to
the dynasty of the Palibothrian princes, who had always been
in friendly relations to the Seleucides. We can indeed prove
hereafter, that from the time of Seleukos Nikator, those Indian
kings possessed the country west of the Indus to the Caucasus,*
and hence it arises, that the Bactrian kings, down to the time of
this peace, had no possessions in the south of the Caucasus,
and only when Antiochus entangled himself in disputes with
Egypt, and thereby with Rome, were they at liberty to engage in
plans for an invasion of India; that is therefore about the year
203 B. Cc.

Antiochus effected his retreat through Arachosia and Drangi-
ana, and there is no reason to doubt, that both countries
were still under the dominion of the Seleucides.t

Demetrios, the son of Euthydemos, then a youth of remark-
able beauty, had a principal share in concluding the peace with
Antiochus, whose daughter was given him in marriage.

This Demetrios however is afterwards not mentioned as
king of Bactria, but of India (‘‘ Demetrii regis Indorum’’f)

* De Pentap. Ind. p. 42—45.
+ By the notice, that Seleukos had also yielded Arachosia to Kandragup-
ta, we have certainly to understand but the district eastward of the sour-
ces of the Helmund and the Lora. t Justin. xli. 6.

672 Lassen on the History traced [No. 103.

fighting with Eukratides for the dominion of Bactria, and
eventually conquered and deprived of India by this king.
We do not know, whether he originally succeeded his father
in Bactria, and was expelled from thence, and limited to his
Indian possessions, being eventually deprived of them also, or
whether some one embraced the opportunity of his absence
from Bactria, while he was perhaps engaged in an expedition
against India, after the death of his father, to take possession of

the Bactrian throne.* Nor do we know, whether Eukratides

or a predecessor of his, expelled the family of Kuthydemos from
Bactria.

The opinion which most naturally suggests itself is, that
Kukratides expelled them ; up to this time, however, Menandros
has been ordinarily considered as king of Bactria before
Eukratides, though some say, Apollodotos, probably the son of
Menandros, or, lastly, Heliokles, whom we know only from
the coins. The opinions maintained as explanatory of these dif-
ferent successions to the throne of Bactria, must exceedingly
differ one from another, on account of our defective information ;
and were we to examine these opinions, it would be evident,
that all of them are more or less artificial and forced, and even
dogmatical. But instead of subjecting them to a critical review,
~ it will suffice our purpose to refer (Bayer, p. 85—89. R. R. I. 34.
II. 33,) to them, and to attempt arranging the facts in the way
in which, from our own comparison of the respective passages,
and the new results derived from the coins, we think we must
needs consider them.

First ; the conjecture of adopting three kings in Bactria be-
tween EKuthydemos and Eukratides, appears somewhat improba-
ble. Menandros is among them, whose reign cannot have been
a short one, since we know that he had made great conquests
in India, and gained by his justice the general attachment of his

*M. R. R. infers from the coins, that Demetrios, although for a short
time, did also reign in Bactria. This conjecture is not improbable, though
the conclusion of R.R. does not appear to me to be founded on a firm
basis.

j
;
|
:
.

1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 673

subjects. On this fact we have the authority of Plutarch and
Strabo.*

Secondly ; the respective passages, more carefully considered,
do not render it necessary to consider Menandros as a king of
Bactria, but they are rather at variance with this view.

Plutarch makes no mention of Menandros but accidentally; and
the great conqueror is so little known to him, that he calls him,
** one Menandros.”? As now even Strabo, though he had before
him the book of Apollodoros of Artemita, the very best authority
for this history, does not distinguish in a remarkable manner the
separated dominions of the Greeks in India, a fact fully estab-
lished by the evidence of the coins ; we cannot be surprised, that
Plutarch in later days, confounded the separate Indian empire
with the Bactrian one. The expression he uses, does not there-
fore oblige us to consider Menandros as king of Bactria.

Strabo, when summing up in his passage the greatest extent
of power on the whole, any where attained by those Greeks
who rendered Bactria independent, mentions Menandros as the
sovereign who advanced farthest towards India; but he is not
named there as king of Bactria, nor does this follow from a
passage conceived in such general terms as this is. If we do not
explain this passage as intended to give a general view, but ra-
ther limit the facts mentioned to Menandros and Demetrios,
they would be considered by Strabo as those that stirred up
Bactria against the Seleucides, and who had also possessions in
the country of the Scythian nomades ; now the first statement
would be false, and the second improbable.

Lastly ; the following passage, (Prolo. Trog. Pomp. xu1)
“** Indice quoque res additae, gestae per Apollodotum et Me-
nandrum, reges eorum. Bactria was, it is true, already mentioned,
but why should this prevent a suspicion, that in such an ex-
tract the expression was too concisely given, and that instead of
_ explaining “ eorum ”’ by “ Bactrianorum,’’ we should not ra-
ther supply “ Indorum’’ from * Indice ? ’

* Plutarch de Kep. Ger. p. 821.

Mevavépov oé twoe ev Baxrpoic emueikwc PaotAcvoavroc, stra
aTo§avovtoc etl oTparoméoou K. Te r.

Strabo. x1. p. 516. We shall hereafter examine this passage.

674 Lassen on the History traced (No. 103.

I infer from this discussion, that none of the passages cited
necessitate our considering Menandros as a Bactrian king, and
still less Apollodotos. It is only certain, that Menandros made
great conquests in India; we must therefore have recourse to
the coins. P

Thirdly ; these coins always exhibit Cabulian letters as their
symbols, and their places of discovery, moreover, refer to an
Indian empire, and we may justly assign Menandros and Apol-
lodotos to the history of the Indo-Grecian kingdoms.*

Now as to Heliokles :—

This king, mentioned by no author, must have his place as-
signed him on numismatological grounds alone; but different
conclusions have been drawn from them by different writers.
Visconti, and M. Raoul-Rochette think him earlier than Eukra-
tides ; in this case he might be the very same who removed the
Euthydemides from the throne, and the epithet, “ the just,’’
might allude to his retributive justice towards the family of the
usurper Kuthydemos. M. Mionnet takes him for the successor,
and even for the murderer, of his father Eukratides. In this
case he was perhaps the last Greco-Bactrian king. The numis-
maticians may settle this dispute among them. There is ample
room for him, as well before as after Eukratides, if even two
Eukratides be adopted. ¢

* See Mr. Mueller, p. 208.

+ Visconti. Icon. III. p. 253. R. R. II. p. 20. p. 26. Mionnet VIII. p. 470.
M. R. R. concedes (p. 20) that Heliokles was coeval with his Eukratides
II.; but supposing now, that there were two Eukratides, or say even, there
were only one, how can Heliokles, who has no claim whatever to having
possessed any empire save Bactria, have been coéval with Eukratides, un-
less he were his immediate predecessor or successor? The numismatologi-
cal reason for assigning to Heliokles an earlier era, seems not to be very
evident, as M. R. R. does not mention any certain fact. Visconti’s inference,
drawn from the epithet, is wholly mconclusive. But how can we reconcile,
that in vol. II. p. 20, M. R. R. should make Heliokles a contemporary of
Eukratides, while in vol. I. p. 33, he is considered the successor of Deme-
trius, predecessor of Antimachos, and pre-predecessor of Eukratides 1? M.
Mionnet explained the epithet of Heliokles, by the passage of Justin,
- in which he prides himself on the murder of his father as of a good deed. If
he were indeed the son and successor of Eukratides, this interpretation of

. 1840.) from Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 675

However Demetrius may have been deprived of the Bactrian
throne, it is established, that he founded an Indian empire ;
thence attacking Eukratides in Bactria, he was conquered by
_ this king, who then took possession of India also.*

Let us first settle where we have to look for the empire of
Demetrius.- Strabo, in the passage where he takes a general
view of the conquests of the Greek kings, mentions two of them,
Demetrios and Menandros, as the greatest conquerors. These
conquests included partly Ariana, by which Strabo means the
country of the Paropamisades, Arachosia, and Gedrosia ; and
partly countries to the north of Sogdiana. The mention of the
Serians does not lead us to China, as has been objected
to that reading, but to the Issedon Serica of Ptolemy, on the
borders of the Achardus, whether it be Yarkiang or Kaschgar,
and where indeed is the improbability of this supposition ? This
is the construction of the geographer, Dionysios (p. 752,)
Kai Téyapor, Ppovyo re, Kal Ovea BapBapa Znpwv.”
These conquests lastly included districts towards India, and this in
two directions, in India Proper, beyond the last river reached by
Alexander, beyond the Hyphasis to the Jumna, and down the
Indus to the sea, comprising the Delta of Pattalene, and further
to the east Surastra or Guzerate, extending along the shore.t

the epithet would be most acceptable, were it not wholly preposterous ;
for M. R. R. says, (II. p. 20.), ‘‘ Cette idée est si extraordinaire, qu’elle ne
comporte pas une discussion serieuse. Jamais en aucun temps et dana
aucun pays du monde on n’a bravé l’opinion publique, ni outrage la
raison et l’humanité au point de pretendre couvrir un parricide parle titre
Juste.” I however will not venture “tantas componere lites.” It affords me
extreme pleasure to learn, that the science of Numismatics is the only
one which does not submit to force, and pay homage to crime, that it has
even necessitated such an abominable monster as the son and murderer of
Eukratides to preserve upon his coins, that respect for public opinion,
which he elsewhere so boldly violated!

* Justin. xu1, 6, Strabo x1. 1, p. 516.

¢ Tosovrov 8: isyvoav ot amoornoavrec “EXAnveg avrny
(Bactria) dua ryv aperny rine Xwpac, wore tne Apiavng emekoa=
rovy, Kai Twv Ivdav, we gnaw 0 ’AmoAAdswpoc o ’Aprauurnvec,

kai tAciw EOvn Karearpedavro n AdéEavdpoc, Kai wadiora Meé-

674 _ Lassen on the History traced (No. 103.

I infer from this discussion, that none of the passages cited
‘necessitate our considering Menandros as a Bactrian king, and

still less Apollodotos. It is only certain, that Menandros made
great conquests in India; we must therefore have recourse to
the coins. :

Now as to Heliokles :—

This king, mentioned by no author, must have his place as-
signed him on numismatological grounds alone; but different
conclusions have been drawn from them by different writers.
Visconti, and M. Raoul-Rochette think him earlier than Eukra-
tides ; in this case he might be the very same who removed the
EKuthydemides from the throne, and the epithet, “ the just,”
might allude to his retributive justice towards the family of the
usurper Kuthydemos. M. Mionnet takes him for the successor,
and even for the murderer, of his father Eukratides. In this
case he was perhaps the last Greco-Bactrian king. The numis-
maticians may settle this dispute among them. There is ample
room for him, as well before as after Eukratides, if even two
Eukratides be adopted. +

* See Mr. Mueller, p. 208.

+ Visconti. Icon. IIT. p. 253. R. R. II. p. 20. p. 26. Mionnet VIII. p. 470.
M. R. R. concedes (p. 20) that Heliokles was coeval with his Eukratides
II.; but supposing now, that there were two Eukratides, or say even, there
were only one, how can Heliokles, who has no claim whatever to having
possessed any empire save Bactria, have been coéval with Eukratides, un-
less he were his immediate predecessor or successor? The numismatologi-
cal reason for assigning to Heliokles an earlier era, seems not to be very
evident, as M. R. R. does not mention any certain fact. Visconti’s inference,
drawn from the epithet, is wholly mconclusive. But how can we reconcile,
that in vol. II. p. 20, M. R. R. should make Heliokles a contemporary of
Eukratides, while in vol. I. p. 33, he is considered the successor of Deme-
trius, predecessor of Antimachos, and pre-predecessor of Eukratides 1? M.
Mionnet explained the epithet of Heliokles, by the passage of Justin,
in which he prides himself on the murder of his father as of a good deed. If
he were indeed the son and successor of Eukratides, this interpretation of

_ 1840.) = from Bactrian and Indo- Scythian coins. 675

However Demetrius “may have been deprived of the Bactrian
throne, it is established, that he founded an Indian empire ;
thence attacking Eukratides in Bactria, he was conquered by
_ this king, who then took possession of India also.*

Let us first settle where we have to look for the empire of
Demetrius.. Strabo, in the passage where he takes a general
view of the conquests of the Greek kings, mentions two of them,
Demetrios and Menandros, as the greatest conquerors. These
conguests included partly Ariana, by which Strabo means the
country of the Paropamisades, Arachosia, and Gedrosia ; and
partly countries to the north of Sogdiana. The mention of the
Serians does not lead us to China, as has been objected
to that reading, but to the Jssedon Serica of Ptolemy, on the
borders of the Achardus, whether it be Yarkiang or Kaschgar,
and where indeed is the improbability of this supposition? This
is the construction of the geographer, Dionysios (p. 752,)
Kai Toyapor, Ppotyo re, Kal {Ovea BapBapa Znpwr.”
These conquests lastly included districts towards India, and this in
two directions, in India Proper, beyond the last river reached by
Alexander, beyond the Hyphasis to the Jumna, and down the
Indus to the sea, comprising the Delta of Pattalene, and further
to the east Surastra or Guzerate, extending along the shore.t

the epithet would be most acceptable, were it not wholly preposterous ;
for M. R. R. says, (II. p. 20.), ‘Cette idée est si extraordinaire, qu'elle ne
comporte pas une discussion serieuse. Jamais en aucun temps et dans
aucun pays du monde on n’a bravé l’opinion publique, ni outrage la
raison et l’humanité au point de pretendre couvrir un parricide par le titre
Juste.” I however will not venture “tantas componere lites.’’ It affords me
extreme pleasure to learn, that the science of Numismatics is the only
one which does not submit to force, and pay homage to crime, that it has
even necessitated such an abominable monster as the son and murderer of
Eukratides to preserve upon his coins, that respect for public opinion,
which he elsewhere so boldly violated!

* Justin. x1, 6, Strabo x1. 1, p. 516.

¢ Tosovrov 8: isyvoav ot atoornoavrec “EAAnvec avurnv
(Bactria) dia ryv apeTny ™mo Xwpac, wore THe Apiavne eTEKOa=
rovy, Kal Twv Ivdav, we gnaw o ’“AmoAAdswpoc o ’Apramurnvoc,

kat wAstw 2O0vn karearpi¥avro AXrébavdpoc, Kal madtora Mé-

676 Lassen’s Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. . {No. 103.

It has not been noticed, what direction the conquests of De-
metrius followed; those of Menandros, it is said, were directed
against India Proper. But who then conquered Ariana? Who
Pattalene ? Who the country of the Serians ? Strabo makes no
distinctions there, and the last country at least, could have been
hardly conquered by Demetrius or Menandros, though we must
probably ascribe the conquest of Pattalene to either of both
kings. But to which ?

vavopoc. elye Kat Tov Yracuw (edd.---viv) ren 7 pOc £0, Kal mex pt
rov Touavov (edd. ‘Iodmov) mpondfe, 7a pev yap auTOoc, Ta OF
Anpitptoc 6 EvOvdnpov vioc rov Baxrpiwy Bacréwe. ov [Oo~
vov o: rnv [LlarraAnvny Katéayov, adda Kat THC GAANC TapaXiac
Thy te Lapwoorov ( Sapadcrov) KaXovpévny, Kat tHv Lyép-
ridoc BaciActav. Kal? ddov Sé now Exelvog THE sUpLTAaONC
3 = ? 3 a ld \ S A ,
Apuarne Tpoc\Xnpa eivar THY Baxrpiavny. Kat on Kat MEX pt
Znpwv kat Dovvwy eérevay rHv apxny. The alterations “Yzaouy
and "Touavov, “are perhaps necessary.”’ ré Lapiosrov occurs together
with Tecaptocrou in the manuscripts. Mr. Prinsep (As. Trans. VI. p.
390) first noticed, that by this Surashtra was to be understood. Apollodoros
has perhaps mentioned a king, who was named after his country, as
Taxiles was already before named in the same manner. Ptolemy has
Lupactpnyvy ; according to him, it is the country between Cutch and the
river Mahi, therefore Guzerate, Sigertis (in Sanscrit perhaps Srigarta)
must be the coast round Barygaza; Ptolemy has, on the south of the
Nerbudda, the town Siripala (Sripala) which perhaps denotes the same
name. In Sanscrit this coast has the name of Lata (pronounced Lara)
whence the Larice of the ancient ‘authors.

“It is also called Surashtra, and its inhabitants Swrashtras, the royal
and excellent royal offspring. Another name for it is Gurjjara-rashtra,
or kingdom of the Gurjaras or Gurjjas in conversation. Hence it is called
the country of Gourz or Giourz by one of Renaudot’s Musalman travellers
in the ninth century. From Surashtra and Gujjara-rashtra they have made,
in the spoken dialects, Surat, and Gurjjarat, and even Gujjerat.” Essay
on the ancient Geography of India, M.S.S. No. 277. Library As.

Soc. of Bengal.
(To be continued. )

677

Abstract Report of the Proceedings of the Committee appointed to
superintend the Boring Operations in Fort William, from their
commencement in December, 1835, to their close in April, 1840.
Several attempts have at different times been made to supply the

deficiency of good water in Fort William, by boring through the

strata on which it stands, in search of subterranean springs. The pre-
sent operations, which form the most recent of the series, were origi-
nally commenced in December, 1835, but the site then selected was
shortly afterwards abandoned in consequence of the operations having
been impeded by a dislocation of the joints of the metallic tubes
lining the bore. As all attempts made to rejoint the dislocated
tubes proved unsuccessful, the Committee selected a new locality
closely adjoining, however, to that of the original bore, no advantage
being anticipated from any change of site within the limits of the

Fort, the succession of strata, and the circumstances of their disposi-

tion, being alike within so small a space.

On the 2nd of April, 1836, the operations of the Committee were
resumed, by commencing the excavation of a shaft, ten feet in
diameter, ten feet in depth, interiorly rivetted with good masonry,
and having its bottom strongly planked, with masonry continued
over the planking. A boarded floor with a central trap door moving
on hinges so as to admit of access to the shaft, as occasion might re-
quire, covered the top. A large gin (Sketch No. 1) filled with the

necessary tackling for working the rods and tools, and having a

wooden platform supported by massive timber uprights, on which

a heavy weight of guns was placed to give the requisite stability, was

erected over the shaft. The rods, &c. were originally worked with

ropes, but the expenditure of these became so serious as to lead to
their being replaced by strong chain cables, which were found in
every respect superior. Two chains attached to the ring of a brace-
head passed subsequently through a triple block fixed to the apex of
the gin, and were then led to two powerful crabs, firmly bolted to
large fixed sleepers, at about fifteen or eighteen feet from the gin. A
| chain was attached to each crab, and on the screw of the upper rod
being entered into the brace-head, the crabs were worked simultane-
ously, and the power of both thus brought to bear in raising the mass
of the rods, or in any other necessary manner.

AR
|

678 Boring Operations in Fort William. (No. 103.

On the 28th of April the actual excavation of the bore was com-
menced with a six inch auger, being that adapted to the tubing
it was intended to employ. On the depth of 120 feet being attained,
the quicksand, which had rendered the first attempt abortive, was
again met with. The experience of its previous effects had render-
ed apparent the necessity of securing firmly the joints of the tubes,
which was accordingly done by means of four short, but strong
screws, in the manner represented in sketch No. II. To this precau-
tion the success of the work so far was undoubtedly to be attributed,
as the difficulties were found most serious from the loose, even semi-
fluid, consistence of the sand, which on the removal of a portion of
the water, then standing in the tubes within 15 feet of the surface,
immediately rose to seventeen feet, and though the work was conti-
nued night and day, actually rose faster than its removal could be
effected, so that at.the end of eleven days and nights of incessant toil,
it had risen from 124 to 108 feet.

Hence it became evident, that the only mode of overcoming the
obstacles presented by the sand, was to force the tubes down till
coming in contact with some firm stratum, the sand should be exclud-
ed; by unrelaxing perseverance and much labour, frequently with an
advance of not more than a few inches in the day, the tubes at length
attained a depth of 157 feet. The sand was then perceptibly gained.
upon, and at 159 feet a stiff clay was reached, and the borer which
during the prevalence of the sand was always behind the tubing,
now passed it, and in twenty-four hours attained a depth of 175 feet.

The open auger it was found could not be used with effect ex-
cept in working through clay ; a valved instrument, therefore, called
the “‘Mudshell,” had hitherto been employed for raising the sand.
This tool however here became useless, from some defect in the action
of the valve, which failed either to admit or retain the sand, now
coarse and gravelly, and in consequence it was found impracticable
to penetrate with it beyond 175 feet. One of the augers however
being fitted with a valve, and otherwise altered so as to retain the |
‘sand, was employed with partial success, but not to an extent suffi-
cient to prevent the sand rising in the tubes, since after working
twenty-one days, and the tubing having been forced down to a depth
of 177 feet 2 inches, it was found impossible to work the auger

1840.) Boring Operations in Fort William. 679

lower than 167 feet 10 inches ; occasionally a partial advance was
made, but it was neither permanent nor certain, from the constant
variation of the height of the sand in the tubes.

On entering the stratum of stiff clay, above alluded to, the night-
work had ceased, but it was again found necessary to resume it,
as the only means of overcoming the existing difficulties. The effect
of this was to carry the bore successfully .to a depth of 182 feet 8
inches by the 27th of July, when a temporary suspension of the
operations took place, from the supply of rods having become ex-
hausted. It may be mentioned, that for some days prior to this date
considerable inconvenience had been experienced by the stoppage
of the borer, both in its ascent and descent, by some obstacle, the
nature of which could not be ascertained. Had it been constant in
its position, it might have been anticipated that the tubing had again
been dislocated or forced from the perpendicular, but so far from this
being the case, the borer occasionally descended and was brought up
without the least difficulty ; this temporary intermission was followed
by the re-appearance of the impediment; again it intermitted, and
latterly disappeared altogether.

A further supply of the rods having been obtained from Delhi,
the boring was resumed on the 13th October, 1836.* During this
interval of suspension, however, it was found that the tubes had

* The following singular circumstances connected with these Delhi rods, may here

be placed upon record, though it has been found impossible to obtain any aad
explanation of their origin or cause.

.1000 feet of rods, in lengths of 20 feet each, were received from the Court of
Directors at one time; 500 feet of these were taken indiscriminately for the Fort Ope-
rations, and the Lee 500 feet were forwarded to the Magazine at Delhi. On the
occasion of the supply in the Fort becoming exhausted, a portion of those sent to
Delhi were called for, and 200 feet were in the first instance received, subsequently
followed by the remaining 300. On working the two sets together a remarkable dif-
ference was observed between them. Under equal strains the rods obtained from
Delhi twisted and bent with the utmost facility, while those employed in the Fort
Operations continued rigid and straight, so that ultimately the latter alone could be
used in the daily work, the others being laid up in store as useless. Had this flexibi-
lity been confined to a portion of the Delhi rods, it might have been explicable on
the supposition that some flexible rods had been intermixed with the rigid ones, but
it was equally observable in the whole 500 feet of them, so that this explanation can
scarcely be admitted, especially when it is remembered that in the first instance no
sert of selection was employed. The strength of the Delhi was however considerably
greater than that of the Fort rods, the former bearing a strain of 19.6 tons on the
Square inch, without breaking ; while the latter yielded to astrain of 16.2 tgns per
square inch.

680 Boring Operations in Fort William. [No. 108.

sunk by their own weight from 183 to 187 feet, and the bore could
now be worked to the depth of 189 feet. By the 10th November
following, a depth of 238 feet 5 inches had been attained, the chief
difficulty in prosecuting the work arising from the imperfect action
of the instrument employed in raising the sand, in consequence of
which the whole contents of the shell were frequently removed during
its passage to the surface. To the construction of the valves of such
instruments, much attention ought therefore to be paid, as on the effec-
tive action of these, the progress of the operations is most essentially
dependant.

On the 15th November, an attempt was made to bring up some
water from the bottom of the bore by lowering a bottle with a large
brass plummet attached to it, to cause it to sink; but unfortunately
before it could be raised, the connecting string broke, and the plum-
met was left below. Considerable anxiety was excited by this, from
the anticipation (subsequently realized) of the auger coming in con-
tact with the plummet, and being jammed within the tubing. On
arriving at the depth of 271 feet, the lower part of the.mudshell, in-
cluding the valve, from some unknown cause broke off, and remained
at the bottom of the bore. ‘This accident caused much trouble, but
after various attempts to extricate the fractured shell, the perforation
of an aperture in it, by the use of a jumper, admitted of a strong
conical worm auger being screwed into it, and by the hold thus
obtained, it was successfully raised to the surface.

At the depth of 324 feet the borer came in contact with the
Jong lost plummet, and became so firmly jammed between it and the
tubing as to foil every effort made for its extrication, though the
force applied at one time was so great as to raise the whole body
of the tubing about 4 inches, the weight of this being certainly not
less than 74 tons, exclusive of friction. To guard against the in-
convenience of an accidental fracture of the rods at any considerable
distance beneath the surface, while they were subject to such strains,
Captain Thomson of the Engineers suggested that the uppermost rod
should be made thinner and weaker than those within the bore (so
as to give way first) but yet capable of bearing a strain of 25 tons.
The force subsequently applied caused the rods however to break at
their connection with the mudshell, and though they were all brought

1840. | Boring Operations in Fort William. 681

up, the tool remained below. A new operation therefore became
necessary for extracting the shell, and first the upper portion of it was
considerably widened by the use of a jumper. A drill was then
introduced, and after several day’s labour a hole, sufficiently large to
admit of the conical worm auger being screwed into the shell, was
drilled. The entire shell was immediately brought up, bearing ample ~
indications of having been inscontact with the plummet, but leaving
it still at the bottom of the bore.

On the first of October, 1837, the depth attained by the tubing
was 431 feet, while the depth of the bore varied from 418 to 426
feet, according to the height of the sand. The water stood from ten to
twelve feet from the surface, according to the seasons. By the 30th
of April, 1838, the bore was 460 feet deep, and by the 18th Septem-
ber following, a total depth of 481 feet was reached. Just prior how-
ever to that depth being attained, the progress of the tubing was
arrested by large stones requiring the use of the jumper. By its aid
the tubing was again set free, but at 481 feet again arrested, and a
repetition of the employment of the jumper became necessary. As
the tool originally employed proved insufficient to fracture the stones
then met with, a larger and heavier one was attached to the rods,
and after a few blows, seemed to have effected its purpose; but on
attempting to raise it again it was found to be so firmly jammed
that every attempt at dislodging it proved fruitless. A great power
was simultaneously applied to raising the rods, and forcing down the
tubes, but with no other effect than the perceptible elongation of
the former. About 150 blows of a ram, weighing 23 ewt., with a
fall of fifteen feet, were then given to the head of the rods, in the
hope that the vibration thus communicated to them would tend to
loosen the jumper from its hold. The large accumulation of sand
over the tool and round the rods rendered it however problematical
if the vibrations ever reached the jumper; and if they did, there can
be little doubt that the above cause tended most materially to dimi-
nish their intensity, as no useful result followed the trial of this expe-
riment. Again, and as a final effort, the tubing was securely held
down, and four powerful jack-screws were applied to raise the rods,
which after stretching two feet six inches, and thereby affording a gleam
of hope that,the difficulty was vanquished, unfortunately broke off at

682 Boring Operations in Fort William. [No. 103.

one of the connecting joints, 160 feet from the surface, the remaining
320 feet attached to the jumper, being left within the bore.

Under these circumstances the only hope of being able to con-
tinue the operations lay in the practicability of unscrewing and
raising the rods, and this after much difficulty was at length so far
satisfactorily effected by the use of an ingenious instrument designed
by Captain John Thomson, that 29@ of the 320 feet of the rods
were successfully extracted. This instrument consisted of three
steel arms rivetted to an iron bell, in the manner shewn in sketch
No. III, and subsequently welded to the end of the undermost
boring rod. The interior surfaces of the steel arms were cut in
grooves so inclined, that on the head of the rod to be extracted
being grasped within them, and a rotatory motion communicated to
the instrument from above, the teeth cut into the soft iron, and by
the hold thus obtained, the unscrewing and raising were effected.
The bell acted as a guide, and was made of diameter just sufficient to
admit of the instrument being readily worked within the tubing. It
became necessary to pass iron pins through all the connecting joints
of the rods, otherwise the rotatory motion would have unscrewed
them.

On the 16th of February, 1839, the instrument above described
was again successfully employed in unscrewing twenty feet more of
the fractured rods. After this a single rod, only ten feet in length,
remained attached to the jumper, and repeated attempts were made to
effect its extrication, till at length during one of these, its joint
unfortunately broke off, leaving the difficulty greater than ever. The
only remedy which presented itself, was to construct a second instru-
ment of which the steel arms would be long enough to lay hold of the
shoulder strap in the centre of the rod. This instrument, after
several unsuccessful attempts had been made with it to unscrew the
broken rod, also gave way, the upper part appearing with one arm
attached to it, while the other two arms attached to the bell remained
below. By the use of the conical worm auger the broken instrument
was occasionally raised as high as thirty feet, but the hold of it could
never be retained to any greater height, some obstacle to its further

progress upwards invariably meeting it there, and effectually prevent-
ing its removal.

1840. | Boring Operations in Fort Wilham. 683

From the 10th to the 15th February, 1840, the work was pro-
secuted night and day without intermission, as a final effort to remove
the sand which had accumulated over the broken instrument, rod,
&c. and thus to admit of another tool (designed by Sergeant Long-
hurst, Sappers and Miners) to be used with greater facility. This
tool shewn in sketch No. IV. consisted of an iron rod with four
strong palls attached to it, and so constructed, that while the tube
was passing down -the tubing, or within the bell of the broken in-
strument, they lay close to the rod, but on its passing completely
through, they moved on their axes and caught underneath the tubing
or bell, so as to give fulera for the force from above to act upon.
In this instance, however, as before, the attempt terminated in dis-
appointment, for though the broken instrument was occasionally
raised a few feet, every exertion failed in raising it to the surface.

A long continuance of unceasing exertion on the part of those
employed having thus proved insufficient for the removal of these
obstacles, the Committee considered it their duty to discontinue, and
were on the eve of communicating to Government their unanimous
- opinion that a further prosecution of the boring operations would only
be incurring expense, for which there was no prospect of any adequate
return, when it was suggested to them that some good effect might re-
sult from the explosion of a charge of powder, contained in a water-
tight case, in the immediate vicinity of the broken tool and jumper.
The Committee deeming it possible that the concussion thereby caused
might loosen the hold of the jumper, or fracture the broken tool, so as
to admit of its fragments being raised to the surface, and willing to
adopt any expedient which promised them the power of continuing
their labours, determined to make the proposed experiment. There
was reason to believe that the steel arms of the lifting tool were con-
siderably expanded and in contact on each side with the tubing,
it was therefore desirable that the powder should be lodged within the
arms, so that they at least might be broken in pieces by the first ex-
plosion. With this view a strong tin case, carefully soldered and
terminating in a pointed extremity, was prepared for the reception of
about 15 ibs of powder, but preparatory to charging it for explosion it
was filled with dry sand, firmly plugged up, covered with water-proof
composition, and lowered to the bottom of the bore. On raising it

684 Boring Operations in Fort Wilham. [No. 103.

again, the original cylindrical case was found to have been compressed
by the water, into the shape of an octagon, acute ridges, about 4 of an
inch in height, alternating with the flattened sides (sketch No. V.)
The pressure had. ruptured the tin at the edge of the top of the case,
and the sand was saturated with the water. A double case was then
constructed, having interior cross pieces to strengthen it, but a similar
result to the preceding followed the lowering of this, and for it also the
pressure (upwards of 5,000 tbs.) was found too great. A cylinder of
wrought iron was then prepared, and on sending it down the bore it
was found so far capable of resisting the pressure of the water as to
retain its shape, but the sand was still damped. Since however the
water had only partially wetted the sand, it seemed probable that ad-
ditional care in soldering and in applying the water-proof covering
might exclude it altogether, and accordingly it was determined to make
the first attempt with this wrought iron case.

The depth of water being about 465 feet, the galvanic battery
was of course the only igniting agent which could be employed ;
and the following are the details of the arrangements adopted. A
wooden plug was turned somewhat larger at one extremity than
the collar of the cylinder into which it was subsequently to be driven.
On opposite sides of this plug, grooves were prepared for the re-
ception of the interior conducting wires. Considerable difficulty was -
experienced in making the grooves perfectly impervious to water
under great pressure, in consequence of the wires being twisted, but
ultimately the following means were employed with entire success.
The grooves were first filled with fine Europe sealing wax, and the
wires being previously made very hot, were forced into and completely
imbedded themselves in it. Subsequently a red-hot iron was held
near the wax of each groove, till it boiled freely, and a strip of wood
was then forced in over the wire so as effectually to close every
aperture. The interior extremities of the wires were as usual
connected by a short piece of thin platinum, in contact with which
a cartridge of dry fine powder was placed. The main conducting
wires were one-sixth of an inch in diameter, and their entire length was
nearly 1003 feet. As the bore was lined to the bottom with iron
tubing, it appeared essential to insulate the conductors as perfectly
as possible, and each wire was accordingly first cased in hempen

° f
N°4
Showing he General Arrangerne rots y
ofthe Boring Apparatus Tackling Crabs. Chains Fea Yea /

N° IL
Shewiig the HHethod. of firirg the Joris
of the Titbes

Wye a a a ‘
Sievichutstastah. ates ete nal ln ce oe eae
aad

* oe AY
Ta ee
phe °

ee ae oe eee

N° III
Steel Armed and Teothed Rod Lifterrg
Tool (by Gagotarr Thomson)

Food Lifting Toot with moveadle Falls
(by Sergt Longhurst

Nev

Shewing the Cylender un ts Greular
and comyeressedl States

: Har nore Tath Pre Bally Po

Ne&vi
Section of the Cast Iron Cylin
torr of the Interior Con

cer shewing the cespose

OMucting Wires bea Nea

SRB acca Sresth Lrestt
Apri 8 18s0

eee)

1840. ] Boring Operations in Fort William. 685

strands, over which a thick coating of pitch and grease was applied,
and then the two wires were lashed together by similar strands,
and again covered with pitch and tallow. A single rope, about
an inch in diameter, was thus formed, and on immersing the whole
in water, its action was tested, and a battery of twelve indifferent
plates sufficed to effect the ignition of powder.

On the charge being placed in the cylinder, and the platinum
Wire protected by means of a small tin priming tube, the plug was
driven into the collar. Over it, and for the purpose of preventing the
water forcing its way through the wood, a tin cap, having two holes
for the conducting wires to pass through, was carefully driven down
and soldered. In order to prevent this cap establishing a metallic
communication between the wires, and thus preventing the passage
of the galvanic fluid to the platinum wire, the diameter of the aper-
tures for the wires was made considerably larger than that of the
wires themselves, and the top of the plug covered with sealing wax.
The application of a red hot iron melted the sealing wax, and on the
cap being driven down it rose through the apertures and formed an
insulating collar round each wire. These arrangements being com-
plete, and the battery of 24 cells, 14 inches x 14 inches, in action, the
main conductors were connected to those of the cylinder, and the
insulating covering continued over the junction, when the cylinder
was lowered to the bottom of the bore. On its reaching this, the
circuit was completed, but no explosion followed, and on examination
it was found that from the smallness of the priming tube the plati-
num wire had come in contact with the metal, by which of course
its ignition was prevented. It was also found that though the
priming powder was dry, the water had reached the main charge, and
completely spoiled it. Further precautions being taken, several at-
tempts were made, but all with the same result, and it became evident
that the wrought iron case could not be rendered water-tight. Re-
course was then had to casting a cylinder of iron half an inch thick
throughout, and on trial this was found to be perfectly capable of
resisting the pressure of the water, and preserving the charge dry.
The first attempt with this failed from some unascertained cause, and
as it was thought possible that some portion of the conductor might
have come in contact with the iron tubing, an additional covering of
lashings, with pitch and grease, was applied for a second attempt.

686 Boring Operations in Fort William. [No. 103.

This also failed, and unfortunately in raising the cylinder, to endea-
vour to discover the cause of failure, the lifting rope gave way, and it
became necessary to haul on the conductor. This had been done
once or twice before, without any bad effects, but on this occasion the
junction of the wires at the collar of the cylinder was not sufficiently
strong to bear the weight, and the case after being raised for some |
distance dropped back to the bottom of the bore. All hopes of benefit
from this expedient being thus summarily disappointed, it only re- —
mains to be stated, that the operations of the Committee were finally
closed on the 20th of April, 1840.

Throughout the course of the preceding narrative, all reference
to the geological information the labours of the Committee have been
instrumental in eliciting, has been avoided, from a desire to render the
mechanical details as continuous as possible, but as few such oppor-
tunities as the present have ever been given for observing the struc-
ture of alluvial DeuTas, a condensed summary of the various points
of interest to the geologist is now appended.

After penetrating through the surface soil to a depth of about ©
ten feet, a stratum of stiff blue clay, fifteen feet in thickness, was met -
with. Underlaying this was a light coloured sandy clay, which
became gradually darker in colour from the admixture of vegetable
matter, till it passed into a bed of peat, at a distance of about eighty
feet from the surface. Beds of clay and variegated sand, intermixed
with kunkur, mica, and small pebbles, alternated to a depth of
120 feet, when the sand became loose, and almost semifluid in its
texture. At 152 feet the quicksand became darker in colour and
coarser in grain, intermixed with red water-worn nodules of hydra-
ted oxide of iron, resembling to a certain extent the laterite of South
India. At 159 feet a stiff clay with yellow veins occurred, altering
at 163 feet remarkably in colour and substance, and becoming dark,
friable, and apparently containing much vegetable and ferruginous
matter. A fine sand succeeded at 170 feet, and this gradually be-
came coarser and mixed with fragments of quartz and felspar to a
depth of 180 feet. At 196 feet, clay impregnated with iron was passed
through, and at 221 feet, sand recurred, containing fragments of lime-
stone with nodules of kunkur and pieces of quartz and felspar; the
same stratum continued to 340 feet, and at 350 feet a fossil bone,
conjcctured to be the humerus of a dog, was extracted. At 360 feet a —

1840.) Boring Operations in Fort William. 687

piece of supposed tortoise shell was found, and subsequently several
pieces of the same substance were obtained. At 372 feet another
fossil bone was discovered, but it could not be identified, from its be-
ing torn and broken by the borer. At 392 feet a few pieces of fine
coal, such as are found in the beds of mountain streams, with some
fragments of decayed wood, were picked out of the sand, and at 400
feet a piece of limestone was brought up. From 400 to 481 feet fine
sand, like that of a sea-shore intermixed largely with shingle, composed
of fragments, of primary rocks, quartz, felspar, mica, slate, limestone,
prevailed, and in this stratum the bore has been terminated.

In conclusion, the Committee have much pleasure in acknowledg-
ing the valuable aid derived by them on many occasions of diffi-
culty from the advice and ingenuity of Captain J. Thomson of En-
gineers; and they desire also to express their entire approval of the
zeal and intelligence uniformly displayed by Sergeant Thomas Long-
hurst of Sappers and Miners, during the whole time he was in charge
of the details of the boring operations.

D. McLeEop Col. and Presdt.

Fort WILLIAM, A. IrnvinE, Major.
Chief Engineer's Office, F. P. Srrone.
May 15th, 1840. W. R. FirzGERALp.

P.S.—Since the above Report has been signed by the Members,
I have recollected a most unintentional omission, for which I am
entirely responsible, and which I am therefore desirous of supplying.

It is due to Lieutenant Richard Baird Smith of Engineers, to state
that he has not only taken a great interest in all our proceedings,
but has rendered great assistance in carrying them on during the
most difficult period of the operations, since he has resided in Fort
William ; moreover, the employment of the Galvanic Battery to blow
up the lower portion of the tubing, &c. was suggested to the Committee
by him, and the apparatus applied in that process, as above described,
was entirely on his design. I may add, that his intelligence and
knowledge of the subject, enabled him to give essential aid in arrang-
ing the materials for the above Report.

D. McLeEop, Colonel,
Chief Engineer.

688

Report on a line of Levels taken by order of the Right Honorable the
Governor General, between the Jumna and Sutlij rivers. By Lieut.
W. E. Baker, Superintendent of Canals West of the Jumna.

The subject of inquiry proposed, having been to ascertain the practi-
Preliminary Observations. Cability of establishing a water communication
for the passage of boats between the Jumna and the Sutlij; I consi-
dered that the best preliminary measure would be to take a cross section,
fixing at certain points the relative levels of those rivers and of the in-
termediate hill torrents, and the greatest height attained by the inter-
vening ridges.

The line (viz., one between Kurnaul and Loodiana) which I selected

Selection of aline. for this section, was recommended by the follow-
ing considerations :—

Ist. It connects the highest points of both rivers to which boats of
considerable burthen habitually resort.

2nd. It lies in a South-east and North-west direction, parallel to
that of the Sub-Himalayas, and consequently perpendicular to the
general lines of drainage.

3rd. It crosses each of the considerable mountain torrents’ before
its junction with the Cuggur; and, lastly, its length was well suited to
the time (about three weeks) to which, having no Assistant, I was
obliged to limit my absence from the canals under my charge.

Having no accurate map of the country, I had merely a general idea
Irregularities and ine- Of the direction from Kurnaul in which I should
qualities accounted for. strike Loodiana, which will account for the devia-
tions from a straight course observable in the accompanying map. My
object being to note the general features of the country, I took no pains
to avoid merely local inequalities, and my Section therefore exhibits
much greater irregularities of surface than it need have done, had I had
leisure previously to examine the ground ahead of my levelling instru-
ment. The hollow in the neighbourhood of Puttiala, for instance, might
have been in a great measure avoided by a more northerly course.

The information thus obtained is necessarily incomplete, and though

Nature of the informa- it has in my opinion proved the practicability of
tion required. the contemplated measure, it has not furnished —
data for a detailed project, and still less for an estimate of the probable

Niuapinter

Dooraiki Serai

ey
iy Sauaiwal

LOODHIANA

Branch of Sule
Old Bed of Sutlej

ranch of Sutley
MS Aeaake |

SKELETONMAPand PROFILE of a Line levelled between the JUMNA and SUTLEJ in February 1840.

to ascertain the pufritility of connecting these Firvers by a Navigable Canal

Scale fur the Map be & Miles p= Inch
fi 6 es
2

Neale of LOft pp jnch for the Heights in the Profite
feo 2 xe x “

LushkurkhankiSerai

Bist poor Noorada. rian LEP
——— 7; Machen 2 FT
Disraili merge peer
% aes Aizeaniers Duraaper
PAHUL: 4 Gremqner
ah 3
ut
& é ey 3 E © 3 x
= = & = z & eS
S < 2 /\ + >
ps u 2
My : = HH i § le
} S > 2

8
3
=
2
S
3
S
g

walls &

2
Sl E

nN PUTTIALA

d Nulla.
1 Bharsoo
‘Mcleora

= Dayrmajr
\

1 ta
(es
le

Branches of the Cuyaur

Wirtta’

PUTTIALA

; \ iameee Wie Ouggssr
| G ;

i SF)
—
— M

wad Nes ee

Nulla

Pullia

of Aes rhe lex

Ne: ches ye

* Brancke

Sra wehar

4
5,
R
3

é
i

=
<
3
N

Branobof the Cuggur

2
=
c]

Main ranch of Markunda

oe Surmiplalicl
w

ada

Betificcal Welercoucse from Markie
Sumalahad

3
3
“
ei
5
eg
i
Z
a
3
A

The Strong Black Lines Shew the Levels of apofsthle still water Canal fir Navigation

dv from the Suctley Oe Moopwr | The cethed liner thive Shew the

ff The Lockage at abce.d.e to hesupplied wilh Water from the Dehli Canal at Indree \ The Vertical doudle Lines reprennt Walls
fohiklinnopqr. 4

avernige le

Tadley

Sdininaree.

2 Datheow
_¥ Animanat

' oi Sunn

.
Burthal Camino f

2 Seat oer

ZesteWReree a

pansy de We

npeanyengs mesforemooiopea propre

sopnrys rye Ji PyoUeaT

cimbBng forey/3 0G

unbling fo young

Sutera
SMusingshim 2 jchsvw

Merete

aranosuepnan 210?”

an8snp Sas uUs UTR

ry
a
t
4
As

B ae
—[pPetarion

ceeulitiny yassonposs egy

inghur

i
a

AVE
i\
a\i
‘ a ri
Bok
2] ci
4 |
ly
45
4 até 3
AVES
wpe OPT 3
ert
:
OE
pe
enn (48/8
ria
3)
7 5 °
3 (fom

> x 8 =
3 4 Si
- =

Nish Thea

fo OOS
sof*

ALIOIWNUNY |
, ' wupaegen
) ; Teeeo a>

Hp ua terje ey
FF

yoanyo

Iewil a
TAT vel

oy Bungay
aries Le

seo pi +]
i i

aopwenl t— :
are: Va V
ne ipa

“rpuny. ange HOES WIR

Zh ere

wpa npn yy mass eranorr zea ForsieeD Se.

Gees Lb

pon a =

ite 2 ance
(6619 4 soyoneasr ie ' i

H | MPR _

i abbey de e6@i

{

\ {

1 | a2ncyongy|

| embero fexonnig

i i

, 1 ‘
v UnysurENyW

senbling wess/oramoseeyi7) aie
f 2 lies .

sanddng mig gorsovcnee ow = ‘

4 seem Syecare 1

Level of Water in the Jununa

Serings

erage Level

Yells.
Skew the ay)

doible Lines represent W

The Vertveat
The detled limes this

dree
pur

Ferozepoor

Sketch Map| of parts of the Jumna & Sutlej Rivers.

cxJ : 30

= of 0. Miles

ig =
E = 5
a Scale of Mites

Loodhiana

|
|

Doorn Te
___ Freposed srppiy |

Oud Loo

Millerrirotla “
Xa ohars00
—— =

2S Nata

Puttiala

Sooner

\. The highest poiwt of Mee Ridge

» Serhind

9
Unbatlar

a gh ae a m

1840. | Levels between the Jumna and Sutlij. 689

cost of the undertaking ; such as it is, however, I have judged expedient
_ Why now submitted. to communicate it at once, both as a report of
progress, and to enable Government to decide whether or not it be ad-
visable to prosecute the inquiry further.
The cost of the present survey amounts, as per contingent bill,
Cost of the survey. submitted to the Military Board, to Company’s
rupees 74:9: 0.
In the accompanying Skeleton map and section, I have endeavoured
Reference to the Map to condense most of the information obtained, and
gadpechpn. to show at one glance the result of my inquiry.
In this it will be seen, that from the level of the Jumna to the town of
Pahul, near which the greatest elevation (67 feet, 11 inches, 25) is at-
tained, there is a general rise, partially interrupted by the beds of in-
tervening rivers, which may be thus particularized :—
The Chittung — an inconsiderable nulla, has no detined valley. Of
The Chittung river. its surplus waters, spreading out during the rainy
season, right and left over the country, but little returns into its
eontracted channel; and of late years, no considerable flood has reached
even as far as Dhatrut, in the Jheend territory, from whence to Buhadera,
in the Bikuneer State, the ancient bed of this river is occupied by the
Canal of Feroze Shah.
From the ridge dividing the Chittung and the Sursootee, there is a
considerable descent to the bed of the latter river,

The Valley of the : : fe
Sursootee, eee n tte which may almost be said to have already joined

da, and the Cuggur ri-
vers.

the Markunda and the Cuggur at the point
where I crossed them. From near Thanesur to
Konaheree, the whole tract of country (with the exception of village
sites) is liable to inundation from the Sub-Himalayan torrents, diffused
Their peculiar charac. OVEF its surface by means of a net-work of natural
— and artificial water-courses, of which some are
supplied from more than one of the rivers above named; others, again,
flow from one river into another, and during great floods (as I was
given to understand) all three are frequently united. The inhabitants
avail themselves largely of the inundation for rice cultivation, though
Their use for irriga- during the present season at least, little advantage
tion. appeared to have been taken of the facilities

afforded for irrigating Rubbee crops, which, where they existed, were

690 Levels between the Jumna and Sutlij. — [No. 103.

generally watered from Wells. I had not leisure to ascertain, by personal
examination, whether the first diffusion of these rivers (which I have
Their diffusion ac- myself seen nearer the hills in single and separate
EP streams) were caused by natural or artificial means,
but it is probably attributable to both. The slope and evenness of the
country, are calculated to favor even the rudest attempts to divert the
streams from their original beds, and the same circumstances would also
render it easy, were it desirable, to confine them again to one or two
principal channels. What I have designated as the ‘‘ main branches” of
the Markunda and Cuggur, are distinguished from the others, not so
much by their superior size, as by the presence of a small thread of
running water.
The valley of the Sursootee, Markunda, and Cuggur, such as I have de-
hei aimportance /as scribed it, though extending to a width of twenty-
an obstacle tothe Canal. nine miles, would present no insurmountable ob-
stacle to the formation of a navigable Canal across it, though the ex-
pense attendant on the provision of the necessary embankments and
aqueducts, would be considerable. And on this account, as well as for
other reasons, to be noted hereafter, a more advantageous line for the
Canal would probably be found further to the south-west, below the
town of Sumana.
The river which flows past Puttiala, has a different character from
The Puttiala, or Kosil- the preceding. Its channel at the point where I
fener crossed it, is so deep, that I could not have sup-
posed its waters would ever be capable of spreading out over the
country, had not the construction of an embankment between the stream
and the city (said to be for the protection of the walls), proved that it is
sometimes liable to overtop its banks. At this point, in consequence of
its deep narrow section, it would be easily crossed by a short aqueduct.
Immediately beyond the city of Puttiala, I encountered several ridges _
of sand, which would most likely be avoidable on another line, but if
Sand ridges. not, it would merely be necessary to puddle the
Canal bed throughout their extent, to prevent heavy loss of water by
absorption.
The Sirhind Nulla, which I crossed about sixteen miles beyond
Puttiala, flows in one or more channels through

TheSirhind Nulla. in wi
Gis Ry pap ees a valley 500 or 600 yards in width, having but a

1840. | Levels between the Jumna and Sutli. 691

Its character and uses for Slight depression below the adjoining country. Its
oo at flood waters could, with very little labour and
skill, be let out by side cuts to inundate the lands lying on its east bank,
and I therefore conclude that such a practice is adopted, as the natives
of this province are fully aware of the value of that peculiar system of
irrigation, which consists in flooding the land once a year.
From the West bank of the Sirhind Nulla to a few miles beyond
Sand ridges. | Pahul, the land is generally level, but intersected
by a few sand hills, one of which, between the villages of Bishnpoor
and Kuddoo, may be considered the crest of the ridge, dividing the
Jumna from the Sutlij.
From Doorai-ki-Serai westward, the descent is rapid, and the fall
Descent to the Sutlij. appears to be broken in a remarkable manner into
steps, ending in an abrupt cliff of 30 feet, on the western continuation
of which stands the fort and town of Loodiana. At some former period
this cliff was evidently the eastern boundary of the Sutlij, and even yet,
as I am given to understand, the waters of that river when swelled by
the monsoon floods, frequently reach its base.
The remaining tract of seven and a quarter miles, intersected by
Valley of the Sutlij. | branches of the Sutlij, is proved by its loose sandy
soil, as well as by its topographical position, to be an alluvial deposit of
the river; and were the canal to join the Sutlij at this point, it would be
more advisable to deepen the Nulla which flows under the Fort, than to
make a new excavation through such unfavorable soil.
As my commission did not include an examination of the Sutlij, I
Capabilities for naviga- May perhaps not be expected to offer an opinion
lion near Loodiana- —_9n its navigable capabilities ; but I may be permit-
ted to remark, en passant, that the stream near Loodiana appears to have
two characteristics decidedly unfavorable to navigation; viz. a sandy
Shifting sands. bed, and a considerable fall ; a combination of cir-
cumstances which cannot fail to produce shifting and uncertain shoals.
With a view of ascertaining the level of springs along the line of my
Depth of wells through- Section, I measured the depth of 156 wells be-
eyethe dine. tween Kurnaul and Loodiana, and the average
result is shewn in the profile by blue dotted lines. In this I had two
objects ; first to ascertain whether, as some suppose, measurements of the
level of springs would give data for an approximate calculation of the

692 Levels between the Jumna and Sutlj. (No. 103.

profile of a country ; and, secondly, to obtain one element for calculating
the amount of absorption in a standing canal, for which it would be
No sure index of super- ecessary to provide a daily compensation. In
fog apa, the former respect my present observations, as
well as those made with the same view in other localities, shew that
the level of springs is too much affected by the vicinity of streams, the
degree of permeability of soils, and other local circumstances, to admit
of any accurate conclusion being drawn from them, regarding the
profile of the surface. But with reference to the second object of
Effect on the amount of MY inquiry, it is satisfactory to find that the wells
eberaptiee: measured, have generally so little depth, as the
waste by absorption in the contemplated canal, will be relatively much
less. In illustration of this point I may mention, that in the Paneeput
district, where before the introduction of the Delhi canal the springs
were from thirty to forty feet below the surface, they are now from
fifteen to thirty feet ; whereas in Hurriana the springs have been raised
since Feroze’s canal was opened, in some instances, as much as sixty
feet.
On the accompanying profile I have sketched out what I consider to
Practicability of the be a possible section of a still water canal, from
pe epee] the highest level of which, between Pahul and
Doorai-ki-Serai, the westward descent of sixty-three feet to the level of
the Sutlij, is made by means of seven locks; while to the eastward a
descent of thirty and a half feet to the valley of the Markunda and Sur-
sootee, is effected in five locks, after which a partial rise of six and a
half feet is necessary to cross the ridge separating these rivers from the
Chittung, followed by a descent of thirty-eight feet, by four locks to the
level of the Jumna. Water sufficient for the westward lockage, as well
as to compensate for waste by absorption and evaporation, could be
Water for lockace and Supplied at the highest level by a cut taken from
wastage, how obtained. the Sutlij, at the point where it debouches from
the lower hills, and conducted along the crest of the ridge; and on the
eastern extremity of the canal, we might obtain water for the same pur-
The possible Section poses by a water-course from the Delhi canal above
not recommended as an . : ae
ad¥isable one! Indree. In sketching out this project, I would
be clearly understood not to recommend it as an advisable one. The
number of masonry aqueducts required here, the necessity for which

1840. | Levels between the Jumna and Sutlyj. 693

“Its object. would be obviated by a more southerly course, would
alone point out the latter as preferable; but if it can be shewn that
the scheme is feasible on a line taken at random, the probable exist-
ence of one decidedly favorable, will readily be admitted.

Whether the construction of such a work would be eventually as

Utility of the measure beneficial to the country as it appears practicable
considered with tefet- as an engineering operation, the Government are
of the Upper Provinces. qoybtless in possession of better information to
guide their judgment, than any which I could afford them. At the
present time it might facilitate the transport of military stores required
for warlike operations westward of the Sutlij, but this inducement
will fail whenever Magazines may be formed on the banks of the Indus,

_and their contents transported by water from Bombay. As regards the
public interest, however, the case is different, attention being now so
universally attracted towards the shorter communications with Europe,
whether by the Mesopotamian route or that of the Red Sea, it cannot
be supposed that the use of these means will long be restricted to
the conveyance of mails ; the more valuable description of merchandise

will soon follow, and shipments for Europe will be made from some
port to be established near the mouths of the Indus. The North-
western provinces of India will abandon the present circuitous route
by Calcutta, and send their exports by the more direct one of the Indus,
_and the deserts bordering the east banks of that river, which will then
_be the only obstruction, may be turned by the contemplated canal.
Though fully aware of the more than apathy which exists in this
Its obvious advantages. Country towards any thing involving a change of
| established usage, and but little acquainted with the nature and amount
of produce exchanged between the several provinces of India, yet
I can scarce suppose that the community would not avail themselves
of the facilities for the circulation of trade, which would be afforded by
ha communication between two such rivers as the Ganges and the Indus,
embracing such an extent of fertile country, and entering the sea at
such distant points.

If it be urged that the construction of a canal would be premature
‘A plausible objec- before the full establishment of the trade which
i answered. is to give it employment, I would reply, that the
formation, or at least the certain prospect of a canal, would be one

694 Levels between the Jumna and Sutlij. (No. 103.

great inducement to the establishment of trade. No merchant, for
instance, would bring European stores to Ferozepore for supplying the
stations of Kurnaul, Meerut, and Dehli, with a prospect of 200 or 300
miles of land carriage, rendered peculiarly difficult by the nature of the
country, and the scarcity of all means of transport.

Should Government decide on the further prosecution of this
A new line recommend- jnquiry, I beg to recommend for examination the
ed for future examina- ,, : :
tion. lines tinted blue in the annexed sketch map; that
marked a. b. ec. is calculated to cross the Cuggur below the junction of
its tributaries, and to avoid a spur of high land, which I am led to
believe, crosses the direct road from Kurnaul to Ferozepore. The
line d. b. would be that of the supply channel from the Sutlij.

In conclusion, I beg to state that the field book and original protrac- .

Field book and orgi- tions of my survey and levels, on a scale of one
nal protractions avail- : é ’
able. mile to an inch, are at the disposal of Govern-

ment for any purpose.

Memoir on the Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan).— By Lieut.
TICKELL.

Colonies of people speaking the same, or nearly the same dialect
as the Hos, or Lurka-koles of Singbhoom, but of whose customs and
history we are ignorant, may be traced from the jungles of Ramgurh

(near Hazareebaugh) to the south and southward along Moherbunj,

Keonjur, Gangpoor, down to the confines of Buna Nagpoor, where
they are distinguished from the Génds (in Géndwana) by the name
of “ Kirkees.” Those colonies described to me by Gonds are insulated,
semi-barbarous, and confined to the wildest parts of that country.
The country lying north and north-east of Gondwana, and west of
Gangpoor, and south of Surgoojia, are in all probability inhabited by
the main stock, from whence these small settlements have wandered.
These regions have never been explored, and are wrapped in the
greatest obscurity. We only know that they are traversed by large
streams. The Koil, the Hutsoo, the east and west Shunk, and the
Brahminee, which flow into the sea, north-east of Kuttuck, or join

SO PO ME PRS Pe ~~

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 695

the Mohanuddee. The Shunk is said to be navigable above Gangpoor
for tolerably large boats, and may therefore be presumed to become
a considerable river in its passage to thesouthward ; watered by such
fine streams, it is difficult to imagine the whole of those regions, to
be mere wastes of jungle, which would not repay the trouble of
exploring them. But they must ever remain unknown, so long as
the inhabitants retain their primitive habits, and aversion to visiting
other countries, and until more enterprising people than the timid
Hindoos, settle in their vicinity.

- These remarks, vague as they are, may serve to define the limits
of this wild and aboriginal race ; for beyond the precincts thus roughly
sketched, I am unaware of their language extending. It must be
remembered that the inhabitants of Chota Nagpoor, although indis-
criminately called Koles, are a totally distinct race, having different
languages, manners, and origins These latter, properly named ‘‘ Oradus,”
were the first known inhabitants of Roidas (Rotaés) and parts of
Reewa. Their sudden transmigration across the Soane, and which is
ascribed by them to inroads of Hindoos from the vicinity of the
Ganges, may be attributed to the expulsion of the latter by their
Moohomedan conquerors, but at what precise epoch, it is difficult to
determine.

It is these Oradus who first give us accounts of a people called
Moondas, whom they found in possession of Chootia* Nagpoor at the
time of their flight into it. They state them to have been a wild
people, living chiefly by hunting, and who offered no opposition to
the Oraous settling in the fine open tracts to the northward of Sone-
poor, and cultivating lands of which they themselves scarcely knew
the value. Being a peaceable, industrious race, the Oradus gave no
‘umbrage to their hosts, and very shortly after, the entire residue
of the immigrants, who had for a time taken refuge in the uninviting
jungles of Palamoo and Burhweé, passed over into Chota Nagpoor,
where they remained in great harmony together, until the Hindoos
came spreading further in, and attracted by the beauty and fertility
of the country, by degrees made themselves masters of the soil. <A
Bramin from Benares, imposed upon the credulous Oradus, by

* Misnamed ‘‘ Chota.”’

696 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). {No..108.

trumping up a story about a child, which had been discovered on the
banks of a tank at the town of Pittooreea, guarded and shaded
from the sun by a Covra, or Nag, and which he presented to them
as their king.. This is the present reputed origin of the “‘ Nagbun-
sees,” who to this day are the Rajas of the country; the Raj Gadee,
or Paietukht, was first at Chootia, a town about ten milse south of
Pittooreea, from whence the name of the country, ‘ Chootia Nagpoor.”
What it was called by the Moondas before this event, is not known.

As the Hindoos spread and prevailed, the effect of their tyranny and
extortions was to reduce the Oraous into complete slavery, and drive
the Moondas into open revolt. After a long struggle, the latter were
compelled to confine themselves to the jungles of Sonepoor to the
south, and the wooded slip of land which to the east raises Chota
Nagpoor Proper above the rest of Central India. Wandering south-east-
ward, many settled themselves in the wild hilly tracts, now known as
Koehang, and in the immense jungles and mountains to the south
and west of the present village of Porahaut. Numbers passed over
into the low country, east of Nagpoor, now comprised in the zemin-
darees of Rahé Boondoo and Tamar, subservient to Chota Nagpoor,
where mixing with the lowest classes of Bhoornijes and Bhooians,
(supposed aborigines of Bengal) they merged into a mongrel race,
known as ‘‘ Tamarias ;” and a great proportion traversing the hills and
forests of Koehang, passed out eastward, into the open tract now call-
ed Singbhoom and the Kolehan.

The last are the subjects of the present memoir.

It appears that the Moondas, or as they now call themselves, the
Hos, found Singbhoom on their arrival to be peopled by Bhooians,
an inoffensive, simple race, but rich in cattle, and industrious cul-
tivators, who first allowed them to form settlements in the neighbour-
ing woods, and afterwards permitted them to reside in the central
open tracts. Here they remained together for some time, when the
country appears to have passed into the hands of ‘‘ Surawuks,” a race
of Bengalee Bramins, now almost extinct, but then numerous and
opulent, whose original country is said to be Sikrbhoom and Pachete.
Their arrival produced a repetition of the scenes which had forced the
Moondas, or Hos, from Chota Nagpoor. But in the latter instance,
the oppressions of the Surawuks ended in their total expulsion from the

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 697

Kolehan—in what direction is wholly unknown, though it may be
conjectured they retraced their steps, for the name of Surawuk, is now
unknown except in Tamar and Pachete, and then only used by the
jungle people occasionally in speaking of Bengalees.

The Kolehan continued after this much in its pristine state, and
only known to others by its lying in the route of hosts of pilgrims
from Patna and Benares, &c. to Juggernath. The lands, broad and
fair, excited the cupidity of many of these travellers, but their dread
of the Hos deterred all thoughts of settling, until a party bolder than
the rest, journeying from Marwar, took up their residence as guests at
the house of a Bhooian Mahapattor, or Zemindar, where they re-
mained on various pretexts, astonished the Bhooians with a display
of their riches, superior knowledge, and by descriptions of their
country; and ended by reproving them for living on terms of equality
with a people who were Mlechis, or unbelievers, and as fugitives from
another country, should be considered as subservient to them. The
Bhooians desirous of having their own Raja, and emulating their
councillors, entered into a league with the Marwarees, who procured
a number of their countrymen to assist in establishing the supremacy
of the Bhooians. In this they were totally unsuccessful, and the result
of a long struggle, the details of which are handed down disguised
with much fable in the traditions of the Ooria Bramins of the coun-
try, ended with the total discomfiture of the Bhooians, and the coalition
of the Marwarees with the Hos. The former established themselves in
Porahaut and the rich open plains to the northward, now called
Singbhoom ; the Hos withdrawing from this part occupied the re-
maining tract of open land, whose limits, described hereafter, constitute
the Hodésum, or Kolehan of the Hindoos.

Up to this epoch no dates can be obtained, as the narrators of the
above events, Oradus and Hos, keep no account whatever of time.
But from the introduction of the Marwaree Singbhunsees, and other
Rajpoots who came to settle with them, a regular chronological history
has been preserved in the Madela, or records of the Porahaut family ;
unfortunately I am now unable to apply to these for any information
on these points.

It appears that these settlers electing a chief, whom they styled
‘Raja,’ and took up their abode for five or six generations at Porahaut,

698 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 103.

after which a general division was made of the rest of the country the
Bhooians had retired to, among the Hissadars or brethren of the Raja;
the eldest brother took Anundpoor (or Sumijgurh); the second,
Seryekela ; and the youngest, Kera. The Raja also gave as pykallee, or
service tenures to some of his subordinates, the Talooks of Bundgaon,
Khursawa, Koryekela, and Chynpoor; of these Khursawa has become
in a manner hereditary and independent.

In process of time the brothers managed to get into quarrels
with neighbouring Zemindars ; the Gangpoor walla (of Keonjur) and
the Baboo of Anundpoor recriminated each other, about mutual
depredations committed (by their orders) in their dominions, by the —
Koles ; the Porahaut Raja’s pykes harried Sonepoor; the Kera Baboo
plundered Tamar and Chota Nagpoor ; and the Koonwr of Seryekela
and Raja of Mohurbunj found a bone of contention in the little but
fertile tuppah of Koochoong, before alluded to.

In these contentions the services of the Hos were brought into
requisition ; promises of booty lured them into becoming sted {fast allies
of those chiefs who had won them over, and thus incited, they com-
menced a series of depredations on the surrounding country, which
soon brought them into note. In return for the plunder which they
acquired, they were induced to pay rent in the shape of occasional
salamees, in different taxes, or “‘ Russoomat,” at periods of Hindoo
festivals, &c. and the Kolehan was divided into Peers or Pergunnahs,
twenty-four in number; of these the Moherbunj Raja through his
Dewan at Baumenghattee secured four, viz. Aulapeer, Burburriapeer,
Toépeer, and Lalgurh, placing a Zemindar or Mahapattor in the latter.
The Singbhoom Raja, together with the syounger branches of his house,
allied themselves with the remainder, and this order of things con-
tinued until 1831-32, when the Mahapattor of Lalgurh, disgusted with
the exactions of the Moherbunj Raja, broke out into open rebellion,
which led to a series of such contentions and outrages (especially
as the Raja’s emissaries artfully induced the ignorant Koles of the
Mahapattor to plunder our territories of the Jungle Mehals, and
incommode our communications to the westward, by cutting of
the daks) that Government was at length obliged to interfere, and
in 1836-37 effectual measures were taken to prevent disturbances
of the kind, by taking the Hos under our immediate control, and

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 699

withdrawing them from all allegiance to the Rajas of Moherbunj and
Singbhoom. Y

Singbhoom, including the Kolehan, lies between 21° 30° and 23°

- north latitude, and 85° and 86° east longitude ; it is bounded to the

-north by Chota Nagpoor and Patkoom; to the east by the Jungle

Mehals and Baumunghatte ; to the south by petty states, or tuppahs,
subservient to Moherbunj, and by Keonjur ; and to the east by
Gangpoor and Chota Nagpoor. These limits comprise a fine open
tract of country, in most parts exceedingly productive, in others stony
and barren, and separated from the circumjacent countries, above
enumerated, by rocky hills and jungles. Singbhoom Proper consists
of an extent of fine open arable land, to the north of the Kolehan,
above 45 miles east and west, and about 18 in breadth, comprising
the talooks of Khursawa, Kera, and Seryekela, also a portion of
similar land, about 20 miles square, to the north-east, called Koo-
choong, attached to Seryekela, and along the west of the Kolehan, an
imperfectly defined extent of mountains and jungles, including Pora-
haut and Anundpoor.

The Kolehan as now constituted, comprehends a tract of open un-
dulating country, averaging from sixty miles in length north and
south, from thirty-five to sixty in breadth. It is divided into two
departments by a step about 500 feet high, running east and west
across it. The southern part is rich in soil, and beautiful in appear-
ance ; but an absence of inhabitants, and proper culture, gives it an air
of desolation. This happily is becoming fast remedied by the return
of large families of Bhooians, former inhabitants, who had been ex-
pelled by the Hos. The lower country north of the step is exceeding-
ly populous, but in many parts stoney and barren. The westerly
Peers are situated among hills and vast jungles, containing a few
fertile vallies ; and Sarnda in the far south, is one mass of mountains,
clothed in forests, where the miserable inhabitants, few and solitary,
can scarce struggle for mastery with the tiger.

The Peers are twenty-six in number, Anjoodhia, Assuntullia, Anla,
Burkela, Burburria or Birwarpeer, Burpeer or Jyntpeeree, Cherye,
Chynpoor, Goomwa, Govindpoor, Gopinathpoor, Jamda, Kainawa,
Kooilda, Kotegurh, Lota, Natooa, Lalgurh, Purliong, Rajabapa,
Oonchdee, Rengra, Rela, Sath Buntria, Toé, and Sarnda.

700 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). |No. 103.

I unfortunately neglected taking any census of the people, while
assessing them, and when I had an easy opportunity of so doing. But
the uniformity and simplicity of their mode of living, enables a
rough estimate to be formed of their numbers, from the amount of the
annual rack rent, which by way of Malgoozaree, has been levied on
them, and the calculation I should think would be found on closer
inquiry to be pretty near the truth. —

The amount of Malgoozaree for 1838-39 was in round numbers
Co’s. Rs. 6,500 at 0/8 per plough, —=13,000 ploughs or men
of these at least ths are married, =11,375 women,

Average of 3 children to each family, ==33,825 children,

Aged people, mendicants, orphans, &c. = th. = 2,166

——— 60,366
Gwallas, Taunties, Lohars, & other castes, =th=2, 166
Wives of these ?ths, 1,624
Children 3 to each family, 4,372

——— 8,662
Ploughs concealed at assessment about 3th, 1,625

Total population, =70,653

The whole of this country is traversed by numerous streams of
great beauty, but useless as water carriage, being almost dry in the
hot weather, and rapid torrents in the rains. The Sunjye separating
the Kolehan from Singbhoom, rises to the north-west of Porahaut,
and enters the Kurkye, near the junction of that river with the
Soobum-rekha; the Roro, twelve miles south of the former, a narrow,
but deep and swift stream, and the Eeleegarra and Toorul still fur-
ther south, take a like course above the step ; the Des Nye runs west-
ward, and falls into the Kolekaro, near its confluence with the Koil ;
and near the southern limits of the Kolehan, the different streams
take a south and west direction, falling into the Bhundun and
Byturnee, which last, running through vast and ‘lonely forests, separates
the Kolehan from Jushpoor and Rorwan, in Moherbunj, and Kalka-
pershaud in Keonjur. There are two water-falls on the borders of
the Kolehan, which I have never visited, but which, by the descrip-
tion of the natives, must be well worth seeing. The Bunnye, running
between Sonepoor and Singbhoom, is said to roll its waters into a

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 701

profound cave, from which spot it pursues its course underground, and
is supposed to join the Kole Karo. The fall is called Parad-ghag,
and is a tiruth, but so remote from habitation, and buried in such
deep woods, as to be seldom visited, except by the Sonepoor Koles, and
Bhooians of Porahaut and Bundgaon. On the confines of Baumun-
ghattee also, is a singular cascade, described to me as a single thread
of water pouring down a walllike precipice of 2 or 300 feet in height.
It is called by the Baumunghattee Oorias, Muchkandnee Jhurna ;
and by the Koles, Hakoo-yamdah, meaning in either language,
“The fall of the weeping fish,” from some whimsical story of the
fish complaining of the impossibility of scaling the cataract, to emerge
from the dreary abyss, through which the stream winds below. The
peculiar distribution of the hills in this country, running in parallel
ranges, precludes the formation of lakes, which are unknown.

These ranges are not of very great height, the loftiest, which are
in Saruda, not appearing above 1000 feet above the plain. They
are however intersected in parts by profound vallies, which give
the hills, from that side, an appearance of great magnitude. They are
chiefly quartz, in all stages of decomposition, permeated by limestone
rocks ; smaller detached ranges issuing at right angles to these, are
commonly of micacious slate. From Chyebassa, proceeding easterly into
Koochoong, are low ridges perfectly parallel, about half a mile to a mile
apart, gradually increasing in height till the series is closed by the
Choivria hills in Koochoong. They are composed of loose rocks,
resembling (if they are not) clink stone; but the larger ridges are of
coarse granite. The northern part of the Kolehan consists in a great
measure of sterile plains, scattered with quartz boulders, stones, and
pebbles, some crystallized. The beds of the nullahs are a shingle com-
posed of jasper (of all hues) green stone, quartz pebbles, and flint. The
bed of the Byturnee is lined with flattened pebbles and lumps of
jasper, of bright yellow, red, purple, and black, disposed in parallel
streaks, or ribbands, as if artificially inlaid. The corundum is found
in great quantities at Juggernathpoor on the upper step of the Kolehan,
and several nullahs run through beds of argillaceous earth, from the
brightest scarlet to pure white, which are highly in request among
the natives. ‘The whole of these streams wash down more or less

gold, but the Koles know not how to collect it. In Singbhoom a

792 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). (No. 103.

tolerable quantity is gathered by Hindoos, but of a third or fourth
rate quality, also excellent iron ; of coal I never found any traces.

The open parts of the Kolehan are here and there scattered with a
scrub jungle, composed chiefly of the Polass and Assun, on which
latter the tusser silk worms are bred. The southern parts, where not
cultivated, are covered by extensive plains of grass, interspersed with
bushes ; entirely along the west boundary, are forests of saul trees,
small and meagre on the hills, but reaching in the low rich vallies to
a size perfectly prodigious. In Anundpoor, towards Gangpoor, are
tracts covered entirely with the wild plantain, and many of the
hills are clothed densely with bamboos. In marshy spots a strong
serviceable species of cane or ratan is found. The wild mangoe tree
is also very common in these forests, yielding a fruit far preferable to
the common kind found in the “ topes” throughout India ; it is small,
round, and full of juice, as sweet as honey. The date and palm trees
are not cultivated by the Koles, but are to be found near Hindoo
villages in Singbhoom ; cheretta, wild indigo, and arrowroot are very
common in the jungles. But to enumerate all the beautiful flowers
which enrich these green retreats—the fruits and roots, to every
one of which the natives attach some specific virtue or harm ; the
inexhaustible variety of plants, shrubs and fungi, ferns, creepers, &c.
which clothe in all varieties of fantastic imagery the shady dells ; or —
the cool banks of foliage-canopied streams,—would be a task far
exceeding my powers, or the limits of this memoir.

The animals found in the Kolehan are the same as in other parts
of central India, but not nearly so abundant as in better watered
jungles, besides which the Koles and Oorias are inveterate hunters,
and their attacks on game of all kinds are pursued on an extermi-
nating scale (a description of their hunts is hereafter given). ‘The
elephant, which is numerous in parts of the Jungle Mehals, com-
paratively close to Medneepoor, is, strange to say, unknown among
the remote and wild regions. of west Singbhoom ; the gowér is
common in this latter region—two species are described by the natives,
a red and a black kind; the urna, and smaller wild buffalo are
very numerous about Anundpoor ; great varieties of deer haunt the
hills, the saumur (C. rusa), neelgye (Dalmalis picta) spotted deer (C.
axis) barking deer, or Muntjac (C. muntjac), chikerac or four horned

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 703

deer (C. chicquera), all these species, though so shy when sought after
as to be seldom met with, must be tolerably numerous, from the
depredations they commit on the fields of gram, boot, moong, oorid,
&e. which are planted near the jungles. The memina, a species
of mouse deer, is also found among rocks, and underwood. The
antelope is confined to the wide open plains of Chynpoor in Sing-
bhoom, and very limited in number. Tigers and leopards abound.
Bears infest almost every clump of rocks throughout the plain; they
are all of the long-lipped species (Ursus labiatus). Hyznas inhabit
similar localities, but are rare. There are no wolves, but there appear
to be two distinct species of the jackal (C. aureas), one of which is
much larger, stouter, and ruddier than what I remember of the jackal
of Bengal. The cry also is different, and is a wailing sound not much
unlike, though infinitely louder, than the mewing ofa cat. At all events
the Koles distinguish the two animals, calling the large kind (from
its ery) Tow Koola, and the common jackal “ Kurmcha.” The little
Bengal fox or Corsac (Cynalopex insectivorus) is very numerous,
yapping all the clear nights long, during the cold season. The Indian
badger or Ratel (Ratelus melivorus) is found in the woods, but rarely.
Porcupines (Hystrix) are numerous, but being nocturnal, are seldom
seen. The short-tailed marus (M: crassicandata) is met with among
rocks, but is one of the rarest animals known. There are three kinds
of squirrels, the common palm squirrel (Sciurus striatus), the great red
squirrel (Sciurus macronnus), and a large grey flying squirrel, peculiar;
I believe, to the Kolehan and the Jungle Mehals. This last is
exceedingly rare, as it lives on lofty trees in profound forests, and
only moves forth at night. The wild dog (Canis primevus), Koohia
and Sona-kookoor of the Oorias, and TYannee of the Koles, roams
through the jungles in packs, occasionally visiting the flocks and
herds on the plains. Their ferocity, speed, and cunning, have gained
them a superstitious veneration among the Koles, and dread of
their retaliating on their cattle, deters the villagers from killing them.
Of these also there are said to be two kinds, a large dog, in shape and
colour like a Scotch greyhound or lurcher, which hunts by sight,
and a smaller, red, bushy tailed dog, which follows the other in packs
of five to twenty,is less speedy and hunts by scent. The hare is
larger than that of Bengal, inhabits gravelly ravines in scrub jungle,

704 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). (No. 105.

and never takes to grass. Of monkeys there are only the two common
species, the Lungoor and Makor or Bunder (Sara and Gye of the
Koles) ; the former live among rocks, the latter in dense thickets.
Wild hogs are very numerous in some parts, but so wary as to be
seldom killed. The rhinoceros is not known.

Birds of all kinds are scarce and wild, especially those fit for food,
on account of the keenness with which the Koles pursue, trap, hawk,
and shoot them. The double-spurred partridge is found among rocks,
but is one of the most difficult birds to shoot, as it seldom takes wing, but
creeps into caves and fissures. The deep moist woods afford immense
varieties to the ornithologist, an enumeration of which would be useless.

Being a dry and stony country, the Kolehan is peculiarly prolific
in snakes of all varieties ; the covra is not so common as another
species, the Scarbinja of the Oorias, and Pago jarras of the Hos (Cop-
hias Russelii), which is supposed to be equally deadly, and far more
vindictive; it is a subgenus of rattle-snake (without the rattle). A
large and beautiful snake, coloured with black and yellow rings, the
Sakom bing (Pseudoboa fasciata) is met with in ploughed fields;
a long thin green whip-snake, infests the rank grass jungles at the
bottoms of hills; the hartoo, a slender, agile species, coloured like a
ribbon with yellow, and coppery purple, infests trees. All these are
venomous. The Python or Ujgur, (Toonil bing) is found in every
jungle; it attains to dimensions which I have heard described, but
which would sound too marvellous to be recorded without better
proofs. Throughout Singbhoom, Chota Nagpoor, and the surrounding
countries, a belief is current of a monstrous species of snake, the
“ Garra bing,” infesting rivers swollen by torrents, which destroys both
men and cattle, should they venture in. I mention it, as the opinion is
so general, but it is probable that the sudden and mysterious deaths
which occur in these mountain torrents, are occasioned by what sea-
men call the “‘ under tow” and “ back water,” caused by the violent
passage of water over rocks and deep holes. The body of a person
thus carried away is never seen again, at least in the neighbourhood,
and this total disappearance naturally strengthens the idea of his
having been swallowed up by some huge animal.

An entomologist would find an exhaustless field of research and
discovery in the jungles of this country. The decayed saul trees are

19 So ewe Se, Be

Tae

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 705

tenanted by magnificent species of .Prionus and Cerambyx; the
rocks contain endless beautiful varieties of Coleoptera; the deep
woods, every where during the rainy season brilliant with odorife-
rous flowers, are enlivened by Lepidoptera of the gaudiest colors, and
numberless varieties of grotesque shapes in the Mantides, Phyllia, and
Grilli, infest every thicket ; while tribes of ants, bees, and wasps, attract
attention by the beauty and ingenuity of their habitations and nests
in the forests. Of the former, one of the commonest species is remark-
able for traversing the jungles, and marching along the paths in pro-
cession two or three abreast, and of prodigious extent. Scorpions and
centipedes are fearfully common; of the former, a species infests caves
and fissures in rocks, and attains such an enormous size, that had I
not heard the animal described by several people (of different classes),
and had reason to be satisfied of the general truth of their assertions,
I should have looked upon the whole as a chimera. In dry, konker-
ous soils, the white ants are a scourge. They appear, in woods, to be
a kind of vegetable scavenger, reducing to powder the logs which lie
on the ground in a short space of time. |

Fish are abundant in every largish stream, retiring in the dry
season to the deep pools, which are left when the main channel has
run dry; but the Koles, by poisoning the water, destroy inordinate
quantities. The mahseer, and the little fly-taking Cyprinus, miscalled
‘trout’ in Upper India, are not found in these lower latitudes. Doubt-
less these running jungle streams produce many undiscovered va-
rieties of fish, but unfortunately, to this branch of natural history I
turned no attention during my stay in the country.

The climate of the Kolehan has been found to be on the whole
healthy, although the station of Chyebassa, which was unfortunately
selected hurriedly, and without sufficient examination and comparison
with surrounding spots, is not a favourable sample, situated on a
barren, gravelly plain, interspersed with brushwood, and near piles
of bare rocks. The heat during the day is excessive, but the nights are
invariably cool, and the air invigorating and exhilerating, in spite of
the temperature, owing probably to its peculiar dryness. A mile only
to the south-east, at the village of Tambore, the country rises in
undulating meadows, beautiful in appearance as an English park,
and infinitely cooler than Chyebassa. These advantages in forming the

706 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 103.

cantonment were either overlooked, or thought of less note than the
nearer vicinity of water, Chyebassa being on the banks of the Roro.
The Hos are more free from disease than any other people, in con-
sequence of the precautionary measures they take—their nutritive
food and drink, and the open airy positions they build in. As a guard
against infection or fire their villages are small and scattered, and
on the first appearance of any epidemic, they leave their houses and
flee into the jungles, living apart from each other. Singbhoom, on the
contrary, from the obverse manners of the Oorias, is yearly scourged
by cholera, fevers, and small-pox. This latter disease, propagated by
the Bramin inoculators, has within the last year spread with fearful
havoc into the Kolehan, and most unfortunately simultaneously with
the introduction of vaccine, to which the evil has alone been attributed.
The rains are not heavy in the Kolehan, but the moonsoon is accom-
panied by violent storms of wind from the north-west, with severe
thunder and lightning, causing many fatal accidents. None of that
sultry oppression incident to Bengal is felt at that time of year. The cold
season is truly luxurious—“ a nipping and an eager air” without fogs or
. nists. March, April, and May are generally the only unpleasantly hot
months of the year; during this period not a drop of water falls occa-
sionally for upwards of six weeks; the aspect of the country loses
every trace of verdure, and the dried stony soil reflects with unbear-
able force the rays of the sun. Vegetation is vigorously restored on
the commencement of the rains, and as these are not accompanied by
the gloomy sky and unceasing torrents which fall in the plains of
India, the landscape is pleasingly checquered by passing showers, and
the tender foliage of the forests glistens alternately with golden breaks
of sunshine, or mellowed shades of green. To the south and east of
Singbhoom, and in the most dreary and deserted parts of the country,
are remains indicative of the former presence of opulent and industri-
ous people, but so decayed by time, and engulphed in the labyrinths
of untenanted forests, as to be unmarked by any record or history, save
that they must have been of prior origin to the first known Bhooians
of the country. In Lalgurhpeer, the remains of a square brick fort
well ditched round are still visible ; it is said by the Bramins to have
been the seat of a Raja of the Raj Dom tribe, who with all his people,
houses, and riches, were destroyed by fire from heaven, for having slain

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 707

a cow and wrapped a Bramin in the hide, which tightening as it dried,
squeezed him to death. Only one man, a faunty, escaped, who was
warned by the bullocks he was ploughing with, of the fate which im-
pended over the place ; it is called Kesnagurh to this day. In Anlah-
peer, to the far south, and on the borders of Rorwan, a few Koles of
the poorest kind, have built a wretched straggling hamlet near the
banks of what once was a truly magnificent, tank. It is called
© Benoo Saugur,” and is said-to have been built by one Raja Benoo,
who fled from the place owing to the incursions of the Mahrattas.
This was probably during the days of the celebrated ‘‘ Morari Rao,”
for judging by the trees which now luxuriate amidst the buildings,
the place must have been deserted and in ruins full 200 years ago.
The tank which I paced, as well as the jungle allowed me, is about
600 yards square. On the east bank are the remains of a handsome
stone ghaut ; the west side may be similar, but was inaccessible, by
reason of thickets ; on the summit of the ample bund surrounding the
water, lie stones richly carved; it is probable they once constituted
smali temples ranged around. In the centre of the tank is an island,
crowned by a temple, now almost a shapeless mass. On the south-
east corner of the tank are the debris of a gurhee or small fort, which
appears to have been a parallelogram of about 300 by 150 yards, enclos-
ed by a massy wall, with towers at the corners. In the centre are
two sunken platforms, with stone steps descending into them, in
which lie idols in all stages of decay; some of these were buried
many feet under a loose reddish soil, having the appearance of decay-
ed bark. Among several Gunneéshes, Parbuttees, Mahadeos, and other
' gods of modern Hindoo mythology, were others which my infor-
mants, the Mohurbunj Raja’s Mookhtar, the Burkoonwr of Rorwan,
and several of their Bramin attendants, could give me no history of.
Three of the best preserved of these I took away with the help of some
Nagpoor Dhangars, not one of the people of the country daring to
touch them. About 300 yards to the south of the gurhee is another
mound or hillock of broken bricks, which I was told was the “ Kut-
cherry” of the Raja. To the west of this, and all along the bank of the
Talab, the plain now covered with jungle grass, and here and there
cultivated with gora dhan by the Koles, is scattered with bricks,
showing that a substantial town or bazar myst have existed here.

708 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 105.

Still further southward, about eight miles, and two miles beyond
Rorwan, these remains occur in greater number, and better preserva-
tion, and the road leading to them is replete with debris of the most
melancholy and dreary nature, rank grass waving over tanks, some
of great magnitude, which lie on every side. Thickets and briars
matting over richly carved ghauts and temples ; old avenues and plan-
tations whose symmetry can now scarcely be detected amidst over-
whelming jungle, offer a vivid picture. of what these deserted tracts
once were ; and the mind instinctively pictures to itself a once opulent
and prosperous people, whose forgotten dust rests perhaps within the
funereal shades of these ancient forests, as their fates and fortunes, alike
unknown, lie buried in the elapsed vastness of time !

‘The temples at Kiching are still resorted to by pilgrims from
the south, and kept in tolerable repair. There are two of them,
but only one made use of in offering sacrifices, &c ; it is in an
unfinished state, the materials for the dome lying on the ground
round about, as if they had been hastily abandoned. A narrow path
winds up to the temple now in use, through dense thickets and
forest trees, among which lie, thickly scattered, portions of elabo-
rate sculpture, idols, and alto-relievo figures of men in armour on
horseback, nauchnees, jugglers, servants, &c. &c. These two temples
ere part of a circle of sixty similar ones (according to the Déoree,
or high priest of the place) which with sixty corresponding tanks are
placed two miles a part, in a circle of forty miles in diameter. Of
these, the temples at Kiching and some others at Odeypoor, on the
banks of the Byturnee, are alone visited. A superstitious dread
deters access to the others, and in truth they are buried in such awful ~
wilds, as naturally to excite the fears of such a credulous race.
The tank at Kiching lies to the north of the temple, and appeared
tobe about 300 yards long, and sixty or seventy in breadth ; it is said
to be of masonry, but I did not examine it.

In the vast saul forest which spreads over the boundary of the
Kolehan and Baumunghattee, and about twelve miles from the
nearest village, are two extraordinary pools of water, evidently
artificial, called the ‘‘ Soormee and Doormee.” The former is about
300, the latter 200 yards long, dug in a perfectly straight line,
and separated by a bund or causeway, so that they appear to have

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan ). 709

formed a long water chaussee, or avenue, leading to the Kurkye river,
which is not above half a mile off. No traces of paths or buildings
or artificially planted trees were here discernible. Absurd stories are
told of the fatal effects of the water on man and beast, by the
Bhoomijes, who are the exorcisers of unclean spirits in the jungles,
and the spot is carefully avoided by the superstitious Koles. I visited
the “‘ Soormee Doormee’ while laying down the boundary in 1838-
1839 ; we had great difficulty in forcing our way through the dense
jungle, not the trace of a path existing, and I verily believe we were
the first party, for many generations, who had intruded on this abode
of utter silence and seclusion. There were fine fish swimming in the
water, and the traces of deer in numbers round the bank, as they come
nightly to drink there. It was with difficulty however I could prevail
on a few to follow my example in taking a draught from the pool.

In none of these places could I perceive inscriptions of any kind,
and I cannot here avoid expressing a regret, that my ignorance
of Indian antiquities prevented my throwing any light on the history
of these truly interesting, relics ;—Interesting, as being situated
in such unknown wilds, as indices of the entire revolution that has
taken place in the political history of the country, and as proofs of
these untrodden jungles having once been the seat of opulence, indus-
try, and power, so utterly decayed, so long departed, as not to have
left a record behind.

(To be continued. )

Nors.---Although it is very improbable that any of our readers should
be enabled to visit the Hodesum, with sufficient time at their disposal
to examine closely, and carefully, the ruins at Kiching, and Lalgurhpeer,
I cannot help requesting particular attention to Lieut. Tickell’s notice of
these interesting remains, with a view to our procuring at some future
time a more detailed account of them. The best thanks of all interested
in the study of Indian History, are due to the author of the excellent
paper now -under publication, for his having (I believe I am right in
saying) discovered in the wilds of the trackless forests of Chootia Nagpore,
these singular traces of a people, and a power, whose name lives hardly
preserved by even local tradition. His ample, and able statistical
account of Hodesum is of real utility, and we must acknowledge that he
has done well in foregoing a possibly fruitless search for antiquarian
remains, which would necessarily have diverted his attention from more

710 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 103.

important objects. As these however have been fully accomplished in
the paper before us, I trust that, should opportunity offer, search may
be made in the vicinity of these deserted cities for any traces which
may enable us to arrive at conclusions regarding their history. A paper
which I hope soon to publish (Journal of an expedition to the Naga
Hills, by Lieut. Grange) will prove the value of similar research in a
historical point of view, by the result of that officer’s observations on
Dhemapoor Nuggur, now like Lalgurhpeer a mass of ruins in a wild
forest, but formerly the residence of the Cacharee Rajas. (1

Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan, by Captain Epwarpb
Conouzy, 6th Cavalry.

The southern limit of the lower ranges of that portion of the great
Caucasian chain of mountains which lies between the 62nd and 65th
meridians of east longitude, is well defined by the lower, or Dilaram
road from Girishke to Furrah. From this line a vast desolate tract
extends, part of that great desert, named rather loosely
by Malcolm, the Salt Desert. Sloping gradually to the
south-west, it descends, like the plains of Tartary, in steppes, till its pro-
gress is arrested, on the south, by a high sandy desert, and on the west
by a broad and lofty chain of hills (1) which stretches im a south-west
direction from probably near Ghorian to the Surhud, and thus perhaps
connects the Parapomisan mountains with the Southern Kohistan. The
south-west corner of this thus interrupted plain, the last and lowest
steppes, are Seistan (2).

The country so named, of which the length may in round numbers
be estimated at 100 miles, and the breadth at 60, is entirely composed
of flats, with the exception of one hill, (3) (the
Koh-i-Zor) and in its whole extent, not a stone is to

Position.

Nature of the country.

1. This range is known by different names; in the latitude of Killah Rah, itis called, from
a celebrated hill, Atishana near Bundau, Koh-i-Bundau—and opposite Zirreh Koh-i-Pulung,—the
hill of leopards.

2. That is modern Seistan. In ancient times, the country known by this name was only
bounded on the north by Ghare and Zemindawer, in the latter of which a learned orientalist has
recognized Zabul. As the present’sketch is intended solely to explain the map, and the ancient
history and geography of Seistan and the countries around it will form the subject of a separate
memoir, no allusion to the latter will be found here. .

3. In the Univ: Gazetteer, 1837, you read, ‘‘The country is generally mountainous”? There
is a small hill called Kohga, on the north-west of the Hamoon, which is sometimes surrounded
by the water of the lake ; at present it belongs to the chief of Laush.

a 2 i ONE A Gt a Mert NR. TE Ft Hes Pecos rene -stgemg

~
aie PL

1840.] Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. 711

be met with, except a few rounded pebbles in the beds of rivers. The
soil is either the light and soluble earth of the desert, or the still lighter
alluvial deposit, and there is hardly one tree, and not one of any size,
in the whole country. From the north and north-east, it receives the
waters of numerous rivers, which partaking of the nature of mountain
torrents, at one time of the year rush down with great violence, almost
black with mud, and at others are either quite dry, or flow in a clear,
languid and shallow stream.

It requires but little knowledge of Physical Geography, to judge of
the effect of a large body of water discharged in this
manner, with varying velocity, into a basin, incapable,
from its nature, of offering the slightest resistance to its progress. The
water hurries away to the lowest spots, and there, when its turbulence
has subsided, drops its loads of earth, till in process of time these low
spots have become elevated, and the water is driven to some other place.
It necessarily results, that the level of the country must constantly be
altering, and that as the whole bed of the lake is thus gradually filling
up, the waters spread themselves over a large surface every year. This
extension is much assisted by the deposits which take place in the beds
of the rivers at their mouths, which deposits are of course ever on the
increase as the current becomes less rapid, when layer after layer of
settling earth diminishes the slope. In consequence of this filling up of
their beds, nearly all these rivers overflow their banks on entering Seistan.

Ofthe correctness of these views, the whole country exhibits many proofs,
el a he even to the passing traveller; and a scientific resident

of the country. might probably be able to develop much of the in-

teresting history of the progressive changes. For a
long period of years, however, Seistan would seem to have presented much’
the same general appearance as is attempted to he delineated in the annexed
sketch.

The violent action of the swollen streams was in a great measure
moderated by large bodies of water being drawn off in canals, which
were conducted, in some places, as far as forty miles, through dry and
sandy tracts. Massive embankments had been also constructed by rich
and enlightened governments, which prevented the water from flowing
without controul, and confined it within certain bounds for the purposes
of cultivation. :

It is only of late years that a very remarkable change has taken place
in the aspect of the country, to explain which it will be necessary to say
a few words on the geography of its lakes and rivers, at the period repre-
sented in the sketch, when Captain Christie visited Seistan.

Effect of the rivers.

712 = Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. [No. 108.

The lake, which stretched in a direction parallel to the Bundau hills, was
about seventy miles long, and had an average breadth
of eighteen miles. Its principal feeder, the Helmund,
is not inaccurately laid down in our maps, with the exception, that the

The Helmund.

Khash-rood is not one of its tributaries, and that the Arghandab enters it |

just below, and not above, Killah Beest. This river, in the dry season, is
never without a plentiful supply of water; during the swell, it comes
down with astonishing rapidity, equal in size to the Jumna. As soon as
it has left the hills, its bed is generally four or five miles in breadth, the
water more easily penetrating the readily yielding sides than the bottom,
converted into a sort of pavement by the stones rolled down from the
mountains. The stream has not however of late years occupied the
whole breadth, though in former times, before it had cut itself so deep a
bed, it would appear to have done so near Girishke; for example, there are
ruins at opposite sides of the river of forts known to have been con-
temporaneous, and under which the water must have flowed (for they are
built in a semicircle, without a wall on the river face) though there is a
space of four miles between them.

The stream now hugs its left bank, above which rises in vast mounds
the sandy desert. The ancient right bank is well marked by the high
cliffs of the plain before mentioned, which are every where hollowed and
indurated by the action of water. The rich space between this bank and

the modern channel, of which the average breadth is rather more than two:

miles, is the country of Gurmsehl.

The Helmund receives the waters of one or two small streams from the
desert on the west, which will be mentioned in the description of that
tract.

The three rivers next to be described, have experienced little change since

1810. The first, the Furrah-rood, passes a little to the
The Furrah-rood.

north of the fort of Furrah, and runs close under Laush, :

about twenty miles south of which it enters the Seistan lake. I am not
aware of this river receiving any tributaries in the lower part of its
course. (4) The Furrah-rood is nearly dry for the greater part of the year,
water is however confined in many places by bunds or natural hollows,
and is always to be found by digging a few feet into its bed, which is the
case with the Helmund, and most of the rivers of eastern Asia. (5) During
the spring it is a broad and rapid river, but not half the size of the
Helmund.

4. The Gizea found in Arrowsmith’s Map of Central Asia, 1834, must be either erroneously laid

down, or is some insignificant stream.
5. Baber remarks this in his memoirs.

em vee aI

1840.| Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. 713

About twelve miles west of the mouth of the Furrah-rood, a river dis-
charges itself into the same lake, which though equal
in size to the last named, has nearly escaped the obser-
vation of geographers (6): this is the Adrascund, which crosses the high
road, some fifty miles south of Herat, near a place where it is joined by the
_ Rod-i-Gez, celebrated for the sweetness of its waters. After flowing east by
south, through the plain of Subzawar, it sweeps round to the west, runs
down a narrow valley called Jaya, and passes a little to the south of the
valley of Pomegranates,(7) where Capt. Christie crossed without recognizing
it. Of the course of the stream for a short distance after this, I am doubt-
ful, but its further progress to the west must be soon arrested by the incli-
nation of the ground from the western range of hills before mentioned.
Entering the tract, from its extreme barrenness called the Waste of Despair,
(Tug-i-Noomed) (8) its name, which since leaving Subzawar has been chang-
ed to Jaya, is again altered to that of the fallen angel Haroot. It then flows
a little to the west of Killah Rah, the northern part of which it waters,
and with a nearly southerly course empties itself into the lake of Seistan.
A few miles above its mouth, the Herat receives a small salt river, the
Khash Koduk, which has water only in the spring, when it drains the mars

of Furrah. ;

During the wet season, a mountain torrent, rather than a river, flows
S. E. into the lake from Bundau, by the name of which
place it is known. The Bundau has a course of less
than 50 miles, and only deserves notice as being, as far as our knowledge
extends, the solitary stream which enters Seistan from the west.

The Khash-rood has for so long a period occupied an erroneous
position on our maps, that its real course deserves
particular attention. After crossing the Herat road,
it travels south-west to Seistan, but in 1810 it did not enter the lake;
its waters just below Chukhnasoor, having spread themselves out over
a low tract called from a species of marshy grass (aishk) which abounds
there, Aishkineik. That the Khash-rood has been stated to empty itself in-
to the Helmund at Kona, sheea, may perhaps be accounted for, by suppos-
ing some confusion between the name of that post and of Chukhnasoor,
of which the more correct appellation is said to be Khanehsoor, or the
house of marriage, it being there, according to tradition, that Giu married a
daughter of Roostum.

The Adrascund.

The Bundau river.

The Khash-rood.

6. Gerard first traced its course from the Herat-rood to Anardureli.
7. Anardureh. ;
8. I do not exactly understand the limits of the plain known by this name. North of it is a great
salt tract, the Nimuksar.

714. = Sketch of the Physical Geography of Setstan. [No. 103.

‘The Khash is a much smaller river than the Furrah ; a large proportion
of its waters are drained off for cultivation, and during the greater part of
the year its channel, which is never of any great width, only contains
waters where it has been banked in, or in a few deep pools. Onits banks
and in Seistan, the Khash is always called the Khoosh, and in some geogra-
phical works is written Khooshk, or the dry river. The Aishkineik was a _
marsh during the swell, and dry in summer.

The Ibrahim Jooiis made in our maps to fall into the Khash, but in real-
ity a little below Bukheva, it spreads itself out and forms a marsh also
called Aishkineik, which is, however, usually dry, there being little water
lower than the Ismail Khan. I know of no stream flowing into the Khash
from the west, except a small river which commences, I was told, some-
where below Bukheva; from the east it receives the Rod-i-Reghi, the direc-
tion of which will be seen in the map; but of the early part of its course
I am doubtful.

To the west of the Khash three smaller streams flow into Seistan from the
north-east; the Rod-i-Khar, the Chabulk, and the Koos-

The first and least, at the period of which we are
speaking, discharged itself into the Aishkineik above Chukhnasoor.

Of the other two, the Chabulk rises in a spring called Chusmeh Meshak,
about six miles south-east of Toojk, below Furrah; the second at Siah-ab,
a hill between Koormalik and Bukheva, celebrated as the spot where the
Vuzeer Shah Wulee was put to death. These two rivers formerly de- —
bouched in a lake some miles east of the principal one, and known by the
name of Duk-i-Teer, a promontory on its eastern bank, famous in the fa-
bulous history of Seistan, as the place from whence Roostum procured the
arrow with which he killed Isfundear.

Of the extent of this lake I have no very precise information. On the
north it reached to within eight miles of Jowaine; it was probably con-
nected with the Aishkineik on its south, and when swelled by extraordina-
ry floods, may have even been united with the lake of Koh-i-Khwajeh, as a
high bank prevents its extension to the eastward.

It also received some of the waters of the Helmund by branches striking
off north and east from that river, after it had passed Rodbar. Of these
the principal, which left the parent stream near Deh-i-Nusser Khan, was
called the river of Ilumdar, and another of smaller size, but since become
remarkable, went off from Khwajeh Ahmed.

Such was Seistan for a long time. The Helmund glided along each
succeeding year in nearly the same channel it had occupied the year be-

Other smaller rivers.

fore, and the inhabitants on its banks were too ignorant to remark or to
care to counteract the consequences they could have hardly failed to fore-

1840.| Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. 715

see, of the change which was gradually preparing by the annual deposition
of alluvial matter. The great embankments, whose ruins still record the
names and wisdom of kings of yore had been neglected or destroyed, and
the canals which enriched more than one desert district, were dry, and the
fields they had watered a waste. Zirreh, so celebrated in history, which
defied the arms of Chengiz and Timour, did not boast one inhabitant. Of
Tragu, Killah Put, and Pshaweroon, and of other great cities, through the
ruins of which the traveller wanders for days, all that remained were the
walls and the name.

About nine years ago an unusually large inundation changed the whole face
of the country. The main stream of the Helmund de-
serted its old bed, and cutting for itself a wide channel
out of that of the small branch which went off from
Khwajeh Ahmed, carried the greater part of its waters to the Duk-i-Teer.
This lake was insufficient to contain so large an accession to its mass;
the superfluous waters forced themselves a passage through a narrow
and low neck of land to the westward, and discharged in this manner into
‘the old lake, thus connected, and made the two one.

The inhabitants of Seistan were at length roused from their indifference
by a disaster which threatened their very existence, as it deprived them
of the means of irrigating their fields. United by the common danger, a
large body of men of the different tribes assembled together, and in the
course of the ensuing summer raised an immense mound across the river,
near the place where the waters had diverged; but through their igno-
rance of physics, their labour was thrown away. The next flood turned
the embankment, and the river, as in the preceding year, passed away from
Seistan. Since that time the Seistanis despairing of success, have made
no further effort to reclaim their river. The greater part of the water of
the Helmund is discharged into the Duk-i-Teer by several mouths, and
the now scanty stream of the old bed, confined by numerous bunds, hardly
suffices to water the lands it formerly overflowed, and is a never ending
source of contention, between the various tribes which inhabit its banks.

Geographers have been at a loss to account for the many different names

which have been given to the lake of Seistan. The
ae the lake olution of the puzzle is very simple.

Change in the as-
pect of the country.

The Persian word Hamoon Qjgsls signifies a plain
level ground. (9) The Seistanis apply the term to any expanse of water.

9. It is frequently found in this sense in Persian authors, as in the Bostan :-—
Ze deria ama bur amud Ruse,
Sufur Kurdah deria wo Hamoon buse.
I know of no instance of any author having used the term to express an expanse of water, The
similar sounding name of the Oxus, Amoo, is probably descriptive of its periodical swell.

716 Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. (No. 103.

During the swell, as before observed, the Helmund overflows its banks, and
water is sometimes carried into low spots, from which some ridge inter-
cepts its retreat, when the river again retires to its bed. In this manner
numerous small lakes were formed, and each of them was called a Hamoon,
and was distinguished by its particular appellative. The united waters
are styled the Hamoon without any distinctive adjective. The old lake
also was in former times known as the Hamoon, though sometimes, as

now specified by the name of the celebrated hill in the midst of it, the Koh-

i-Zor, or Roostum, or as it is more generally called from a modern saint,
Koh-i-Khwajeh.

The Hamoon of Zirreh was some miles to the south the Hamoon of Koh-1-
Khwajeh, and was perhaps formed in the manner above
described, from the overflow of that lake; though
it is not improbable that a natural or artificial branch of the Helmund
went direct to Zirreh. This Hamoon will be mentioned in the sequel.
The lake of Zirreh, and many smaller ones, some of which are marked
on the map, are either dry, or are drying up in consequence of the diversion
of the Helmund. On the site of one, Boorj, one of the four capitals of Seis-
tan has been built, and the place of water is supplied by corn-fields.

I cannot learn that the principal Hamoon, or any of the smaller ones were
ever styled in Seistan, Loukh; I suppose therefore, that title to be a Persian
or Afghan fabrication, or it may have obtained currency through some
misconception of the meaning of the person who originally employed it to
designate the lake, to many parts of which the name would be sufficiently
appropriate, “‘ Loukh” in Persian and Pushtoo signifying “rushes :” but this
word is not known in Seistan, where a rush is invariably called “ Toot.”

_ The most fitting appellation of the Hamoon is the classical one of

Zirreh.

ae Aria Palus, for it is in reality almost every where a
Description of the
lake. mere marsh. It has rarely a depth of more than from
three to four feet, and is almost entirely covered with
reeds or rushes. There is however a considerable difference in the ap-
pearance of the old and new lake, particularly in the dry season.
Of the Duk-i-Teer, I have only seen the south part; there it is a large

sheet of water, thickly studded with reed-topped islands, its depth averag-

ing about four feet, and having a very muddy bottom. The reeds are tall -

and close together, but you can walk through them without difficulty.
To the north there is probably less water, and the reeds are not in patches,
but cover the whole surface. In the old Hamoon, on the contrary, the
reeds are in most places stiff and thick with age, and stand so close
together in clumps, their roots being united by little hillocks of encrusted
earth, that quadrupeds even are unable to force their way through them.

OS Aare

1840.| Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. 717

This is particularly the case round the hill of Roostum, the only mode of
reaching which in the summer is by a ditch two or

Peete the old three feet wide, and having an average depth of

three feet of water, very salt, rank with putrifying
matter, and nearly as black as ink. Men, horses, and cows wade
through the slime, people of the better classes are conveyed to and fro
in a species of canoe called Tootee, and peculiar, I believe, to Seistan. Four
or five bundies of reeds are fastened together by rushes, or by the flexible
tops of reeds, the cut edges forming a square stem, the upper ends being
tied in a point for a prow. The passenger seats himself in the middle, one
man pushes from behind, and another pulls at the front. During the
wet season the tootees are made of larger size, so as to admit of as many
as four men sitting in them, and are propelled by paddles and long poles,
but they are rarely taken into the deeper water, where the waves would
wet and sink them. These boats last only for a few days, for the wet
reeds soon become rotten and heavy; they are made and navigated by
a particular class of men called Syads, a word which expresses their pro-
fession of fowlers. The ditch road I have mentioned has to be renewed
every year when the waters have subsided.

The old Hamoon can be seen to the greatest advantage from the tops

_ of the hill of Roostum, from which elevated posi-

View from Roh-i- ; ;

Khwajeh. tion the eye travels uninterrupted over a plain bound-
ed only by the horizon, except on the west, where, at
fifty miles distance, rises the chain of the Bundau hills.

It was in September that I took my station on this hill ; immediately
beneath me lay a yellow plain, as level as a calm sea, formed by the tops
of reeds, and extending north and south long beyond the reach of vision.
On the east it was bounded by a strip of paler yellow, marking the borders
of the lake, where the less thickly growing reeds are annually burnt down,
and a few poor Kheils clear away the ground for the cultivation of water-
melons. Beyond again, in this direction, appeared the dark green of the
tamarisks, whole forests (11) ef which fringe the lake. Here and there as we
looked around on every side, were seen patches of blue water, and on the
west a large clear lake stretched away till out of sight. All seemed waste,
but the towers of Chuling and Sekoha showed like white specks in the
distance ; and winding and shining through the tamarisks, you might trace
the course of several streams, which once formed the delta of the Helmund,
and in which water is still retained at intervals for the purposes of agri-

11 Lest I be accused of a contradiction, as it has been said that there are no trees in Seistan,
I may mention, that the tarnarisks rarely, if ever, attain any great size in that country.

718 Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. [No. 103.

culture. The water ofthe Hamoon is salt (12), but not at all places equally
so, the intensity varying according to the depth, nature
of the soil on which it rests, and the proximity to the
mouths of the rivers. The Seistanis boast that the water of their country
is the best in the world, that it gives an appetite, and promotes diges-
tion; even when most distasteful, it is said not to he injurious, and
the garrison of Koh-i-Khwajeh drank no other than that of the ditch path,
described above, which is so brackish that none of our herses after a
fatiguing march in the sun could be induced to drink it.

Tt has been stated that the Hamoon is every year spreading over a large

Saltness.

superficies, which requires explanation, since it seems
On the increase or gt variance with the received theory of the other in-
diminution of the ; :
waters, land lakes, the Caspian, Aral, &c. all of which are said
to cover a less space now, than they did in former
times. With only a general knowledge of the geography of those seas, it
is dangerous to hazard a conjecture regarding them, but it seems by no
means improbable that much of the land which is represented as shewing
traces of having once formed part of the lakes in question, was covered
with water before those lakes had occupied their present beds, proving
therefore no more than that the water has changed its position, not that it
is less in extent. The Caspian on the north, where traces of inundation
on lands now dry are the most remarkable, is shallow, marshy, and covered

with reeds, as if the water was gradually deserting it. It must however |

be borne in mind, that as the lake spreads, it offers a large surface to the
action of evaporation, and that in proportion to the apparent increase,
there is a real diminution in bulk.

The evaporation in Seistan must be very great. The heat in summer
is said to be more oppressive than that of Candahar,
and for half the year, a strong steady wind blows from
the snowy mountains above Herat, to compensate the exhaustion of air in
the burning desert to the south. This wind, which is called the “ Bad i sud
o bist roz,”’ “a wind of 120 days,” is confined to a breadth of about 80 miles,
being bounded on the west by the Bundau hills, and extending no further
east, it is said, than Khash.

I should have desired here to give some account of the natural history
of Seistan, but of the study itself I am nearly ignorant; the field is, I
suspect, a barren one, and the season at which I visited the country was

Evaporation.

12 Nothing but common salt is found in Seistan itself. The plain of Furrah i is a saltpetre marsh.

Salt is found in patches in various parts of the desert, that of Peer i Rizre inthe Gurmsehl is cele-
brated for its whiteness.

1840.| Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. 719

unfavourable to the prosecution of it. A description of the Hamoon
however would be incomplete, without some notice of the more common
animals to which the lake gives birth or affords nourishment.

The marshy and reedy parts of the lake shelter innumerable wild hogs.
In a small history of Seistan written by a native, it
is stated, that when a man cultivates a piece of ground,
he calculates on losing half the produce by their ravages. The villagers,

as may be supposed, spare no means to destroy these

Natural History.

Wild Hogs.
destructors ; they lay snares for them, shoot them, and

hunt them down with dogs. The dogs are large, strong, bold animals,
resembling the Bhil dogs of India, and are regularly trained to hunt.
Accompanied by a dozen or more of these you sally out, and as soon as you
approach the reedy grounds which the hogs frequent, you perceive on all
sides the earth ploughed up with their tusks. The Seistanis, who are eager
sportsmen, strip, and wade nearly naked through the mud. Soon a bark
is heard, the note is immediately taken up, and all the dogs join in the
ery like a pack of English hounds. After a due quantity of holloing
and splashing the game is brought down, or if of large size, is held at bay
till the huntsmen come up and despatch it with their matchlocks. The Seis-
tanis though Sheeahs, and like all Sheeahs full of prejudices, do not object
to handle the hog: the nearest huntsman cuts up the carcase and gives
slices of it to the dogs, and the rest is brought home as food for them.

When the waters are rising in the spring, herds of thirty or forty are
to be seen swimming one behind the other from island to island. Large
numbers are thus sometimes collected into a small spot, and the hunting
then becomes most dangerous; hardly a year passes without lives being
lost in the sport.

The hogs are however a trifling nuisance compared with the hosts of
insects bred in the stagnant waters. The mosquitoes
are so troublesome, that in the spring, the poorest
villager is obliged tec make a small room of a coarse open cloth called
“kirbas,” into which he retires with his family as soon as the sun sets. “Clap
your hands together,” said a man whom I asked to give me some idea of
their number, for when we passed through Seistan there were none, “‘ and the
palms will be covered with blood.” Fleas are said to be no less numerous,
and from them there is no escape; but the worst plague of all are the flies.

I had been sometime in Seistan before I understood why the inhabitants
complained so much of these insects; a few would now and then settle on
the inside of our horses thighs, (every other part of the body being
always protected by cloth) and where they bite a small stain of blood is

Insects.

720 = Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. (No. 103.

left, so that the animal was marked as if leeches had been applied to it;
but this was all, and though every one said, ‘‘ You have not seen the flies,
a cold night killed them just before you arrived, &c.,” I began to suspect
that the reports I had heard on the subject were fabrications, or at least
exaggerations. I was mistaken: it was our last march in Seistan; we
were approaching Chukhnasoor, and our road lay over some soil which
the water of the lake had lately left, and which was hard, dry, and broken
into innumerable small cracks: from these cracks such swarms of flies
issued, that I can only give an idea of their numbers, by comparing them,
to bees near a hive which has just been disturbed. They buzzed round our
faces, and bit us in every less protected part, as the ancle above the shoe, the
neck, &c. When we reached our halting ground, Peer i Risri, on the bank
of the river Khash, their numbers were incredible; the horses were nearly
maddened, and the servants declared they would all be killed. We lighted
fires on the windward side of every horse, smothering the flame to make
the smoke rise: this was not sufficient; we could not drive away the flies
from our own persons, and the heat was too great to allow of our covering
our faces with a cloth.. On the opposite bank was a thick jungle of dry
reed, we set fire to it, and huge volumes of smoke driving over us, we
escaped our tormentors at the expense of sore eyes, and being blackened
with ashes. During the night, afraid to face another day here, we hurried
away to Ruddeh, glad to be quit of the flies and Seistan.

The Seistan fly resembles the common fly, but is twice as large. In the
spring it is of a pale brown with dark spots; as the year closes the colour
turns black, and soon after the insect dies. The bite is painful, but less
so than the sting of a wasp, and the pain is only momentary.

To the annoying attacks of the flies, is generally attributed the re-
markable mortality which prevails among horses in
Seistan, and it is not improbable that the irritation
produced by their bites may have considerable effect in promoting the
evil. There is hardly a horse in the country. Of more than 5,000 brought
by Kamran in his expedition, about four years ago, not one 1s said to have
been alive six months after the return of the army to Herat. This is of

Horses.

course a gross exaggeration, but there is no doubt that the loss was
immense. The few horses which the Seistan chiefs keep for state, are tended
with the greatest care in dark stables, from which they never issue, unless
on some important occasion, except during the winter. When brought out
their whole bodies are covered with cloth, particular care being taken to
protect the belly, for a bite in that part is considered fatal; they are never
galloped, for it is believed that if a horse sweats, he is sure to die. I
bought a horse from a Belooch chief, which Rhohundil Khan of Candahar

1840.] Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. 721

had sent down as a present four years before. The beast had never been
mounted, had hardly left the stable, and the owner was glad to accept any
trifle for it to escape the expence of its keep.

The symptoms of the fatal disease, which is called “Soorkh surgeen,”’
or red dung, are as nearly as I could collect from in-
Disease of the horse.

quiries among the natives, and my own observation, as
follows. First, the hind legs swell. The Seistanis then say ‘“ Bad gerift,”
‘‘the wind has seized him,’’ an expression applied commonly to a rheumatic
complaint. One of my riding horses refused its food; we were standing
by inquiring the cause, when a man who was looking on, came up, opened
the mouth of the animal, and exclaimed, ‘‘ Your horse will die---he has got

white gums: this is the second symptom. The dung now turns of a
vermillion colour, the skin is frequently covered with pimples, the urine is
bloody, and at last a paralysis seizes on all the limbs, and soon after death
ensues. The eye during the progress of the disease is of a pale yellow
colour, only afew specks of white remaining, and it is said that the “tail
dries up,” so that you can pull out the hairs by hands full. The disease in
some cases I witnessed, killed in three days; but horses passing through
Seistan generally live for a few months, dying however in certainly two
cases out of five, within the year. The Seistanis having found all their re-
medies fail, now generally abandon a horse to its fate as soon as it is taken
ill. Bleeding, the most obvious treatment, is, I was assured, useless, and
the only mode of cure recommended to me, (warm goat’s blood) is evidently
absurd. This epidemic is confined to Seistan ; it is not known at Jowaine,
or Neh, or even Kuddeh. ‘The Seistanis pretend that it has only appeared
in their country of late years, but the ancient Zarangeans, and the armies
which fought against Timoor, were foot soldiers, which argues the contrary.

The climate is unfavourable, but in a less degree, to camels. Both these
animals and sheep die in great numbers from eating the leaves
of a plant called Trootk. Not more than 3 or 4000 camels
could be procured in Seistan; when required, they are brought from Gurm-
sehl, or the sandy desert to the S.E.Sheep. Sheep feed generally on a small
creeping plant called Boonoo, which abounds in the salt grounds, and which
tastes like salt itself. _Boonoo is sometimes used for horses’ food, but it is

Camels.

first washed, by which process it loses much ofits bitterness. There are many
varieties of grasses all over the country, but several of them were said to have
noxious qualities. (13) The only domestic animal which thrives well except

13. I collected specimens of them which are not at present available for verification. The most
common is called Kirta, when we passed through Furrah, that whole plain was covered with it, and
resembled a rich English meadow, sheep and cows thrive on Kirta, but it acts on horses as an
aperient,

722 ~=Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. [No. 103.

the mule and ass,---the latter of which is very common and useful, is the cow,
which is much valued in the neighbouring countries. People
send their cows from a distance to pasture on the reeds of the
Hamoon, which soon bring them into condition, but a cow thus fattened,
though looking sleek and plump, does not yield the same quantity of milk as
the Candahar cow, which revels on artificial grasses ; for the first, six seers
of milk is considered a fair supply; at Candahar twelve seers are commonly
drawn. The Seistan cows are exported, three or four hundred every year,
to Candahar, Persia, &c. I heard a well attested story of one which had re-
turned by itself from Teheran.

Cows are put to a singular use in this country (14); they are taught to
hunt. In the spring, when the lake is covered with water-
birds, the cow quietly crops the reeds, and the birds used
to its presence, do not rise at its approach. Behind it skulks the hunts-
man, his matchlock resting onits back. The cow moves along very quietly,
first lifting one leg and then after a pause another, every now and then stop-
ping and feeding, till it comes to within a few feet of a dense mass of fowls.
The hunter then fires, picks up his prey, and continues his sport as before.

Many cows are said to die from a disease called ‘“ Murk,” (a corruption
perhaps of “ Murg,’” death) when you are told, a maggot is always found
in the liver. :

The water-birds of Seistan I did not see, but I could well credit the
reports of their extraordinary numbers by the appearance of many parts
of the grounds which had been lately deserted by water; in some places

the marks of feet were so numerous as to remind us of an

etching. Geese, ducks, and teal, are tamed. A very fine
species of tame duck is brought from Bunpore, and is commonly offered as
a present in Seistan.

A famous shot, a cousin of the principal chief in Seistan, Mahomed Reza
Khan, wrote out for me a long list of all the birds with which he was ac-

Cows.

Stalking.

Birds.

quainted, with remarks on their habits, &c. but his notes are more amusing —

than instructive.(15)

There are probably few fish in the lakes, or rather few varieties of fish.
In all the rivers we crossed from Girishke to Herat, though
we frequently threw in poison, and caught fish in hundreds,
we only found two species, a carp and a silurees. The Heri-rood has

Fish

14. The same custom is known in Afghanistan ; see Elphinstone.

15. Thus he speaks of the Kohtan, or pelican, the water-carrier of the birds, which fills its bag with
water, and flies far away into the thirsty desert, where the little birds exchange the food which they
have collected, for a drink of his water. Or of the ‘‘ Furdeh begirum,” or ‘‘I’ll catch him to-morrow,”
a kind of bastard hawk. Every morning it resolves to go a hunting, but scarcely has it made two
circles in the air, when a piece of cow-dung attracts its eye, ‘‘ Well never mind,” it exclaims, a se
down on the cow-dung, “ I’ll catch to-morrow.”

1840.| Sketch of’ the Physical Geography of Seistan. 723

also the dace, and in the Hamoon there is a small fish much esteemed,
called Aujuk ; it was not in season, and I did not see one.

The more common wild animals are wolves (which will attack cows
and even men) jackalls, hyenas, foxes, porcupines, hedge-hogs, the kan-
garoo-rat, otters, &c.

The skins of the last are exported to Bokhara, and sell even in Seistan
for three or four rupees. The leopard, or as a native described it to me,
‘the tiger’s younger brother,’’ is found in the western hills, to which it
gives a name.

Wild asses and deer abound in the desert which lies between the Hel-
mund and the Bundau hills. This tract differs much from the sandy desert
south of the river. Little sand is found on it, except in strips of no great
width. For the most part it consists of a hard, compact, light-coloured clay,

De: over which a few shrubs, tamarisks, and grasses are thinly

scattered, but sometimes it-is perfectly destitute of vegetation

for miles. Large spaces are found covered over with rolled stones, nor

could we in every case assign a plausible explanation of their presence.
The few isolated hills are marked on the map.

Water is procured by digging wells in the beds of one or two small
rivulets, such as the Murja and Tagrish, which are dry except after a fall
of rain, and a tract runs through the desert, called Shund, where water can
always be found within a few feet of the surface. Formerly brick wells were
to be met with at every 10 or 12 miles on the caravan routes, but they
are now almost all of them purposely destroyed by the Afghans, that
the plundering Belooches may be prevented by want of halting places
from invading them. From the scarcity of water in the interior, it is
almost destitute of animal life; the deer are found near the rivers, but
chiefly, and in immense herds, at a distance of generally 7 or 8 miles from
the Helmund, where they are almost intermixed with large flocks of
sheep, which are sent there from the banks of the river to fatten on a grass
called Muj. The mode of catching the deer is curious. The canals for
irrigation are always cut as closely as possible to the cliffs of the desert,
a narrow space only being left for a high road. The traveller in the
Gurmsehl will remark the outer or desert edge of the canals lined for miles
with a slight railing of threads raised on small pieces of stick; at every
one or two hundred yards a gap is left. Here in a pit dug for the purpose
on the inner side of the canal, sits crouching the hunter, the muzzle of
his matchlock, which rests on the edge of the pit, being concealed by a
parapet of small stones.

In the twilight, either morning or evening, the deer steal from the dry
desert to slake their thirst in the canal, sometimes singly, sometimes in

724 Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. |No. 105.

herds, one walking quietly behind the other. A troop is seen approach-
ing; on reaching the edge of the water the white line is perceived, and the
leader afraid to cross it, turns, and followed by the rest walks trembling
along side of it till the spot is reached where the hunter lies concealed.
This is an anxious moment; the deer pauses as if to consult with his bre-
thren. Frequently the marksman in his eagerness moves, a stone falls
down from the parapet, and the startled herd scamper off to the desert
again; but they must soon return. As the poor animal which has been
once scared returns half dead with fear and thirst to the dangerous spot,
you can hear its heart beating. Slowly, and step by step, frequently stop-
ping and looking round, it at length has neared the water: it stoops to
drink : the muzzle of the gun is within a few inches of its head: before one
sip has been taken, a bullet has pierced its brain.

Wild asses are not common in that part of the desert I traversed; they
are said to be found in great numbers, in herds of two or three hundred,
on the plains west of Seistan.

The soil of Seistan is celebrated for its richness, and many incredible
Soil. stories were told me of its productiveness. From this ferti-

lity it might be supposed that Seistan was a garden,---it is
a desert rather. With the exception of wheat, cotton (the plant of
which is not half the height of the Indian one, but which bears a large
pod) and in some places rice, and a little ill flavoured tobacco, and a few of
the coarser grains, bajra, &c. almost the only plants found there are grasses
and water-melons. The latter are singularly fine and large, and of several
kinds; there are no artificial grasses, no vegetables, nor flowers. The larg-
est tree is a sickly pomegranate. If a Seistani is asked ‘why don’t you
make gardens?” he will answer, “We don’t know how.” Were the people
less ignorant and lazy, their country would produce every plant which
grows in Candahar or Persia, besides probably sugar-cane, and many of
the productions of Hindoostan ; there is no reason why trees should not
flourish here. The Gurmsehl was equally destitute of them a few years
ago, but some 1200 young mulberry trees were imported there by a chief,
and the country is now well stocked with them.

The climate of Seistan is decidedly unfavourable to human life, and the
small proportion of old men struck us forcibly. Fever and
ague is the prevailing disease, as might be expected from
the immense quantity of stagnant water, to which is superadded the
bad effects of hot days and generally cold nights. From the constant high
wind and the dust it raises, mixed with particles of salt, or from general ill
health, consequent on malaria, one man in five throughout the country
has diseased eyes. Nature indeed, as respects comfort, has little favoured ,

Climate.

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$5 Barat Temcer

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MAP

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1840.] Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. 725

Seistan, and for three months of the year only, the cold months (16), can life
in it be said to be enjoyed.(17)

Note on the Map.

Any merits, which the map may be judged to possess, should be
attributed to Sergeant Cameron, who surveyed the whole route, except
that part of it which lies between Seistan and Killah Beest, for the errors
of which I alone am responsible.(18)

The survey has been made only with the compass, but a flat country,
with hills interspersed at long intervals is so easily laid down, we had so
many well determined points d’appui, and our numerous bearings answer-
ed so perfectly, that I feel confident of there being no error of consequence
in the portion of the map over which our route lay.

From Gerishke to Herat the route has been taken from Capt. Lander’s
survey.

The villages in the valley of Furrah are placed from native information.
During our stay in that valley there was a thick haze which prevented the
taking of a bearing.

The determining what shape to give to the Hamoon, which has a
different shape every month of the year, was a point of much doubt and
difficulty ; the one adopted is that we believe the lake to assume in June,
when the water retires from overflowing the surrounding country to its
more natural and proper bed. Under these circumstances all that can be
hoped for, or expected, is an approximation to the truth, but the only part

16 The cold weather is very pleasant, and similar to that of the north-west of Hindoostan. Snow
has been known to fall in Seistan, but it is a rare and remarkable occurrence. Snow lies for five or
six days during the winter at Herat. Its boundary is said to be the height of Shah Bed, but it not

-unfrequently snows at Hilzawar. About two years ago an army from Candahar invaded Herat;
| while it was encamped at Jaja a fall of snow surprised them, which was so severe that they lost
several hundred horses.

17 In apology for the many omissions of this imperfect paper, I may mention that it is only a part
| of a more comprehensive memoir, which I am drawing up on the subject of Seistan. .
18 The untimely end of Sergeant Cameron has been already made public. This man, the son of
| arespectable builder of Perth, after his return from Seistan accompanied me in a journey through
some before unexplored parts of the Eusafzye country. I cannot speak too highly of his zeal for
| Science, industry, ready talents, and gentlemanly deportment. His health failed him in Seistan,
| from whence to the Helmund, we were obliged to have him carried on a bed. Afterwards he rallied
| again, but his disease, consumption, was latterly gaining upon him, and I do not think that under
_ any circumstances, he could have lived many months longer. As he was too weak to travel except
| slowly, I left him at Peshawer to follow at his leisure, and myself went on in advance with a few
horsemen to Jelalabad. He had a strong guard with him, and had nearly reached the end of the
_ Khyber pass. Unsuspicious of danger, he had dropped a little in rear of his party, when on a
, sudden he found himself surrounded by sixty men, while sixty others appeared on the hill above
him. Seeing that resistance was hopeless, he dismounted, and drawing his sword, presented it
to the nearest of the robbers. Just at that moment a stone struck him on the head and knocked
_ him down ; the ruffians in their blind fury rushed on him, and cut him to pieces with their knives.

42z

726 = Sketch of the Physical Geography of Seistan. [No. 103.

of the Hamoon regarding which I do not feel satisfied, is to the south,
where we have fewer opportunities of checking our information.

It is a source of much regret that we did not visit Zirreh; a
of the geography of the country, we were not aware of our having
travelled away from it, till it was too late to repair the error; and as that
part of Seistan is now uninhabited and rarely visited, it was difficult to get
any satisfactory account of its present condition.

Of all the places inserted in the map which did not come under our
personal observation, the relative positions alone can be depended on.
The distances from one spot to another are in many instances doubtful, if
not conjectural.

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.
(Wednesday Evening, 7th October, 1840.)
The Honorable Sir E. Ryan, President, in the Chair.

' The following gentlemen proposed at the last Meeting, were elected Members of
the Society :—

M. P. EpcEwortu, Esq. Capt. W. Lovepay, ditto.
Capt. T. Hurton, 37th Regt. N. I. Dr. J. D. D. Ha&BERLIN.

Library and Museum.
The following Books, &c. were presented :—

Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia; History of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway,
vol. 3.
Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal, by Professor Jameson, 1840, No. 56.
London and Edinburgh Philosophical Magazine and Journal of Science, No.
- 104, May 1840, London, 3d Series.

Yarrell’s History of British Birds, London, May 1840, 18.
Oriental Christian Spectator, August 1840, 2nd Series, vol. Ist, No. Sth.
Journal des Savans, J anvier, Fevrier, Mars. 1840, Paris.
Bulletin dela Societe’ de Geographic, Paris, 1839, 2nd Series, Tome 12, 8vo.
Christian Observer, new Series, vol. lst, No. 10.
Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, New Series, vol. 9th, No. 17. -
Sketch of the Country between Kurrachee and the Aghar River, MSS.
Sketch shewing the situation of the Coals found in the Tenasserim Provinces.
Sree Vhagavat (Purana) in Deva Nagari, 4to.
Corrected Copy in Deva Nagari Character from the original in the Journal.
Four Pooties in Sanscrit.

A tin box of forged Seals presented by A. GRANT, Esq. Collector of Delhi, forwarded

by H. M. Exxior, Esq.

1840. | oe Asiatic Society. vis a4

Catalogue of the Birds of the Peninsula of India, by T. C. Jerpon, Madras, 1839.

Rapport fait a L’Academic Royale des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres (Institut de
France) au subject du pied Romain, Juin 1839.

A Code of Laws extracted for the Armenians of the province of Ararat in Armenia,
in Armenian, presented by J. AvpALL, Esq.

Annals of Natural History, or Magazine of Zoology, Botany, and Geology, No. 31,
June 1840.

Vishnu Purana, translated by H. H. Wixson, London, 1840, Ato.

Les Sultans Mamlouks de Makrize traduction de M. Quatremere. Paris 1840, Tome
Ist. Liv. 2nd, 4to.

Museum.

Skeleton of an Ostrich, presented by the Honorable Sir Jasper NICcOLLs, pre-
pared in the Museum.

Ditto of a Vulture, purchased, and prepared in ditto.

Specimens of Sponge, presented by Col. D. Macteop.

Several impressions of Seals.

The followiny Works were presented.

Memoir on the length of an ancient Standard measure of the Roman foot, discovered
at Candabie, in Normandy.

Notices, of the Galla Tribe at Limmon, on the frontier of Abyssinia,
also presented to the Society by M. Jomarp, President of the Royal Geographical
Society at Paris, and Member of the French Institute, were forwarded by Major T. B.
Jervis, of the Bombay Engineers. That officer in forwarding them, writes—‘‘ Which
gives me an occasion of offering a few words on the importance to British interest of
securing the good will of a people situated so favourably for throwing in supplies in
any case of emergency into Aden, and the facilities the country affords of providing
suitable cattle (a large and powerful description of mules) at a very reasonable rate, :
for the Horse Artillery of India.

‘* I cannot but express my surprise, that so little concern has been given to the’
country which several foreign powers are striving by any means, and no doubt with
other than mere commercial views, to preoccupy.—The French Government, as may
be judged from this little notice, have long had their eye on it; and since that period
Messrs. D’AxpBapIk, freres, have been deputed to explore its resources, and are now in
or about the neighbouring coast. Messrs. IsenpERG and Kraprrt, Germans of the
London Missionary Society, have their residence in Abyssinia, and a Mr. AyrsTon is
also exploring the country on his own, or what account I know not. It would be well
to occupy it by some moderate, able person in the capacity of British Agent, were it
only for the purpose of protecting a lucrative trade that might be carried on by
British subjects, and which is now altogether in American hands; while it would serve
as a general sort of watch tower to keep an eye on the iniquitous traffic in slaves from
Zanguebar, Mozambique, and Madagascar, with the shores of Arabia and Egypt.
Moohummud Alee, who draws thence the larger portion of the slaves sold in the mar-
kets of Cairo and Alexandria, was not insensible to the political importance of the
Galla country, and the shores to the east of it.”

728 Asiatic Society. (No. 103.

A memorandum of assets was submitted by the Officiating Secretary, as pre-
pared by Mr. W. H. Botst, Assistant and Accountant, shewing at credit of

the Society in the Bank of Bengal, ts oe <> Jvre ss 39168
Outstanding bills to the 2nd quarter of 1840 for contributions from
members, 45 ae ne a ate ae e- Rs. 5,096
Doubtful—Parties being absent in England, &c. .. -. 1,168 ———
Irrecoverable—Parties being dead, AS A ~- 304 1,472
Rs, 3,624

Add contributions for the 3rd. quarter of 1840, just due and realizable,
about,.. Rs. 2,400

———_——

In course of realization, Rs. 6,024

Read the following letter and list of land and fresh water shells for the East India
Company’s Museum, by Dr. J. T. PEARSON.

To the Officiating Secretary to the Asiatic Society.

“¢ Srr,— Having seen in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, an extract of a letter
from Dr. HorsFIELD, in which he states that the Museum of the E. J. Company con-
tains but few specimens of the Zoology of the continent of India; I have the honour
to request you will obtain for me the favour of the Society transmitting to that gentle-
man, the accompanying fifty species of the land and fresh water shells of this country 5
to be presented on my part to the above mentioned Museum.

‘‘T am induced to prefer this request, from the bad fortune which has hitherto attended
my private efforts to send specimens to England; having had no news of not less than
three consignments to the late Secretary to the Zoological Society, Mr. Bennett (in —
his private capacity, however,) to Mr. Swainson, and to Dr. Traill, from which cir-
cumstance I am induced to think they were not delivered.

‘‘ Accompanying the specimens is a list, with such remarks of their locality, &c., as
I thought might be useful.

‘‘As the specimens are for the most part fragile, you will oblige me by taking great
care in handling them, should they be inspected by the Society. I must also add, in
excuse for the few specimens of each species, that I lost a considerable portion of my
collection; but.hope to be able hereafter to forward a greater number.

“‘If the Society will allow me, I propose to forward through them, a series of speci-
mens of the other branches of the Zoology of these mountains to the E. I. Company’s
‘Museum, as I have opportunity for collecting them. I have, &c. &c.

J. T. PEARSON.

List of land and fresh water shells for the E. I. Company’s Museum, from As- —
sistant Surgeon J. T. PEarson.—Darjeeling, 10th Aprit, 1840.

1.—Unio bilinearis—BEnson.—Found in a tank on the Esplanade of Fort William. —
2.—Unio favidens—BENsoN.—Found in running streams, and -common in most —
rivulets in India. |
_3.—Unio maigmalis.——-——Common in tanks of stagnant water, and less so in
rivulets. . |
4.—Cyclostoma involvalus.—Soverty.—Common in the Rajhmahl hills, and at q
Midnapore. |

1840. | Asiatic Society. 729

5.—Cyclostoma involvalus.—Soverty.—Found at Cherra Poonjee, and in the Dar-
* jeeling district of the Himalya mountains. At Darjeeling it is of the smaller size,

but lower down, at an elevation of not more than 2,500 to 4,000 feet, they are much
larger—as large again as those sent; but I have not a good specimen of this large
variety. Mr. Benson is of opinion this species is the same as No. 4.

6.—Cyclostoma ———— Found also at Darjeeling, but not very common.

7.—Pterocyclos hispidum peaugo.—From the Garrow Hills. I described this and
the following shell in the Journal of the Asiatic Society for November 1833, under the
name of Spiraculum hispidum ; a generic name, which out of deference to Mr.
Benson’s authority as a conchologist (independent of his prior claim) I think it
right to withdraw.

8.—Pterocyclos parvus.—Prarson.—Locality as the last species.

9.—Pterocyclos rupestrisx—BENson.—Found in the Rajhmahl hills. The first spe-
cies of the genus discovered by Mr. Benson.

10.—Helix ——-—— Found at Darjeeling. The only live specimen I have yet met
with.

11.—Melania varialilis—Brnson.—Found in Tolly’s Nullah, near Calcutta. It
was also in the Sylhet and Cherra Poonjee collection, which J purchased jointly with
the Asiatic Society.

12.—Melania stephanus.—Brenson.—In the above mentioned collection.

13.—Melania zonata.—Brnson.—In the above collection.

14.—Melania coricca ?—Gray.—ditto, ditto.
15.—Melania ——-—— Found in tanks and rivulets of Bengal.
16.—Melania ditto, ditto, ditto.
17.—Melania ditto, ditto, ditto.
18.—Melania ditto, ditto, ditto.
19,.—Paludina bengalensis. ditto, ditto.

20.—Paludina crassa.—Inhabits the rivers &c. of India.
21.—Paludina pulchella.—From the Sylhet collection.
22.—Paludina ——— ditto, ditto, ditto.

23.—Lymnea I discovered this species in a tank on the road from Howrah to
Bishop’s College, near Calcutta.
24 —Lymnea Common in stagnant waters all over India.

25.—Planosbis indicus.—ditto, ditto, ditto.
26.—Vitrina gigus. From the Sylhet collection.
27.—Helix ——— Bengal.

28.—Helix ——— From the Sylhet collection.

29.—Helix ——-——-—— ditto, ditto, ditto.
30.—Helix ditto, ditto, ditto.
31.—Helix ditto, ditto, ditto.
32.—Helix ditto, ditto, ditto.

33.—Neritina depressa.—BENson.—Found on the piles on the banks of the river
Hoogly at Calcutta.

34.—Neritina tigrina.—BENson.—Locality as the last species.

39.—Neritina I am not sure that this species is described. I found it adhering
to stones, at low water, in Tolly’s Nullah.

36,—Assaminia fusicata ?—Common on the banks of the Hoogly.

730 Asiatic Society. [No. 105.

37.—Nematura ?—Found in the aqueduct leading from the Hoogly to the Course,
Calcutta.

38.—Scarabus triangularis.—Benson.—On the banks of the Hoogly at Calcutta.

39.—Clausilia loxastonia.—BENSON.

40. —Pupa—— Found, in advance in the sands on the banks ot the Ganges
near the mouth of the Goorutee, but I did not meet with a single live specimen. They
appear to have been washed down and cast among the weeds, &c.

41.—Bulminus. ——-——-—— Found at Darjeeling.

42.—Achatinia. ———_~——- Common in Bengal. I regret I have not a better spe-
cimen than the one sent. *

43.—Navicella compressa.—Benson.—Found on the piles on the banks of the
Hoogly near Calcutta. I have but one specimen left, which will account for the
injured state of that sent. :

44.—Navecella tessellata.—Lemarck.—Locality as the last.

45.—Cerithissa sulcatum.—LEmMarck.—Estuaries of the rivers of Bengal.

46.—Cerithissa —_-——-—-. ditto, ditto, ditto.

47,—Cerithissa —— ditto, ditto, ditto.

48, -_—_-—_—_——- Found in the aqueduct mentioned under 37.

49.—Modiola ——~——-—— Found in Tolly’s Nullah, adhering to stones, &c., by a
string byssus. I think it a new and undescribed species.

5(0.—_—_——-——--_—Found in the sands of the Ganges, &c. Besides the above, a

bottle containing the shells with the animals of Cyclostoma incrolubus, Heritina de-
pressa, and Tigrina and Pteroclos rupestris.

Read a letter from J. H. Batten, Esq. of the C. S. enclosing one from Captain
HvuppDLESTONE, giving copies of an apparent inscription engraved on a Chobootra at
Dewulghur in Ghurrawul, with a drawing of the Chobootra. Dewulghur is situated
about 10 miles east from Sreenuggur, at some height above the valley of the Ulluk-
nunder river, and possesses a rather handsome temple and establishment. Next to the
showy shrines of Buddinath, Kedranath, &c. Dewulghur, is the chief religious esta-
blishment in Ghurrawul.

The character of this inscription, which is represented by Captain HuDDLESTONE
as extending throughout the whole of the Chobootra, and the carving is said to be ex-
ceedingly elaborate, appears to be a Toghra in the Sanscrit character, but none of the
Pundits to whom it has been shewn, nor Mr. Csoma DE Korosi1 have as yetsucceeded in
decyphering any portion of it. The character would appear to be unique, and should
the specimen now furnished continue to baffle our attempts at its interpretations the
Officiating Secretary proposes to publish a facsimile of it, and invite the attention of
the readers of the Journal to a consideration of this curious variety of character.

Read a letter from Dr. Cuapman, H.M’s. 16th Lancers, on the subject of the
reading to be adopted on the legend of the so-called Demetrius Mayes’ Coins. The
Officiating Secretary expressed his regret at not having been able to publish some
very interesting speculations by Dr. Coapman on Bactriannumismatics, in consequence
of his unfortunately not having it in his power to procure accurate and creditable
lithographs of the casts of coins which accompanied that gentleman’s paper. The
same impediment had prevented him from publishing a collection of gems by the
same contributor; but he trusted to be able very shortly to overcome this difficulty.

1840.) Asiatic Society. 731

Read a letter from Captain T. S. Burt, of Engineers, of which the following is an
extract :—

‘¢ On the third page I have the pleasure to send you some information which the
Rey. Mr. Pratt has kindly favored me with; by noticing the existence of the pillar
in your Journal, it may be discovered and an old character on it besides, for I should
doubt any one having dug down to its base, buried as it is 21 feet below ground,
notwithstanding what the Oriental Repository says on the subject. I brought to notice a
pillar at Patna with some antique writing upon it in the March number of the Journal
Vol. III. for 1834, but I cannot think it means this one. Sir Charles WILKINs found
one some where in the neighbourhood of Patna also, and translated the inscription
found upon it in, J think, the Ist Vol. A. R. but as well as I recollect, that was at
Buddal not Singea.

“ Extract from Oriental Repository, Vol. 2, 1808.

‘*« The plate of an ancient column near Singea in Bahar, was obligingly communis
cated by Mr. Tuomas Cotuinson. In the letter dated loth February 1793, he says—
This singular column is situated on the site of an obscure village in the neighbour-
hood of Singea in the province of Bahar, of which no traces whatever with respect to
its establishment are to be derived either from oral tradition or the existing legends
of former times; nor is there any inscription discoverable on any part of the column,
though it has been carefully examined many feet below the surface of the earth.

** Note.—Some foolish travellers have cut their names upon it, but it is to be hoped
this impertinence will be soon effaced from the column, and I would not let the copper
plate be a record of their folly. The whole of the shaft is said to be one entire piece.
It is of greyish stones or marble (?) ‘The dion on the capital is of the same material,
but what renders the subject still more extraordinary, is, that 4here is not a stone
to be found within 150 miles of the spot, or such an animal as the one described
within the circle of our dominions—consequently, but little known to the natives.
The sculptural decorations bear no similitude to the works either of the Hindoo, or
Musulman artists.

“* Dimensions. ft. in.
Shaft, an entire stone, .. o* = a ty - 44 0
Ditto sunk, EA ae ae SB “4 ae assy Zhe nO
Ditto above ground, .. oe oe we ve -- 23 0
Diameter at ground, .. ee ee oe oe oo OA
Ditto under capital, .. af oe as we ss 3 9
Height of capital without the lion, .. cing ze airs 2i0
Table on which the lion sits, .. ais oe a sett 10} 10

Ditto long, ee ee oe ee oi ve o- 4 6
Ditto broad, oe a oe oe aie Nhs? Jt ONLY
Height of lion from pawtoear, .. oe ee - o 4

‘* Lion and Capital one stone,
(‘* 1792. Signed) D. C:”’
It was suggested that early occasion should be taken to invite research upon the
interesting subject mentioned by Captain Burt.
Read a letter from Dr. H. Fatconsr, with impressions of gems from Affghanistan.
Read a letter from J. Avpatt, Esq. forwarding a Memoir of Mechithar ghosh, the
Armenian Legislator for the Journal of the Asiatic Society.

732 Asiatic Society. [No. 108.

Read a letter from Captain T. P. Cautiey, forwarding a Memorandum on the
Fossil Camelide of the Sewalik range. This paper was published in No. 102 of the
Journal.

Read a letter from Captain F. Maceratu, Commanding the Arracan Local
Battalion to the address of the Secretary, apprizing him of his having dispatched to his
address, to be disposed of as would appear most expedient, a fine specimen of that rare
and curious animal, the Sand Hog of Arracan. This animal was taken in the hills
above the Koladyne river (vide Dr. Evans’ Memoir Asiatic Society’s Journal,
August, 1838, No. 80.) Captain Maceratu, gives the following account of the
local name of the animal, and the habitssof this specimen now supplied by him—

‘©The Mugs call this animal Quado Waitdoo, this interpreted signifies an animal
between a pig and adog, or more literally partaking of the character of both. I got
this creature about two months since, when he had not a tooth, and was fed on milk
with cotton; as he grew up he took to eating cooked fish and even meat, also getting
under the Bungalow and groping for worms and insects. He used to run about the
house quite tame, and has never been confined day or night; his courage is great, and
indeed if it is not guarded against, he will be meeting his death in consequence, for he
will attack a dog, who with one gripe would destroy him; in fact he has no fear.’

The Officiating Secretary informed the Meeting that he had taken upon himself to
present the animal to the Menagerie at Barrackpore in the name of the Society, to
whom he considered it had been virtually presented by Captain Maccratun, and he
had great satisfaction in stating that the animal had thrived exceedingly well where
he was now placed, and that there was every reason to anticipate his attaining his
full growth without accident.

It was proposed by the Honorable W. W. Birp, and seconded by Dr.
Watticu, when the subject of the choice of a permanent Curator was agitated, that
Mr. Biytu, in whose favor Professor Wi1Lson had furnished Sir E. Ryan with the
highest testimonials, should be invited to this country for the purpose of assuming the
permanent duties of the Office, and that in the mean time arrangements should be
made for securing efficient supervision over the affairs of the Museum, by employment
of a gentleman of due qualifications, whose services might be now available in
Calcutta. In pursuance of this determination, arrangements were made subsequently
to the Meeting by which the services of Mr. H. PIDDINGTON were secured as tem-
porarily in charge of the Curatorship.

It was proposed by Sir E. Ryan, that a Standard Barometer among the collection
of Instruments belonging to the late Mr. Jamxs Prinsep, his Cabinet of Minerals,
his Comparative Barometer, and instrument for effecting correction of atmospheric
changes, should be proposed to Government as proper to be purchased for the general
purposes of science, and placed in the Society’s Rooms for general reference by the
public, and the Officiating Secretary was directed to address Government on the
subject accordingly.

For the above presentations and contributions the thanks of the Society were ac-
corded,

ee ee

Ee a

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Points in the History of the Greek, and Indo-Scythian Kings
in Bactria, Cabul, and India, as illustrated by decyphering
the ancient legends on their coins. By Curistian LAssEn,
Bonn, 1838.'

Here we must try to supply Strabo’s brevity by other accounts.
I ascribe to Menandros the subduing of Pattalene and Syrastrene.
Strabo makes no mention of these districts as conquests of Me-
nandros beyond those of Alexander’s expedition, because Alex-
ander had advanced to Pattalene, therefore in this direction to
the sea-coast. This interpretation is proved probable by the
well known passage in the Periplus,* according to which, coins
of Menandros and Apollodotos were still in use during the Ro-
man erain Barygaza. To Demetrius we must assign the conquest
of Ariana, viz. the country of the Paropamisades and Arachosia ;
this is the opinion already formed by Bayer,t on the autho-
rity of Isidor of Charax, who mentions among the towns of
Arachosia, Papsaya OAC, Kat Anuntpiac TroAtc, sira AAséav-
dpo7oXuc, pnt pomroAuc ’"Apaywotac, éatt® EAAnvic. This (town
of Demetrius) was probably built by him. But when Bayer
thinks Demetrius also founded a town on the borders of the
Hydaspes, because Ptolemy says of 2ayada 7) Kat EvOupndia

1 Continued from p. 676. vol. ix.
* p. 17. Huds. +. pe 94.
No. 104, New Szriss, No. 20. BA

734 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104.

(ed-uedia) the clue is fallacious. We shall not indeed reject
the excellent conjecture, that Ev@vdnuia is to be read, and that
the town was named after Euthydemos, but why should no one
except Demetrius so name a town ?

If our remarks above made to the effect, that the Greeks in
Bactria previously to the year 200 B. c., possessed no territory
whatever to the south of the Indian Caucasus be correct, the fol-
lowing arrangement of our known facts suggests itself. When
Euthydemos was relieved from the attacks of Antiochos, he
made an invasion, either in person or through his son, Demetrios,
of the countries to the south of the Caucasus; here he must
have first encountered the Paropamisades. Arachosia bounds on
them on the westward, and from thence Demetrios most probably
endeavoured to reconquer his paternal inheritance. That here
was the main site of his power, is confirmed by the name of the
town, Demetrias, and this likewise explains why we have but
so few coins of his ; they must be looked for in Candahar.

His dominion in western Cabulistan and Arachosia sufficient-
ly explains the title, ‘* King of the Indians. ””? Demetrios, however,
pretends, by the adoption of elephants as trophies, to victories
over India Proper, and we have no ground for denying his right
to them.

It is true, those victories would prove hardly probable, if
Menandros were his cotemporary, as Mr. Mueller thinks.*
But he takes Strabo’s words in a too literal sense, while they,
as the passage plainly shows, are intended only as general expres-
sions. The coins at least afford no proof that both were cotem-
poraries.

The chronological tables to be obtained for the history of
Bactria, can only result from a comparison of all the passages
relative to this inquiry.

* p. 209.

+ I drew no conclusion for my assertion from the non-existence
of the Cabulian letters on the coins of Demetrios, as this may be accounted
for by his governing countries more to the westward, where the use of
those letters was not so common asin Cabul. It is, however, the most
probable supposition that he did not use Cabulian letters, because his
successors had the first idea of adopting them (on their coins.)

1840. ] Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 790

The principal passage on Eukratides is the following,
Justin xii. 6. “ Eodem ferme tempore, sicuti in Parthis
Mithridates, ita in Bactris Eucratides, magni uterque viri,
regna ineunt. Sed Parthorum fortuna felicior ad summum hoc
duce imperii fastigium eos perduxit. Bactriani autem, per varia
bella jactati, non regnum tantum, verum etiam libertatem amise-
runt; siquidem Sogdianorum, et Arachotorum, et Drangianorum
Indorumque bellis fatigati, ad postremum ab invalidioribus
Parthis, veluti exsangues, oppressi sunt. Multa tamen Eucratides
bella magna virtute gessit, quibus attritus, quum obsidionem
Demetrii regis Indorum pateretur, cum trecentis militibus
sexaginta millia hostium assiduis eruptionibus vicit. Quinto
itaque mense liberatus, Indiam in potestatem redegit. Unde quum
se reciperet, a filio, quem socium regni fecerat, in itinere inter-
ficitur, qui non dissimulato parricidio, velut hostem, non patrem,
interfecisset, et per sanguinem ejus currum egit, et corpus
abjici insepultum jussit.”’

First we remark on this passage, that the whole does not refer
to Kukratides, namely not that part in which the reasons for
the decline and the downfall of the Bactrian empire are enume-
rated. Throughout the whole passage one idea pervades, viz. that
the fate of both empires, the Parthian and the Bactrian, was
identical in the simultaneous accession to power of two great
monarchs, but opposite in the simultaneous progress of one, to
the highest pitch of power ; of the other, to total destruction.
Under the impression of this leading idea, the author suddenly
turns to relate the circumstances which weakened and eventually
ruined the empire of Bactria, namely, the wars with the neigh-
bouring nations ; this is an important notice, as involving a fact
hitherto entirely overlooked, which is, that the detached kingdoms
of Drangiana, Arachosia, and India, existed cotemporaneously
together with that of Bactria. But it does not follow, that all the
wars Eukratides was engaged in, must be the very same, which
the Bactrians waged with the Drangians, Arachosians, and
Indians, or, in other words, it is not necessary, that the three
nations, now mentioned, must have formed independent states
before Kukratides, as they may also have become independent
after his murder. Moreover, if we may be allowed to follow a

736 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104.

clue not wholly authentic, these kingdoms must have originated
after Demetrius ; for supposing Demetrius king of Arachosia,
and that he was here called king of the Indians also, Justin could
not separate Arachosja from India in speaking of a time when
both countries still obeyed Demetrius. I therefore suspect, that
immediately after the overthrow of this king, Eukratides took
possession of Demetrios’ Indian dominions, while Arachosia
and Drangiana, likewise subject to Demetrios, became indepen-
dent states under their own Satraps. On this supposition the
wars by which Bactria was so much disorganized as to fall an
easy prey to the Parthians, would have been carried on by the
son of Eukratides against the attacks of the united Drangians,
Arachosians, Indians, and Sogdians.

Under this view the aspect of Bactrian history is so much
changed, that I shall directly mention some facts corroborative
of the above.

First. We know, that Eukratides after having conquered
Demetrios, turned* his arms against the Indus and Hydaspes,
probably therefore, against countries belonging either to Deme-
trios himself, or to a king allied to him.

Secondly. Two kings laid claim to having reigned immediately
after Eukratides, though not in Bactria itself, viz. Antialkides
in western Cabul, and Antimachos in Drangiana; this latter
on the authority of the coins, which point to a victory at sea.

» ~~ rg
* Strabo XV. § 3. AmoAXodwpoc you o ra TlapMika romeoac,
, \ «- Sint J N ? , e ,
peuynpévog Kat Tov thy Baxtpiayyny atoornoavtwy EXXAnvev
Tapa THY Lvpiakwv Baciiéwv twv awo LeAsbKov rou Nikaro~
poc, not piv avrove avénbévrac éeiféobar Kat ty Ivdicy,
> \ \ ? ~ , > / 3 Q
ovory O& TpocavakadvmTE TwY TpdTEPOY Eyvwoputvwr, dAXaG
> - = ~ wn
Kal evavtioAoye, mwAeiw tHe “lvdiKne, éxeivouc, n Makedovac,
katraotpepacBar Aéywr. "Evxparioav your TOAELC XtAlac up
e rar ’ ’ > io% ‘ \ oo ~ e , A
gauTw ExELV, EkeLvOUG O aUTa Tap eracy eOvn route YOaorrov kat
~ e , a 3 . ’ , , \ “4
rou Ymavoc, tov apOuorv evvéa, TOAEG TEE OXELY TEVTAKICYE-
Xlac, k. 7. A, This cannot be but a contradiction of Apollodoros him-
self. Groskurd’s Erdbeschr. Strabo III. 109.

1840. } From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 737

In these countries this could have only taken place on the great
lake of the Drangians. Both kings first assume the title vuenpopoc,
and are founders of empires by successful wars ; chronology there-
fore admitting, (on this hereafter,) we may justly attribute to
Antimachos the foundation of the Drangian, and to Antialkides
that of the Arachosio-Cabulian empires ; the foundation of the
Indian empire must then belong to a third king. |

If there were only one Eukratides, the coins with Cabulian le-
gends, and the title of great king, must be ascribed to the for-
tunate, though short, epoch of his life, when his reign extended
to the Hydaspes. I say short, because he fell by the hand of
his son at the very moment of his return. If there were two
Kukratides, those coins belong to the second.

We have before this, doubted the existence of Eukratides II,
as far as it was inferred from the coins. We have now to exa-
mine the passages of authors adduced in his favour. According
to Bayer’s assertion, Eukratides is spoken of in a way unsuited
to the victorious king of this name; he thinks, that the son
had put to death his father, because he protected the Parthians,
who assisted him against Demetrius. But all that we learn
concerning the relations of both empires, never shows a friendly,
but on the contrary an entirely hostile intercourse. We will
not lose our time in conjectures as to the motives of that crime.

The passages which are said to afford the argument mentioned,
are the following :—Strabo x1, 9, 2. apeiAovro (the Parthians)
dé Kal TNC Baxrpiavne pépoc Biacapevor trove ZKvGac, Kal ere
7 pOTEpoV rove TEpl Evuxparicav.

This passage must be explained by the statement, above men-
tioned, that the Parthians had deprived Eukratides of two of the
Bactrian Satrapies, Turiva and the Aspiones ; they afterwards took
from the Scythians either this or another northern part of the
Bactrian empire ; they took it therefore from the very same Scy-
thians, who under Euthydemos already threatened an irruption
into Bactria, and who must afterwards have found an opportu-
nity of invading this country. Why might not Mithridates VI.
have availed himself of the siege of Eukratides by Demetrios, in
order to subdue the Turanian Satrapies? Beyond this passage

738 Lassen on the History traced . (No. 104.

there is no mention whatever of Eukratides, and we are evident-
ly not necessitated to adopt two kings of this name.

It remains to ascertain the mode of the downfall of the
Bactrian empire. It is ordinarily ascribed to the Scythians,
according to Prolog. Trog. Pom. xu1. “ Deinde quo repug-
nante Scythe gentes Sarance, et Asiani Bactra occupavere, et
Sogdianos.” But it is not borne in mind, that while Mithridates
reigned in Parthia, the Scythians had not power sufficient to en-
able them to advance southwards; under Arsakes VII. indeed,
or Phrahates II, who was killed by the Scythians, this conquest
of Bactria by them may have occurred, whether Arsaces himself
or another Greek king, who re-established himself in Bactria, be
understood under the term of the epitomator: “quo repugnante.”
I say who re-established himself, as it is certain, that Mithridates
the Great, had before taken possession of the Bactrian empire,
and governed it till his death. ‘* Bactriani, per varia bella jactati,
non regnum tantum, verum etiam libertatem amiserunt, siqui-
dem—ad postremum ab invalidioribus Parthis, veluti exangues,
oppressi sunt”. The term “weaker,” refers to the remark Justin
had previously made, that the Parthians were in the beginning of
their power much weaker than the Bactrians. Mithridates
therefore is the real subverter of the Bactrian empire.

There exist some passages on the conquests of Mithridates
towards Bactria and India, but they require a critical examina-
tion.

According to Diodorus,* who perhaps imagined that king to
have taken possession of the Indian dominion of Eukratides, he
conquered the empire of Porus. Independently of the little
authority of Diodorus, Porus was considered since Alexander’s
time as a mere representative of Indian sovereignty, generally
speaking, and it must depend upon other passages, whether those
words mean any more, than that Mithridates extended his power
in that direction. Of much less weight is Orosius, a still later

* Fragm. ed. Bip. X. p. 91. 9’ Apoakne o BaowWsv¢ tHv Baotrztav
émt mAciov nuénos. péxpe yap tne Ivducne cuatetvac, tHe vTo

TOU IIwpov yevomevnc Xwpac EKuplevaev aKkivouvwe.

1840.) From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 739

authority ; (V. 4) “ Omnes preterea gentes, que inter Hydaspem
fluvium, et Indum jacent, subegit Mithridates, ad Indiam quoque
cruentum extendit imperium.”’ Orosius was possessed of a laud-
able piety, of no great understanding, and rather of a passion for
rhetorical flourishes, than of any desire to attempt critical exact-
ness. What were the many nations between the Hydaspes
and the Indus, and what were they in comparison to the great
empires Mithridates possessed ? The only exact authority,
that of Trogus, certifies merely that Mithridates’ dominion ex-
tended to the Indian Caucasus. Justin x1. 6. “ Imperiumque
Parthorum a monte Caucaso, multis populis in ditionem redactis,
usque flumen Euphratem protulit.’”’*

If Mithridates had reigned to the south of the Hindookoosh,
coins of him would also have been discovered in the rich mine
at Beghram, moreover the continuance of the Grecian empires
in Cabul and about the Indus, discourages this opinion.

We have above attributed to the Parthians the overthrow
of the Greco-Bactrian empire ; the time of this event may be
determined with tolerable exactness; Justin xxxvi. 1, says of
Demetrios Nicator. ‘ Bellum Parthis inferre statuit, cujus ad-
ventum non inviti Orientis populi videre, et propter Arsacidz
regis Parthorum crudelitatem, et quod veteri Macedonum im-
perio assueti, novi populi superbiam indigne ferebant. Itaque
quum et Persarum, et Elymaeorum, Bactrianorumque, auxiliis
juvaretur, multis proeliis Parthos fudit. Ad postremum tamen,
pacis simulatione deceptus, capitur, etc.’ This captivity hap-
pened during the year 140 8. c. and as Mithridates died only a
few years after this event, and as to him is expressly ascribed
the conquest of Bactria, this must have occurred about the year
139 s.c. In the foregoing passage, Bactria appears then, for
the last time, as an independent empire in alliance to the Seleu-

* The same is stated in an account, which, though of a later date, is
derived from good authority. Acct. Sancct. ad XXX. Sept. vol. VIII. 3 20.

Ta 0 ’ >? , , ” A ~ ~ ~ TI
apUou ev evTuyxta peylory OVTEC Kal KpaTovrtec tc Tw ITep-
~ ’ Ae ke , h Vege ~ ~ , rg
cwv BactAslac Kal Appevioy kat Ivdov twv yervalovtwy roic

e 7 , ~ ~
ewore [lgpoare, ere O& Tw okAnporatwy Macoaystwr.

740 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104.

cides against Parthia, whether it were under a son of Eukra-
tides, or a successor of this king. As Elymais and Persis alone
are mentioned, and not Drangiana and Arachosia, the inference
may be admitted, that the two latter empires were already oc-
cupied by the Parthians.*

One datum only for the more early Bactrian history, may still
be derived from extant authors, the accession of Kukratides.

According to Justin, Eukratides ascended the throne at the
same time with Arsaces VI.; but the statements and opinions
on this very point are unfortunately very uncertain. Bayer upon
his investigations places the commencement of the reign of both
about 181] B. c.

According to Visconti, Mithridates’ accession occurred 165
B. Cc. (Bayer p. 86, Visc. Iconogr. 111. 70) Here are indeed to
be found reasons for the probability only of the fact, and they
apparently are in Bayer’s favour. We perhaps fall into the less
error of the two by adopting the medium between both dates,
175 B. c.t The first expeditions against India under Euthy-
demos, his death, the foundation of an independent king-
dom by his son Demetrios, the expulsion of the Euthyde-
mides from Bactria, either by Eukratides, or by a predecessor
of his, all those events must be assigned to the years 200

* Bayer (p. 90) has thoroughly reviewed a difficult passage of Orosius
referring to this place.

+ Mithridates’ accession must not be placed too far down, as he died
at an advanced age “gloriosa senectute,” and itis likely ascended the throne
early. Another reason for the determination of the foregoing date, is
that the war of Demetrios with Eukratides, must not be fixed at too late
atime. The former, was at the conclusion of a peace between his father
and Antiochus, a youth, about 20 years old. If he now fought in the
55th year of his age with Eukratides for the possession of Bactria, this war
happened 30 years after, 200 s.c. or 170. If our conjecture were correct,
that Antimachos could only have acquired his empire in Drangiana and
in its neighbourhood after the overthrow of Demetrios, this would be
another confirmatory reason. It is not necessary to bring him in direct
parallel with Antiochus IV. ; yet the commencement of his reign cannot be
traced to a later period than 164, but rather to an earlier one; M. R.
R. adopted the year 170.

1840. ] JSrom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 741

—175 s.c. Between 175—140, according to our foregoing
review of the facts, occurred the overthrow of Demetrios, the
murder of Eukratides, and the reign of his son, or of his suc-
cessors. All is here uncertain, save that the reign of Eukra-
tides must not be extended too far, as he fell in the midst of his
victorious career, and appears to have made only one campaign
in India.*

§ 16.
The Scythians in Bactria.

Kuthydemos mentioned to Antiochos as a reason for not over-
weakening his power, that in this case he would not be able to
repel the northern barbarians, and that Antiochos’ own provinces
would run the risk of being inundated by the invading current
of the barbarian hordes. (Polyb. x1, 34.)

The Bactrian kings had in their palmy days possession of the
country of the Scythians in two directions; to the east, beyond
the Mustag, the provinces of the Phrunians and Seres, and on
the north towards the Caspian the Satrapies of Turan, and ano-
ther named after Aspiones. Mithridates had taken the latter,
probably when Eukratides fought with Demetrios.

Among the nations in warring with which the Parthian
empire became exhausted, the Sogdians are mentioned ; they can
hardly be Sogdians properly speaking, but rather the Saces, who
had invaded Sogdiana; Strabo represents them as of that nation,
_ when he says on the occasion of the great irruption of the Scy--
thians, that they had started from the country beyond the
Jaxartes, “‘7n¢ Kata Zakac Kal Loydiavove, nv KaTEly ov Saka.”

They are probably the same Saces from whom Mithridates
took away a part of Bactriat occupied by them, and who alrea-
dy so early as the days of Herodotus (vir. 64) bordered on
Sogdiana, and whose name was given to all nomad tribes and

* There will be found a great difference between my numbers and those
given by Mr. Mueller (at 0. p. 218.) This is no place for a critical com-
parison of both statements; I beg only to remark, that the reign of 20
years (160-40) Mr. Mueller assigns to Eukratides in India, is as impro-
bable as the reign of 40 years, generally ascribed to him. _

+ XI, Scyth. § 2.

742 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104.

people of equestrian habits in Turan. They appear the fore-
most in the series of invading hordes.

The: great inroad of these nations is noticed in two passages.
Prolog. 'Trog. Pompei xut1. “ Deinde quo repugnante Scythize
gentes Sarance et Asiani Bactra occupavere, et Sogdianos.”
Strabo x1. § 2. “ Madtora 8: yrwpior yeyovact To vouadwy ot
rove” EAAnvac adpeAopevor THY Baxrpuavny,” Actor, kat Llactavoi,
Kal Toyapor, Kal Lakapavror, Kal opunbevrec arto Tne Tepalac
tov lafaprov, tng Kata Laxac Kal Loyduavove, nv KaTelyov
Daca.” *

If I now maintain, notwithstanding this latter passage, that it
was not these Scythians, but the Parthians, who destroyed the
Grecian empire in Bactria, the reasons are quite evident. The
Scythians could not conquer it during the reign of Mithridates,
and when they took possession of Bactria, the country was no
longer under the dominion of the Greeks, but of the Parthians,
as the irruption of the Scythians happened at the death of Phra-
hates, about 126 B. c.

Of the four nations mentioned by Strabo, we know nothing
of the Pasians ; the Sakaraules seem to have been a separated
tribe of the Saces ; the Tochares received their kings out of the
nation of the Asianes. (Trog. Pomp-prolog. x11. “ Additae res
Scythice, Reges Thocharorum Asiani, interitusque Sarducha-
rum.)”

We have then more particularly to deal with two nations,
with the Saces and Tochares.

The gradual progress of these nomads over eastern Iran, can
be traced in the Parthian history; having been taken into pay by
Phrahates against Antiochus of Sida, they arrived too late. Asnow
they received no compensation whatever, and they wereledagainst
no foe, they commenced plundering the Parthian provinces, and
Phrahates fell in a battle against them, 126 B. c. (Justin xx11. 1.)
This year is the real date of the Scythian inroad. The next
king of the Parthians, Artaban, 11. (Arsaces vi11) we find
again engaged with the Tochares, and dying of a wound receiv-

* The following words kat tov Aawy k. tT. X. does evidently not
further refer to this subject.

1840. ] Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 743

ed in this war.* His son Mithridates fought again, and with
more success, against the Scythians. Under his reign com-
menced the struggle of the Parthians against Rome, and sup-
posing the Scythians up to that time able to maintain them-
selves in Bactria and Sogdiana, they were then doubtless at
full liberty to assume unrestrained dominion. Nor do we find,
that the Parthians attacked them any more. Sanatroikes, 77
B. C., is placed on the throne by the Scythians, viz. the
Sakaraules ; as was the case with Phrahates IV. when expelled
by his subjects, in the year 37 B. c. ¢

Ancient writers do not give us the whole detail of the Scythian
settlement in Bactria, nor do we know the name of any of their
kings, any more than the manner in which they divided among
themselves the conquered provinces. Only one notice which
is in fact important, has been preserved ; Isidor of Charax, says,
(p. 9) "EvrevOev Saxacravyn Laxwv TKvev, » Kat [parraxnvn.

We observe, as the Saces were the foremost of those nomades,
so did they advance farthest to the south and west ; they had
occupied the Drangian Praitakene, while the Tochares, under
the Asianian kings, settled themselves perhaps nearer to the
eastern and northern frontier. t

We must not here neglect receiving such illustrations as we
are offered by Chinese authorities on the emigration of these
Scythians, although the author of this treatise could not direct-
ly compare those authorities, and is aware of the confusion
caused by Chinese misconstruction of names. But these ac-

* I. C. xu. 2. As the Thochares are distinguished from the Scythians,
these latter appear to be the Sakaraules. Scythe, depopulata Parthia,
in patriam revertuntur. Sed Artabanus bello Thogariis (sic) illato, etc.

¢ I. C. xu. 5. Appian. Mithrid. 104.

{ A Median Paraitakene was between Persepolis and Ecbatana, Arrian.
Anab. m1, 19. Ptolm. v1, 4. Diodor. x1x. 34. Strabo xvi, init. Beside
this a Sogdian town of the same name, Arrian rv, 21, which was also
named Gabaza and Babakene. Curtius vin, 14, 17. Zmpt. eastwards of
Karatag towards the lofty Belurtag. Thirdly, that above mentioned between
Drangiana, Cabul, and Arachosia. Ptolemy calls it Tatakene, perhaps
country of the Tatas? v1, 19. In Paraitakene lies the old Persian Paruta,
hill, these hills are the Kohistan of modern Persian geography.

744 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104.

counts however afford the great advantage of having originated
with a nation, which had entered upon various relations with
those Scythians, and was informed by embassies of their cir-
cumstances.* . |

These accounts however require a critical examination in va-
rious points, and even here, though only limiting myself to the
most remarkable facts, I cannot quite omit this task.

The Yuetchi, a nomad tribe of inner Asia first appear in
the upper Hoangho, whence they are repelled by the growing
power-of the Hioungnus; one sept called ¢he Uittle, turn south-
wards to Tibet ; the larger division bearing the name of the
great, set out farther westwards to the countries beyond the
Jaxartes; this event happened in the first half of the second
century before our era.t This division originally consisted of
five hordes.

In the country recently occupied by them, they fall in with
the people of an earlier emigration, called the Szus, Sais, Ses,
also nomades under some petty chiefs. This tribe is forced to
retire further west, and as the Yuetchis conquered new pastures
on the borders of the Ili, the Szus must have been removed to
the Jaxartes. In these Szus the Saces have been long ago
recognized ; this corresponds with the fact, that the Saces had

* The most important facts are already put together by De Guignes :
“Sur quelques événements qui concernent l’histoire des Rois Grecs de
la Bactriane et particuliérement la destruction de leur Royaume par les
Scythes, etc” in Mémoires de l’Academie Royale des inscriptions et belles
lettres. Tome XXV. II. p. 17. Abel Remusat has supplied information of
this kind in some writings, viz. in the “ Récherches Tartares,” in his
‘«‘ Mélanges,” in his “ notes to Foé Koue Ki’. Klaproth in the “ Tableaux
Historiques de ]’Asie.” It is true, great mistakes have been pointed out
in the work of De Guignes with respect to his interpretation of Chinese
names; but he is not prepossessed, as his successors are, by the monoma-
nia of recognising in the Chinese accounts German tribes in inner Asia, as
Goths, Getes, Jutes, Juetes, Jits, and Jats. The reading Yweti instead
Yuetchi, originates in this visionary idea, and the Russian Sinolog, father
Hyacinth, who was not acquainted with this beautiful discovery, quietly
continued writing Yuetchi.

+ De Guignes, p. 21. Klaproth, p. 57. p. 132. Rémusat to Foé K.
p. 83.- The year 163 s. c. is mentioned.

1840. | JSrom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 745

already, before the destruction of the Parthian empire, taken
possession of a part of Sogdiana. This era likewise agrees with
the fact above mentioned, that the Sogdians had contributed
their share in weakening the power of the Bactrian empire ; this
event must therefore have happened in the latter days of Eukra-
tides, or in the time of his successor, posterior to 160 B. c.

- The Yuetchis remained not long in the possession of their
new country ; another nation, the Ousun, flying from the
Hioungnus, deprived them of those districts ; the Yuetchis
ejecting the Szus, occupied the provinces possessed by them ;
the Szus, pushed to the south, find an opportunity of taking
possession of the country Kipin; the Yuetchis, following in
their wake, take the country of the Tahia.* A Chinese general,
Tchamkiao, accompanied this expedition of the Yuetchis, and.
the well ascertained event occurred immediately previous to
the year 126 B. c.

This is the very year in which Phrahates was killed by
the Scythians ; the Yuetchis and the Szus flying from them,
are therefore the Tochares and Saces of western writers, whom
Phrahates is reported to have taken into pay. These mercenaries
were perhaps at first the Szus, and we indeed find Artaban
opposed to the Tochares. Whether the Szus were driven into
Bactria, according to the Chinese account, or called into that
country as according to Justin, both statements may be right as
regards their immediate narrative. Phrahates wished to avail
himself of the Scythians, pressed into his neighbourhood, to
strengthen his army. While Mithridates, “ ultor injuriz paren-
tum,” arrested for some time, it appears, the progress of those
Scythians.

The Yuetchis divided the conquered districts according to the
number of their hordes, into five parts; they had the country
of the Asi, or Ansi, whom De Guignes reads Gansi, as their
western frontier ; it is as appears probable correctly interpreted
as the country of the Parthians.t

* De Guignes, p. 22. p. 23. KI. p. 133. Rém. p. 83.
+ Rém. p. 83. De Guign. p. 23. KL p. 133.

746 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104.

Turning to the Szus who had conquered Kipin, we have already
defined generally the situation of this country, which will become
still clearer from the reports on the Szus. (De Guign. p. 29.)
The country Kaofu, it is said, is very extensive; the inhabi-
tants resemble the Indians in manners, and character, being
rather mercantile, than warlike. Previous to their latter subjec-
tion under the Yuetchis, one part belonged to the Indian kings,
another to the Ansi (Parthians) ; a third to the kings of Kipin
(viz. the Szu-sovereigns of his account). Hence it clearly appears,
that Kipin is the country in the west of Cabul below the Kohi
Baba to the westward. Combining with this, the statement that
. Sakastane received its name from the Saces, we find, that the
Kipin of the Chinese is the country of the western Paropamisus,
the pastures of which are moreover occupied by a Mongolian
tribe of nomades, the Hezarehs.* ‘ Kipin” however is a poli-
tical not a geographical term, and may on occasion also em-
brace portions of Cabul, Arachosia, and Drangiana.

What the Chinese mention of the productions of art in this
country, as silks, gold, and silver vessels, refers of course to the
dexterity of the subjugated inhabitants, or those articles were
imported by trade. A notice of much importance, is the
following, that they struck gold and silver coins ; on the obverse
the efiigy of a horseman, on the reverse, of a man.t

As the Chinese had commercial intercourse with the empire
Kipin, the names of some kings are mentioned. During the
reign of the emperor Woo-ti, (died 87 8. c.) Utolao (or
Ontheoulao) reigned in Kipin. His son was killed by a certain
Inmoffu, who usurped the throne 30 8.c. Kipin is still spoken
of at a much later time, but it is not noticed, whether. it
continued under its kings from the people of the Szus ; this is,

* To this passage refers the misplaced and apparently absurd remark
with Steph. Deurb. 5. v. “Apaywota, 7oAtc ovk arwhsv Masoay-
ETWD. How comes Arachosia to the country of the Scythes ? However,
the Scythes are meant possessing Kipin.

+ De Guign. p. 25. He knew of the Eukratides’ coins only those with
the type of the Dioscuri, and referred this notice to them.

7) te eS re. Pine" Meee < ok te

1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 147

however, improbable, as it is stated, that the Yuetchis took
afterwards possession of this country likewise.* \

Now leaving the Szus for the present, we will recur to lech,
when in the progress of our research we have to consider the
countries south of the Caucasus.

The Ansi, having their abode to the west of the Yuetchis,
were a powerful nation with many towns; they had gold and
silver coins, bearing on the obverse the image of the king, on
the reverse a male figure. When a king died, his successor
struck new coins. The Ansi wrote on hides, in horizontal lines
(not in vertical, as the Chinese), carried on an extensive trade,
and had conquered many countries.t| De Guignes justly com-
pares the constant type of the more ancient coins of the
Arsacides with the portrait of the king, and the reverse of a
Parthian bending a bow.

But how to explain the fact, that the Chinese term the same
people Yuetchis, while the Greeks call them Tochares. Who are
the Tahias ? who the Ousuns? De Guignes, with whom I agree,
holds the latter as the Asiani; they may have given kings
to the Yuetchis, in the same manner as so many Turkish hordes
stood afterwards under the dominion of the successors of Gengis
Khan. The Tahias are taken for the Dahes, the Aaat, and the
Yuetchis on their irruption into Sogdiana must have indeed met
with tribes of this people.{ When it is said, however, that the
Yuetchis conquered all the countries of the Tahias, the Dahes had
either spread themselves over Bactria to the southward, or the
name of the country first conquered was transferred to those
afterwards subjugated.

The name Tochares afterwards occurs with the Chinese under
the form Thuholo, as they could not otherwise express it.6 We
still recognize Tocharestan, which has received the name from
them. But it need not be the same people ; the Tochares of our

* De Guign. p. 27. Hyacinth in Ritter’s “‘ Erdkunde” VII. 682. etc.
+ De Guign. p. 28.

t According to Strabo XI. Scyth. § 2. Kat rwv Aawy ou pev 7 pooayo=
pevovrat Amapvot, ot d2,=avMor, ot oe, Tliscovpot.
§ Neumann. Asiat. Studien. I, 179.

748 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104.

time are Turks; for I think I may venture the conjecture, that
this name in the Perso-Indian languages denoted the inhabitants
of the cold snowy table land of the Belurtag ; this nation may
therefore have had the name of Yuetchis, or a similar one, and
yet have been called Tochares, by the Bactrians, as they arrived
from those snowy districts.*

Following the farther fate of the Yuetchis in Bactria, there
afterwards appears a king named Khieout-Sieouhi, who uniting
the other hordes, makes war on the Parthians, takes Kaofu
from them, then also conquers Kipin, and Hantha; but he
more likely took Kipin and Kaofu from the Szus. Klaproth
places this event in the year 80 B. c.; Rémusat in the first
century of our era; De Guignes 100 years after their first settle-
ment in Bactria, therefore 26 years B. c.; so likewise does an
anonymous translation of Chinese history.t The Chinese ac-
counts certainly correspond, and we owe this pleasing incertitude
only to our European chronicles. We hope to be excused
ascribing the greatest negligence to our countryman, Klaproth.
But we must continue; Khieout-Sieouhi is said to have died
aged 80 years. His son Yenkaotching (the commencement
of whose reign, would therefore have been about 30 A. D.)
conquered India, advancing far to the south and to the east.
The Yuetchis having become powerful, waged a war even
against the Chinese under their governor Pantchao, in the

* Tushara, and with the pronunciation kh for sh, tukhara, denotes in
Sanscrit snow, ice, frost, and so is named in the old Indian geography
a people in the north of the Hindookush. A king of Kashmir, of the
family of the Thuholos, 600 years after Buddha, (therefore 56 a. p.)
is mentioned by the Chinese Buddhists ; this was long before the Chinese
knew Thuholo, and a proof, that the Yuetchis, to whom this king
must have belonged, were named Zukhara in India. The Yuetchis however,
or a neighbouring people of them in India, are also called Turushka, since
Kanishka is said to have belonged to this nation, 500 years after Buddha.

Tt De Guign. p. 27, who read Tata instead of Hantha, Klaproth. p. 133,
has Pouta; Rém. p. 83. Hantha. As. Trans. vi. p. 63. ‘‘the Chinese general
Chang-keen (Tcham-kao) was sent as ambassador to the Yuetchi
by the emperor Woote (s. c. 126.) And about a 100 years after, a prince of
this nation subjected the Getes in Kophene (Szu in Kipin) and India was
again subjugated by the Yuetchis.”

1840. | Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 749

westerly tributary provinces of China; this was carried on in
Khoten, in the year 98 a. D., and gave occasion for the dis-
covery of the Caspian Sea.* Yenkaotching is however not said
to have made this war, and it is very improbable, that he did so,
as it occurred between the years 75-98.

The greatest power of the Yuetchis obtained therefore in the
first century of our era. The father, Khieoutsieouhi, had engaged
in hostilities with the Parthians ; if this were the same in which
Prahates IV. expelled Tiridates by the assistance of the Scythi-
ans (Justin xLi1. 5,) it commenced about the year 40 B. c.,
and his son would be more correctly placed in the years begin-
ning from 20 or 25 a. p.f

The power of the Yuetchis continued to the third century.t
After this time it was weakened by new hordes of northern bar-
barians. Still however their empire maintained itself; and Chi-
nese history in the beginning of the fifth century makes mention
of a king Kitolo, who again undertook an expedition against
India. India appears therefore meanwhile to have been taken
from the Yuetchis. Kitolo is said to have conquered Balkh,
Gandhara, and five other provinces. According to others,
Kitolo’s son founded the empire of ‘“‘ The Little Yuetchis” in
Foeleoucha ; here is some confusion, at least in the translations.§

Let us now sum up these facts. First, we have an empire,
founded in Kipin by the Saces, commencing about the year
126 s.c. This may have maintained itself till the Yuetchis
advanced southward, therefore almost to the beginning of our
era. It embraced a part of Cabul, and we must hereafter ex-
amine, whether their kings did not also reign on the borders of
the Indus. 5

Secondly, an empire of “‘'The Great Yuetchis,” or Tochares,
in Bactria and Sogdiana, divided into separated hordes, to the

* De Guignes, p. 30. Remusat, Remarques sur |’extension de l’empire

Chinois, p. 120. Mr. Ritter, Erdkunde VII, p. 554. has translated Rému-
sat’s term 75 a. p. by 75 B. c.

+ De Guignes, p. 28. But he certainly makes an improper use of this
notice.

t DeG.p. 31. R. to F. p. 83. KIL. p. 133. As. Trans. VI. 63. where the
year 222 a. p. is stated.

§ De G. p. 31. R. to F. p. 84, KL. p. 134. 5

9 C

700 Lassen on thé History traced [No. 104.

year 40 B. c., and limited to the north of the Caucasus, thence
conquering to the south of the mountains, Kipin, Kandahar,
Cabul, including a large portion of India. The subversion of
this empire coincides with the accession of the Sassanians.

Thirdly, the empire of “ The Little Yuetchis’” in Gandhara
and India, at the commencement of the fifth century.

It is uncertain, whether we still have coins belonging to the
Yuetchis, whose dominion was only in the north. We could
only be inclined to assign to them those having on the reverse a
horse, and not Cabulian legends.

Kuthydemos and Eukratides as sovereigns of Bactria, famous
for the fine breed of its horses, appear to have likewise adopted
this symbol on their coins. And supposing even that coins with
elephants belonged to the earlier period of the Yuetchis, we
must ascribe this to the fact, that some of their hordes boasted
of having penetrated to India.

Numismatology apparently profits us more for the history of
the Scythians in the south of the Caucasus ; but we must first
take up again the thread of the Greek dynasties.

§ 17.

Greco-Indian empires.

We first cali to mind, that the campaigns of the Greek kings |

from Bactria against India, can have but commenced about

200 B. c; that they originated with Euthydemos or his son De- |
metrios, and were directed against the power of the kings of |

Palibothra, the descendants of Chandragupta. This latter asser-
tion must be more exactly detailed.

We know from ancient writers, that Chandragupta in his _
conclusion of peace with Seleucos Nicator acquired parts of |
Gedrosia, Arachosia, and of the country of the Paropamisades, —
and that their friendly relations continued under the sons of both —
kings, Amitrajata and Antiochos Soter.* The third king of the |
Indian dynasty, Dharmazoka, is a name very celebrated with

* De Pentap. Ind. p. 44. Zeit-schrift fuer die Kunde des Morgen-

landes i. 109.

|
|

1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. jol

the Buddhists, because he afforded a general patronage to their
religion, a fact now undoubtedly confirmed, as the inscriptions
are decyphered, by which Azdka throughout his whole empire
invited the adoption of the doctrines of Buddha.*

We may therefore rely upon the statement in the Buddhist
annals, that Dharmazoka enjoyed a long, peaceful reign during
the years 260—219 B. c.

To corroborate the fact, that the dominion of Azdka, like
that of his predecessors, extended to the Caucasus, it may be
mentioned, besides the absence of reports stating the contrary,
that the Chinese pilgrims also met with in the valley of the Panjhir
monuments erected by Azéka for the glory of his religion.t

As another confirmation may be adduced the circumstance,
that Antiochus in the year 205 renewed the confederacy with

the king of the Indians, which could be only the case with a
king of the Maurja-dynasty of Palibothra.t The king then
_mentioned, Sophagasenos, appears to be a son of Azdka.§

_ Contrary to this opinion, the successor of Azéka is named
Sujazas (“of good renown’’) in the Brahmanic genealogies ; but
we can hardly be deterred by this from comparing him with
_Sophagasenos (Subhagasena, “ of the victorious army’’||) as
these kings even publicly substituted their titles of honour for

* As. T. VI. p. 472. 791.
| + Foé K. K. p. 395.

t Also this name was known to the Greeks ; see the interpretation of
| the word Mwpuetc in my Pracrit grammar, p. 247.
| § Zeitschr. I..110.
| || M. de Schlegel, Ind. Bibliothek I. p. 258. The Chinese traveller
Fahian also proves, that the son of Az6ka reigned in Gandhara, Foé
_K. p. 67. If Rémusat has correctly translated the Chinese word “ Fai,”
the Buddhists have called him “ Dharmavardhana.” The son of Azdka,
who also reigned in Kazmira, is called Ial6ka in the annals of the country,
_ (Raj. Tarang. I. 107) a reading, which is hardly correct. Itis evident from
_ the succeeding verse, in which is certainly a play on the word Jazas, fame,
that in the former text, this word also occurred in his name. He
is said to have cleared the country from invading barbarians. At the
/same place, p. 115. His successor is a king of another family. From
_these traditions I shall only retain, that inroads of barbarians are menti-
/oned immediately after AzOka, and that with his son the empire of
| the kings of Palibothra in Kazmira found its termination.

752 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104.

their original names, as Azéka styles himself Pijadasi on the

columns.

The successor of Sujazas, Dazaratha, is confirmed by the

inscriptions in the Buddhist temples at Gaja, in Magadha,*
(Behar.)

I think it is by no means a rash attempt to connect these —
Indian reports with our investigations. Thence would result —
the following arrangement, viz., that Sujazas, who must have ©
died at the commencement of the second century B.c. if he —
had reigned twenty years (on this we have no information), is _
the very same Palibothrian king with whom Antiochus renew- —
ed the confederacy; secondly, that the barbarians, who under —
his reign invaded India, are the Bactrian Greeks themselves ; —
and, thirdly, that he or his successor, despite of Indian accounts ~
to the contrary, was expelled by them from the westerly pants i

of his empire.

From our previous inquiry, it was evident, that Demetrios —

undoubtedly reigned in Arachosia, and thence more westward ;

whether his rule extended in an easterly direction, was left un- _
certain. We must now, however, appropriate to Agathokles
also a share in the first expedition of the Bactrians against India,
for by the beautiful execution of his coins he is coeval with De-
metrios; he claims a purely Indian country as his dominion,
and especially eastern Cabul; lastly, by the adoption of the old
Indian letters he shows, that he succeeded in these provinces _
the kings of Palibothra, who used the very same alphabet. Nor
do I know how Agathokles can obtain any other classification
either at a later or earlier period, unless immediately before
Eukratides and coeval with Demetrios. I shall not waste our |
time by conjecturing in what relation they stood together, how _
Agathokles commenced his career, and whether he belonged to

the family of Euthydemos, or not.t

* This also is a discovery, made by Mr. Prinsep, As. Trans. VI. p. 677.
+ It might even be maintained, that by a confusion in the catalogues
of names, Agathokles had been received as Sujazas into Indian history,
as both words*denote the same, and as both kings, according to the

comparison of facts, above given, would be of the same period. It is evi-
dent, that we have not to recognise the Indian king on the coins, because —

a — <<. > .
— = ies

1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coimse {93

Pantaleon, with whom this Greco-Indian empire terminated,
must have succeeded Agathokles, whom I therefore hold as
king of Nagara Dionysopolis. Both of them have only Indian
letters on their coins, and with them too Dionysos disappears.

If we thus have correctly determined the empire of Aga-
thokles and Pantaleon, it must be one of the districts of which
Eukratides took possession on his Indian expedition ; for after
the victory over Demetrios, he carried his arms against the
Indus and Hydaspes. We have already noticed, that he pro-
bably did not reign there for a long time.

I have above explained my idea, how by the division of
Demetrios’ power the independent Grecian dominions of Dran-
giana and Arachosia, referred to by historical authority, had
been formed ; the Indian empire, mentioned by the same autho-
rity, was, if not actually formed, yet first consolidated after the
murder of Eukratides. At least the conjecture is natural, that
the abhorrence of such a deed must render it easy to an enter-
prising governor to find ready assistance in a revolt against the
parricide. The first Greek king of this Indian empire was certainly
Menandros, let the various dates given for his era and his ac-
cession differ as they may from mine. Here conjecture must be
set against conjecture, and I do not think myself the supposition
sound, that Menandros may have acquired the title of deliverer,
peculiar to this country, by delivering it from the hateful domi-
nion of the son of Kukratides.

On these three Indo-Grecian empires we may make the
following conjecture. We assigned to Antimachos an empire

he would have called himself in this case Sujazas, and not Agathuklajé.
But if Agathokles deprived the Indian Subhagaséna of the provinces
on the Indus, and in the catalogues of kings was mentioned as his
cotemporary under the name Sujazas, he might be easily confounded with
the name of the Indian king, especially as the son of Azdka had at
least two names, a Brahmanical and a Buddhist, like his father, and
perhaps his grandfather (Zeit-schrift I. 109.) This explanation is not
quite satisfactory to me; the coincidence of both names, above mentioned,
is however, hardly accidental; and it is scarcely an objection, that Panta-
leon, who probably reigned but a short time, has not left a similar trace
in the Indian annals; he must be looked for in Dazaratha, which is
impossible.

704 ; Lassen on the History traced [No. 104.

in Drangiana, as here only a maritime victory, of which he
boasts, can have taken place.* To this may be added the
following :—The Chinese, by reporting, that the kings of Kipin
represented a horseman on their coins, alluded probably them-
selves only to the Scythian kings; these, however, had cer-
tainly adopted the custom from their predecessors.

As now Antimachos, as well as his successor Philoxenos, repre-
sent themselves as horsemen, we venture to refer them to Kipin ;
likewise the humped bull of the latter king alludes to Kipin.
This country moreover is Sakastane, or Segistan of a later period.

Antialkidest and his successor Lysias lay claims to having
reigned in Cabul and in its neighbourhood ; if we have correctly
interpreted the report of Justin, they must have possessed,
besides Cabul, a part of Arachosia.

Amyntas and Archelios must perhaps also be classed in these
two kingdoms. |

The empires founded by Antimachos and Antialkides, pro-
bably existed but a short time; the first seems to have origi-
nated at the death of Demetrios, the second after the murder
of Eukratides. We can assign to them no longer existence than
to the year 126 8. c., when the Saces settled themselves in
Kipin ; and scarcely even to that period, as the Parthians had
already taken possession of the Bactrian empire. In the pas-
sage in which the last struggle of the Bactrians against the
Parthians is mentioned, Elymeans are indeed only noticed
besides Syrians, and no Drangians or Arachosians. The small
number of royal names also corroborate this short duration.

It would be too doubtful a measure to extend the use of
Cabulian letters to Drangiana.

* Mr. R. R. p. 18, thinks, he may have assisted Antiochus IV. on
occasion of a victory over the Egyptians; but this appears hardly possible,
even if he had reigned on the Indus.

t Mr. Mionnet has published (VIII. 483, 520,) acoin of Antialkides, before
unknown. Obverse: image of the king with the Causia, and the upper
part of the Chlamys. Reverse: Jupiter seated, holding in his right hand a
Victory with a Palm, in the left hand a spear, placed across the shoulders ;
on the right hand near his seat an elephant, who holds a crown in its
elevated trunk. Antialkides perhaps obtained the crown by his partici-
pating in an Indian expedition.

1840.9 From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 795

Still we must here keep in view, that the alphabet on the
coins, if indeed derived from the west, must have been im-
ported to Cabul through Candahar and Drangiana, as it did not
come to Cabul through Herat and Bactria. Besides this how-
ever Antimachos and Antialkides may have imitated the exam-
ple of Eukratides.

The Greco-Indian empire of Menandros must have existed
longer. The number of the names Menandros, Apollodotos,
Diomedes, Agathokleia, Hermaios, renders the assumption neces-
sary. I have proved it probable that this.line of kings was
not encroached upon by the Parthians. The last coins, those
of Hermaios, refer to the very same time, when expeditions
against the Soter-dynasty may have been first planned by the
Scythians. The widely extended empire of Menandros seems
under Hermaios to have been limited to Beghram ; Menandros
must have possessed a kingdom eastward of Cabul, if Antial-
kides, as it appears, ruled then immediately after Eukratides.
It would be, however, too bold to determine any thing concern-
ing the mutual contests of these powers.

From the great number of the Hermaios coins, it is not im-
probable, that he either himself reigned long at Beghram,
or that his dynasty continued there at least for some time ;
in the mountain country, easily defended, a smaller kingdom
might maintain itself with more ease for a longer time. If
the relation Kadaphes holds towards Hermaios be correctly
stated, the Grecian dominion was here overthrown by an attack
from the north, i. e. from the country of Kapisa; the power of
Kadaphes itself, however, appears to have been of no great im-
portance or long duration. A greater Indo-Scythian kingdom,
as for instance that of Azes, may have absorbed it.

§ 18.

The Saces, the Tochares, and Parthians in Cabul and India.

We have above left the Saces in the country Kipin, where
they settled themselves, about the year 126 8. c., while the To-
chares, following them, roamed throughout Bactria, from whence

706 Lassen on the History traced ' + [No. 104.

they, half a century afterwards, united in one power, and pene-
trated beyond the Indian Caucasus to the southward. Looking
for historical authorities of the further fate of the Tochares and
Saces, I find, that they are brief and meagre, and it appears
hardly possible to derive from them any certain results; they
must however be examined.

If the geographer Dionysios composed his poem as early as
it is ordinarily apprehended, he would have been the first who
made mention of the Scythians about the Indus. v. 1088. ‘Ivdov
Tap ToTAapoy vOTLOL =Kvda EVVALOVOLY.

Eusthathius makes the just remark, that they were Indo-Scy-
thians, as this name could not have been given them previously
to their arrival in India. The era of Dionysios being however
very uncertain, nothing can be inferred from his passage as to
the time of the first advancement of the Scythians to the Indus.

The Periplus of the Erythrzean sea, as well as Ptolemy, enable
us to determine the extent of the Indo-Scythian empire, al-
though this determination can only refer to a considerably later
time than the first appearance of the Scythians on the Indus.

Indo-Scythia embraces, with Ptolemy (vu, 1), the following
provinces :—In the direction nearest to the south and the east,
Surashtra or the Peninsula Guzerat ; then the delta of the Indus
or Pattalene ; further the country Abiria,* situated above it; he
includes in the Scythian empire a small district, and some towns
on the eastern bank of the river; most of them lie however on
the western bank. How far up the Indus the Scythian domini-
on extended, is not quite evident ; but Artoartar, above held by
us to be a Scythian town, is mentioned as situated in the near

* This, and not Sabiria, is to be read, any more than Iberia in the
Periplus. They are the Abhira of Indian geography. De Pentap. Ind.
p. 28. The passage in Periplus p. 24, must perhaps be written : Tavrne
Ta OF pey pecoryeva tne =Kviac "ABnpta KaAgirat, Ta Of Tapa=
Baracoa Zvvpacrpyyvn for T[Bnpia, cadeirar de ra kK. 7. AX.

The delta of the Indus is ascribed to the Scythians in the following passage
of the Periplus, p. 22, on the emporium on the mouth of the Indus:

TpoKettat O€ AVTOV YNolOY fLKPOV' Kal KaTA VwTOU pecoystoc 1

METpoTOALc, auTne THE UKvObiac Muvvayap. BactAcverat O& YTO
4 ~ »

TlapOwv, svveywe addndove ExdwwKovrwy.

es 9 eee ee ee Le eS. Se

1840. | From Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 757

neighbourhood of Peshawur. Hence it follows, that Indo-Scy-
thia at that period, or rather a little earlier than Ptolemy, in-
cluded Peshawur, the country on both banks of the Indus from
Attock to its mouth, and Guzerat. The Punjab did not belong
to it, as the Kaspireans occupied this province, as well as the
country up to the Jumna and Vindhia,* neither did Barygaza.
The mountains to Arachosia, and the desert on the eastern bank
of the river form the other boundaries.

It is therefore evident, that this empire is very small in pro-
portion to what Azes claims on his coins.

We rather have in the limited extent above stated, a dissolv-
ed Indo-Scythian empire before us. The Periplus partly ex-
plains this decline of the Indo-Scythian power by mentioning
that the capital, Minnagar, was in the writer’s time in the pos-
session of the Parthians, and that both nations continually
expelled one the other.

Let us now inquire into Parthian history, whether it yields
us some illustrations.

From our examinations, above effected, of the relations of the
Parthians to the Scythians, it resulted, that since the arrival
of the Scythians in Bactria and Segistan, to the year 37 B. c.
no report shows that the Parthians had regained such ascen-
dancy over the Scythians as to rise against them as conquerors.
The same refers also to Artaban III. (died 41 a. p.), who more
than once must have had recourse to the Scythians in the north.
There is least of all any trace that Vonones I. during his short
and troubled reign, may have made the conquest in the east,
which we must ascribe to him, if the coins, above mentioned,
belonged to him. |

Of Bardanes (died 47) a successful campaign is mentioned
against the Dahes. What we know of his successor Gotarzes
(died 50) does not entitle us to attribute to him any new
aggrandisement of the Arsacidian empire. Then come we to
Vonones II. who reigned but a few months; after him to his
son Volagases. His reign was a long and happy one,} and

* pEeX pt Ov.vdiouv opouc and because Modovea n tov Oéwv
therefore Mathura belonged perhaps to the Kaspireans.
t 50---85, a. p. Visconti, Iconogr. III. p. 173.
oD

708 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104,

though he was neither indolent nor of unwarlike disposition,
yet he lived in peace with the Romans. It is therefore also on
the authority, though only implied, of history, that we assign
to his reign the conquests of the Parthians in Cabul, of which
the coins with the names of Vonones and Volagases bear
witness.* Nor do we think ourselves mistaken in tracing from
this settlement in Cabul the Parthian irruptions into India, men-
tioned in the Periplus.

The circumnavigator of the Erythrzan sea tells also of thicgd
inroads as an eye-witness, in which will be discovered another
reason against placing him so low as the era of Augustus.

Be it as it may, if Azes be taken for the successor of Vono-
nes, and therefore of Volagases, he is placed in so late a period,
that the close resemblance of his coins with Grecian patterns is
quite inexplicable. Considering the extent of the countries
which are under the sway of Azes, no other has a juster title to —
be identified with him than the Yankaotching of the Chinese
annals. ‘The time would correspond, as we have to look accord-
ing to those accounts, for the flourishing power of the Yuetchis —
just in the years 20—50. (a.c. ) .

Two facts, however, are at variance with this view. First, the
difference of the name, too palpable even for Chinese corruption —
of sounds, and then, that of the coins.

They are so closely allied to Greek types, that we must con- |
nect Azes immediately with the Greeks, and in this case we
must likewise expect coins of Indo-Scythian kings who preced-—
ing Azes, existed between his time and that of the Greeks,
and of this description we found only Mayes. Nor does our numis- _
matological guide, M. Raoul-Rochette doubt in the least as to
this earlier era, and accordingly places him immediately after
Hermaios (II. 42).+ |

But if Azes reigned so early, he belonged to the Saces, ia ;
not to the Bical This supposition is supported by the figure —
of a horseman, which he adopts on his coins; for the equestrian

* Lastly, Volagases I. has styled himself “the just,” as the Cabulian.
Mionnet VIIT. 448. Vonones I. does not bear this epithet.
tT 42.

1840. | Srom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 799

coins come from Kipin, where the Saces, and not the Yuetchis,
had settled themselves.

Now it is true we have not observed that the Saces as well as
the Yuetchis have made any conquests in India; but it seems
to follow, first, from the fact, that the empire of Hermaios ap-
parently was on the eve of its destruction at the very time (120
B.C.) to which we may assign the inroads of the Saces in India,
immediately after 126 B. c.: secondly, because the capital of the
Scythian empire of a later time, was named Min,* and as this
name occurs in Sakastane itself, it must have come thence, and
not by means of the Yuetchis to the Indus. It would be, lastly,
implied in the Chinese chronology, if correctly translated,+ that
the Yuetchis reconquered India; and before them, who but the
Saces in Kipin could have conquered it? However little confi-
dence we can put on these discussions, yet we must at once
adopt the supposition, that the empire of Azes existed about
100 B. c. .

Azilises declared himself as successor of Azes ; as the Chinese
mention two names of these kings of Kipin, we shall perhaps in
time obtain coins of theirs, by which the era of Azes may be
determined with greater certainty.{ The coins above described,
can only be hypothetically taken for the coins of such successors
of Azes. |

If Azes, however, be considered as the founder of an empire
of the Saces in India, either Kadphises or the nameless Soter-
Megas, must be held as the great conqueror under the Yuet-
chis.

Among them the king last mentioned appears to have most
claims, in virtue of the remark, already made, that he seems
to have founded a new dynasty, which was established from
Bactria in Cabulistan and the Punjab, and again assuming the

* Nagara, Sanscrit town ; Mwy weXte in Sakastane with Isidor, p. 9.
De Pentap. Ind. p. 56.

7 as. I: VI. p. 63.

} I would even conjecture, that Ontheoulao was Azilises, if I were
persuaded that the Chinese express a Z by th. They place him 87 s. c.,
and this statement is indeed in a striking manner corresponding with the
place given by the coins to Azilises.

760 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104.

name Soter of the Greek kings, maintained itself up to the pe-
riod of the Parthian relations with India.

The monogram of the nameless king, and the epithet of deli-
verer, recurs as well on the coins of Kadphises as on those
above described ; it occurs last on those of the Kanerkis. Azes
has not this monogram ;* it seems therefore to be the mono-
gram of the Yuetchis. In all of them are probably to be
recognized successors of the nameless king of the Yuetchis,
but it remains doubtful, how we have to place them before and
after the Parthian epoch of those provinces, and whether they
succeeded to the same throne, or reigned at the same time
in neighbouring countries.

Ptolemy’s description of Indo-Scythia, like that in the Peri-
plus, shows asmaller Scythian empire on the Indus, together with
which more than one kingdom may have subsisted in western
Cabulistan. The author of the Periplus mentions besides those,
an independent kingdom of the very warlike Bactrians (p. 27) ;
the Yuetchis alone can be understood by this. These intima-
tions point to a Scythian monarchy in a dismembered condition
at the period to which they refer.

We may assign Yndopherres with more confidence to the Par-
thian period. On a general view we run no risk of ascribing
Kadphises, the Parthians, and Yndopherres, to the last half of
the first century (A.D.), but to give more exact definitions
would be too dangerous.

Lastly, the Kanerkis, who are allied to Kadphises, and who
are the last of these leaders of hordes, probably belong to the
commencement of the second century ; but they rather represent
a new horde of the Yuetchis, advanced from Bactria, than a direct
continuation of the former hordes, for they are distinguished
from them, as well as Kadphises from still earlier tribes, by his
position, represented as going in a carriage, while previously to
him the Scythian kings were represented as horsemen. The
Yuetchis are indeed said to have ridden in a carriage, however
it is added, in one drawn by oxen.

We have already observed, that the Chinese identified the end
of the Powe of the Yuetchis in India with the beginning of the

* KR. Rh. TL op. a6:

1840.| -— from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 761

Sassanians, and we have had no reasons to assign to the Kaner-
kis a later period. If they be referred to a later date, they must
be “the Little Yuetchis,” who founded a new empire in Gan-
dhara in the fifth century, but such a great interval between
Kadphises and the Kanerkis would hardly be admitted.

Other monuments seem to belong to “ the Little Yuetchis,”
on an examination of which we cannot however enter. The
history, like that of the Sassanians in Cabul, of the white Huns
in India, mentioned by Cosmos, and lastly of the Murundas, of ©
whom Indian inscriptions from the Sassanian time bear witness,
would require new preparations far beyond the scope of this
essay.

Here we shall therefore add only this, that Fahian being in
the year 400 in these countries, mentions the power of the
Yuetchis as having passed away (S. Foe. K. p. 766.)

If we be not mistaken, the inquiry leads without compulsion
to the probable result, that between the empire of Azes and the
renewed power of the Scythians under the king of the Yuetchis,
an interval took place in the dominion of the countries on the
Indus. This has been already previously* deemed to be a
corroboration of the Indian account, according to which the
epoch of Vikramaditya, which commences with the year 56 B. c.
was founded on the occasion of a victory over the Saces gained
by this king. In this case Indian tradition, which may certain-
ly adduce in its favour the use still existing, and to be traced
to a very early period, of counting from that epoch, would be in
perfect correspondence with what has been the result of our
inquiry into the Scythian history. Vikramaditya reigning in
Ujjajini, and therefore a direct neighbour of the Scythian empire,
which under Azes extended to the boundaries of Malwa, would,
on this supposition, have repelled the successors of Azes to the
Indus. After Vikramaditya we hear nothing of the empire in
Ujjajini, and this silence finds its explanation in the growing
power, soon after the commencement of our era, of the
Yuetchis, whose kingdom Ptolemy described as still extending

* As. T. VI. p. 63.

762 Lassen on the History traced [No. 104.

on the Indus to Guzerat. By this power Malwa must accord-
ingly have been confined to narrow limits.*

It would be rather imprudent to venture any conjecture on
the distribution of the countries on the Indus and Cabul among

* Having given this explanation, I leave it to the judgment of the reader,
whether there be a reason in the account of the Periplus, of the empire of
the Indo-Scythians, to bring down, according to the view of M. K. O. Mueller,
by some centuries, the epoch of Vikramaditja. If he takes the Vikra-
maditja, now known to us by old Indian coins, for the real conqueror
of the Scythians, his choice is evidently very unfortunate, as this
king belongs to the dynasty of the Guptas in Kandje, contemporaneous
with the Sassanians. If there be any correspondence in the accounts
on Vikramaditja, it is, that he reigned in Ujjajini. I have already
discovered a reference to the empire of Vikramaditja in the passage of
the Periplus on the Ozene, viz. that the ancient royal residence was
there (de Pentap p. 57), being at that time in a very declining state ;
and I have no reason whatever to change my view there set forth. It
is well known, that Vikramaditja afterwards became the hero of a great
number of fabulous tales ; he has become the Carolus Magnus of Indian
poetry, and is as far removed from firm historic ground as Carolus
Magnus would be if we had to take our information of him merely from
the chivalrous novels; but for Vikramaditja, save poetry, no prose, on
chronicle, has been preserved to us. The early adoption of the epoch of
Vikramaditja by the ancient astronomers, might be here of far greater
importance than all those tales from which Wilford has endeavoured
to construe a history of Vikramaditja, and of the second founder of an
Indian epoch, Ialivahana. To render complete this confusion, it must
be added, that the name was afterwards often adopted by Indian kings ;
one of them seems even to have waged war with the Scythians. The
annalist of Kashmir, who had, so to say, sufficiently respectable au-
thorities, is doubtful whom of two Vikramaditjas he must take for the
real Sakari (enemy of the Saces) Raj. Tar. II., 5. III, 125. He decides him-
self on the second, (not to put down the epoch, which is clear to him) but
because in order to follow the Cashmerian chronology for the Buddhist
part of his history, he is necessitated to carry back some centuries all
ancient dates, and even to admit afterwards a great gap in the series of
the kings. Wemust therefore accede, contrary to the view of the annalist,
to the opinion represented as the common one, in holding the first~
Vikramadijta as the founder of the epoch. It is now a curious fact, that
between him and the second, the reigns numbered together, fill out 286
years. The second reigning 236 a. pv. would coincide with the end of
the Yuetchi empire and the commencement of the Sassanians, it is there-
fore probably founded on a historic date, if the second Vikramaditja is
likewise represented as fighting with the Saces.

1840. | from Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins. 763

the different dynasties of the Scythians and Parthians, as neither
historic accounts assist us, nor are the coins so completely
put together, and explained, that the several families can be
properly arranged. This is perhaps a fact, that a frequent
change of dynasties happened, and a speedy decomposition of
the greater into smaller kingdoms. This fact is supported by
the nature of those countries, the lawless manners of the nations,
and the analogy of Turkish and Mogul history.

Another part of the history of these Scythians is left in the
dark. The Chinese annals describe to us the Yuetchis as zealous
Buddhists, hence rises the question, whether there still exist
with the Yuetchis monuments of this religion.*

We can now take it for granted, that from Azdka’s period
Buddhism was widely diffused through Cabul; the fathers of the
Church also know the Samaneans in these countries ;+ and the
Chinese pilgrims as eye-witnesses, speak, of the great number of
Buddhist cloisters and monuments found there; Buddha images
are likewise lately dug out in Cabul itself. There is accor-
dingly no want of Buddhist monuments, but it is the question,
whether we must attribute them to the Yuetchis.

We must here refer to the coins, and one class of them, that
of Behat, must indeed be considered as Buddhist. However
it is only probable that those with duplicated legends belong to
a Scythian dynasty, but to this are limited the Buddhist nu-
mismatological monuments of the Yuetchi kings ; and of Azes,
Kadphises, the Kanerkis, no really Buddhist coin has been
discovered. It must therefore be left undecided, whether the
Chinese reports did transfer to all Yuetchis what was only cor-
rect to maintain as of a part of them.{ But while I must leave
this point undecided, I am reminded at the same time that I
have given all that from the examination of the coins appears to

* Thus the passage, As. T. VI.63. At the period when all these king-
doms belonged to the Yuetchi, the latter put their kings to death, and
substituted military chiefs. They enjoined all their people to practise
the doctrine of Fuh-too-chi.

7 See my treatise, in the Rhenish Museum, for Philology, 1832. vol. I., p.171.
{ From Professor Ritter’s book, the Stupas, etc. Berlin, 1838, which I
received when printing my book, I fully understood his view on those
monuments, and its reasons. I am sorry to say, that I cannot be persuaded
into the Buddhist origin of the topes. I have already above separated

764 Lassen on the History traced. [No. 104.

me a certain or a probable result. The field of conjecture is
already too richly cultivated, for me to add arbitrarily to what
has been done therein. In conclusion, I shall sum up in a table
the historic results of my investigation. I need hardly tell the
reader, that although in the table the facts are placed together
with apparent claim to equal authenticity, they occupy in the
book itself, and in reality, all the different places which on a
large scale are intermediate between certainty and conjecture in
its various degrees, according to individual views.
Separation of Bactria from Syria under,

Theodotos I. soon before Se MS UE ee oe
Theodotos II. his son and successor,
EKuthydemos expels the family of Thicotlotes ae

himself ascends the throne of Bactria

before, a 209

Concludes peace ail Sateen the

Great, 205, makes conquests in Ariana

and India after .. .. 200
Agathokles founds an empire in eastern Cabal, Be 190
Demetrios succeeds his father in Bactria, about .. 185
_ Eukratides takes possession of Bactria. Demetrios

maintains himself in ae ae ih eres
Pantaleon succeeds Agathokles, .. .. .. 170
Kukratides dethrones Demetrios, and conquers the

Indian empire of Pantaleon, about .. 165

the inquiry into the nature of the topes, from the examination of the
coins, and postponed it to another time ; I maintained at the same place,
that as yet no Buddhist coins had been discovered in the topes. Mr. Ritter
on the contrary states, that they are met with (p. 207). But he erroneously
says, that Mr. Prinsep has recognised among the coins from Manikyala
some Buddhist; in the passages quoted he certainly mentions nothing
of this kind. Then continues Mr. Ritter (p. 238) “ As we now possess
ascertained chronological determinations of the Buddhist religion in the Mo-
kadphise’s, Kanerki’s, and Azes’ coins.” The four Buddhist coins alluded
to by Mr. Ritter, occur As. T. III. pl. XXII. No. 28. till No. 32. They
are coins of the Kanerki dynasty, therefore Mithra gods on Buddhist
coins? Then III. pl. XXVI. No. 2, No. 3, IV. pl. XXII. No. 12, No. 13, or
with him plate VIII. No. 2---4. Therefore Siva on the obverse, while
Azes is represented as Buddha seated on the reverse? If Mr. Ritter does
not know any other coins out of the topes which escaped my knowledge,
1 shall not be necessitated to give up my previous assertion, which
was here my only purpose to vindicate.

1840. ] Strom Bactrian and Indo-Scythian coins.

Foundation of a Grecian empire in Drangiana by
Antimachos, about

Murder of Kukratides by his son, about

His son (Heliokles) succeeds him in Bactria,
Antialkides founds an empire in Ara-
chosia and western Cabul, Menandros
a large kingdom in India, after

Philoxenos succeeds in Drangiana, Lysias in Ara-
chosia, afterwards Apollodotos in India,
Archelios and Amyntas succeed in the
western empires,

Mithridates \. of Parthia conquers Dies Sie

Destroys the Grecian-Bactrian kingdom,

Succession of Diomedes, Agathokleia and Her-
maios in the Greco-Indian empire to

Inroads of the Saces and Tochares in Bactria

The Saces occupy Drangiana, the Tochares Bac-
tria, the Grecian empire of Hermaios
subverted by Kadaphes about

Great empire of the Saces under Azes after

Azilises his son, succeeds about,

Expulsion of the Saces from the Indus foie
by Vikramaditya king of Malwa

Dwwision of the empire of the Saces,

Khieoutsieouhi unites the tribes of the Tonnes a
conquers the possession of the Saces after

Yeukaotching his son, makes great ines in

India about ee
Under Volagases conquests of the Parthians in Gabal,

and inroads into the countries on the ~

Indus, after : : Zs
Kadphises’ empire on the Indus roti in upper
India to the Ganges, the dynasty of
the Kanerkis succeeds in his empire,
Downfall of the Arsacians in Parthia, conquests
of the Sassanians in Cabul; restoration
of Indian power in Upper India by the
dynasty of Kanoja, after .. .. «-

165
160

160

145
139

120
126

120
116 8. c.
90

40 B.C.

20 A.D.

766 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104.

Paper on Ancient Land Grants on Copper, discovered in Assam.
Communicated by Major F. Jenkins, Governor General’s Agent
N. E. Frontier.

A putter of three copper plates, joined by a large copper ring to
a seal, containing within a raised rim a figure of Ganesh, was lately
dug up near the station of Tezpore, in the Durrung division, and
I have the pleasure to enclose a copy of the inscription.

A similar grant of two plates was lately produced by a Brahmin in
the Kamroop Courts, to substantiate a claim to some Lakhiraj lands ;
at the time it was first brought up, there was no person in the pro-
vince who could read the inscription, but having given to a Pundit
the alphabets of ancient forms of Sanscrit writing, published by Mr.
James Prinsep to illustrate his discoveries, he was soon able to make
out the inscription.

It was a grant of land as Burmuttur, by Durmpal, in the year*
36, without any mention what era, to three Brahmins, and detailed the
- boundaries of the grant. That inscription was not very legible, the
letters in some places being much rubbed, but the letters in the present
Putter are quite distinct, and I hope they have been correctly copied.

The Dewali which was formed by this grant, viz. Maha Rudra
Dewali, is still in existence, though in a very dilapidated state, and
has given its name to the Mowza on which it stands.

Of the extent of the country under the Pal dynasty on this frontier,
or of any particulars of their family or history, I fear we are not likely
to find any records in Assam. The only mention ofthe Pal Rajahs that
I have met with, is a very ancient looking chronicle possessed by a
Brahmin, the first leaf of which is apparently lost. It now begins
thus :—

Lakhipal,
Subabu,
His minister Sumati,
Then follow the names of
As being the Ra- { Khetrijetari,
jahs or rulers of His son Subalik,
‘‘ Burcherides,” Per-+ and seven names, ending in Narain, and after

haps the present dis- | them is the name of Ramchandra, then inter- ;

tricts of Chooteya, | venes the word,
Chardoar, Noadoar, Jaintee,
Chudoar. probably meaning the country we call Jain-

teah ; and after it follows the names of the follow- } ,

ing Pals :—
Japandu Pal,
Hari Pal,
Dhamba Pal,
Ram Pal,
Pakhya Pal,
Chandra Pal,

* Note. Capt. Jenxins had the kindness to send me subsequently the plates
themselves, which were exhibited at a recent Meeting.

H ‘ ee re, b> a
a a pea ae

1840. | Ancient Land Grants in Assam. 167

Narain Pal,
Amar Pal,
Mantri Pal,
Haina Pal,
Syama Pal,
Mactya Pal,
See Pal,
Gandha Pal,
Madhrub Pal,
Lahikya Pal,
After these follow :—
Minangka,
Gujangka,
Sukanangka,
Mrinangka,
Phinjua,
and others.
These are the names given in page 117 of Prinsep’s Tables, but in
a different order; but no further notice is taken of any of the
Pal race.
There is little doubt but these last named Rajahs were rulers over
a part of the north bank, of which Beshnath was probably the centre,
as some very extensive lines of fortification are universally attributed
to them; and the Pals preceding them, notwithstanding the word
Jaintee alluded to, were likely Rajahs over the same country. They
may have been a branch of the family of Bupal, who reigned
over a district of the empire formerly governed by their ancestors.
The succeeding Rajahs were probably Chooteah Cocherees, who are
supposed in Assam to have been of the Shan race.

ooo

eafed sata unsarfararfaateaqay
FETAL TA TTA TAH ST:
eae | PARA TY Ha MATA RCT aT
wit gadarfaaq tenet: faaauifcara: | aa aca
(aya) HATH CAY AT SUA aea TATA UTHAATA UAT aS
aTqenitecafary: iu ayaa frarat at asta eae
NAG | ate Braataa arcamacfad ey aca cfa
aqaeiaiigrreea yfaagyt | afea: Guseaqect RAT
watt ay BeCaTA Nal ata a fawer a Tal AITAIT
SATA AE TA Aa AT HAMAS TACT TAA Bl) TEAT

768 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. — [No. 104.

aanga Baaawsafasfaarged | faaanctfaaceaat —
craagisat AVA YN qea aa ae ea guicrwaris |
aged | wvsaifaarfacied ater aeeqaearee el) AAT
aaa uaa fraran faattuaataegreaifants: | ws j
ae AACA: TE TIS HAAAAA: wel a yea |
qufergereenartarcrarg cetera: UTARAFTHAG: srett
aaa: feaarestiaes ysittiaa fae lal

TAM AMATTAATATCM AAT: | Aishlae fae ATTT
Wt ECITAMTHATHT el ASMA TATA: MATATTea gy
AAAAAAT | TITAS: TATA faa faye: |
ear: fyat wea a: TAMAS Lei wsARATST
afufedt at fifeat wats foe: | watateta aa
at at fasweanstiaaaeqaa: QU wR saafeaaTA aa ¢
Bera ae uftecs faut: | faecsqae eeeaaTeTa
PPA SANTA WRN FUTGRSYUSAAAFaATT wey
aqaraey | TalaaTT: | antenna tedamdysteayat :
qaqa wy aTaamagate 3 xf ser TeIeA facia ;
aanqaraaaeit: SAA AMAA A AAT AAA: 1p
ATATMA A AIRSISTSUCTANSMAT WAAIIUAE
canarias: | await earafaayrataeal a: wile ©
SMa Sal Safa saatatfaura: ada wee Te
fafuazaaarerfinafaafen ufacser aa afa ara |
urate aaaTea ofa wer yn wae Uist aAATST
waritedata | fearacrfad Safaereacunfaat inen fa
franaqaiataanaata ena | aqzaa qriatfaan
earattifafafacd ion afeeafcacarfeteaaae

13840. | Ancient Land Grants in Assam. 769

famaifaat | Fa CARTAN TAT Ca AAT II
Vall aer KATIA THfcrafaaiie afetarar: | ata
feat fasas: AAAATAA WAT TU say WE TTaTaeagi a
fafaarrsifagat qay: 1 seated faite ata gtia
Ata Faas: Rett dc faqe fequrarafed aaa feaetaly:
| famaaeateaaeriaaa: gat: Fafas: eqn YURAB AA

aa aca fewecentatiet
Oi qa | wWeaweRadraqerMdaasaat BAT
Parasite At FARA URR! aera (aa far eararal
aawadiieenmnat wifeantaat aret w fea s
. quad fora fa fanaa gaat fafaat amiaearfaqcfaact |
- es NRsil aeaaPeadacanaTaraa fame: |

Haag gaaAUATTATA | aA ay was
aaa wactad fata quraate aqiefa wreaahifaca
fi IRB SAMI BeMaTsatataa whut areal
@ | Waa rss saceIT: Bacay SA Sa wifsat eae a

NR aweatransafsatinaetecafaad aww | ve
eacafan fang ufaaraafe swarmed 1 waa
aura are ait faasgaaary fagssrat fuerte ta aasqTa
fasarfieca riacufafacafarfazary awe fgneaae
fqqeeeaesaMizdeansqeayefaareafacanT aa
Heat fener erg cata aa feat yar ya aw eAA A
FeUAAA Sys MATA My ATA feat TA RAT ATi TA
qua faacafcaagefaafadaag vats Wea ae eaTA
AAT CYA ey ALAS ATTA THATS UT| Szaaza
Pedwaanfywigusicaty wiwaareaqwag

Fa, Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104,

aqqaqaaraacaquddfataaaeuraaaiatsnanat Fh
eqrearerme aeneaaiferanad cans faratfasars

aaa TUTCA Aza fwaTHAOefHja gM Sear alata
watH eaafreorerfeareara fatwa faced: “aTaReiare: waa
famraraietuaacefsaraasqugiaet | asafear
fanquacmeteengiafagraia | aia
fea aranruatfaanancraaatfrareqaricartatcs aud
fafaanrfa: arhtfafea afsatiraracafeaaafacare
Watts qacarfialtfaewigarenafcafatcaefaaa
vaazaatfa: wararfaatfafcarcseciaadtte: cattagy
winnfifts qausraatrerfuht aad tates acaresT
qua rafemaaeariagaaeawaatTs Taal AAT
fattrcaaradtcareagia wWeapfeearwecaw way
MAMTA TIAA AraTfaquierqeaaqcssac
aeraufeaal TUCIAT UCIT MaAATSAST: ACS: * TAT
UiftseaqanAy Acwafatysszava: | aiiasaga
Haars sean wheats: || Cafarqeyat weet
warfaaifrea argu fafearaara afcitara seas at
walagfagiaeal Telaaal Twarsafes: | wea zal
Saas Wa eaaratfaqrerad: i fratatan: why
aa: WaAqadad | ahracatsaraaed ates? || wa
uated faquaaeguicandal zat sat
fetta | efaurigaa peafcdtteadtar afar at
RAHAT || SACTAUT TTA T IAP AT adtttorafeet T
UEAT LE. afratats T

(> wata#aa

.
|
1840.) Ancient Land Grants in Assam. 771

PAR MIATA AAT AU AAA

FATA: BAR GAT ATTA ser aicieeyae
sacs afer carats erat afta | Cas TT SAT
LEAT VR ACMIAAISHTU GUA AeAATaTT TATATLT
amtaad aa fadar sf aq adentfa: fretaa
cfaary: | seal fanfare ca aardtieta
afaarcfera: aPEIAIe ali aes arfaaraeara sat
afgade afar ad taeda yaar fe aha
euag afas afwa a fasorerararey

TPIT RIL Ya: GAT ACH ST ae wa AA TAT:
HNSAAATA ACHITT RRUMAieaa WeTaea:
aay anenta wvsifanttuafaced eet wissatfaat
faues waza aX RTaeH: Hsalfautfattaad | aw
Tatas Csi aeat AAFATTATSAC: TET TATATLT
aah: Tal TAATTSA: II

772 ! Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104.

Literal Translation, by Pundit Saropa Prosap CuucKERBUT TY.

SUCCESS.
1. May the Louhetya Sindha, (Brahmaputra river) wherein the
fish are abundantly supplied with water, and whose stream is ruddy
with the dashing spray, turbid with golden mud mingled with ice,
splashing up as the waves fall on the golden rocks of the beautiful
Katlasha mountain, ruddy too with the heavenly flowers dropped
from the hair and hands of the goddesses who come down to sport
therein, protect you !
2. May the Pindkapdné (Siva) on whose head the Ganga waters
cast up by the wind, are, as it were, the stars on the firmament,
sanctify you !

3. The first Bardha (the incarnation of the Boar) had a son
named Naraka, from the Earth (his wife), at the time of her de-
livery ; who (Naraka) robbed Aoléte of her earrings,* and Hari
(Indra) of his power.

4. Krishna having slain him (naraha) felt excessive grief by
the lamentations of his wife, and could not therefore refrain from
creating his two sons, named Bhagadatta and Vajradatia.

5. Bhagadatta ; who was modest, having succeeded to the guddee of
Prdgjyotisha, (Kamroop) devoted himself to the adoration of him
(Krishna) the supreme Deity.

6. Krishna being pleased with him, made him master of another
good territory ; but in time the sovereignty of Prdgjyotisha was after
him governed by his posterity alone.

7. From his line was born Prdélambha, whose name was won-
derful to all. He was the Lord of Pragjyotisha, and destroyer of his
enemies. His footstool was illuminated by the light of the crest-
jewels of all Rajas.

3. He was against those who were enemies to his ancestors from
Sdlastambha down to Sriharisha, who are all deceased, and who,
with all their noble and royal qualities, delighted all the extreme regions.

9. His (Prdalambha’s) brother, greatest of all Rajas, abandoned
his valour with indignation, but not his car (? indignantly re-
signed the fight, yet left not his car ? )

10. His queen, named Jivadd, was dearly beloved by him ; like
Prabhata Sandhya, (morning twilight) she was vdéndyat of all, and
the source of great éejas.{

11. From her he (Pralambha) had a son named Hajara, who was
the king of kings, and was embraced by Lakshmz (the goddess of
fortune) herself, and whose feet were worshipped by every Raja.

12. He (Hajara) was like Yédhiésthira in truth ; like Bhima to his
enemies; and like Jéshnz (Arjina) in battle; who,§ though alone,
yet was victorious over all his rivals that stood against him.

* Note.—Particularly described in the Sreemutt Bhagavut, ch. 59.

¢ The word Vandyd when connected with morning, means adorable, and praise-
worthy, as applied to the queen.

{ Tejas has two meanings; the light and spirit, or vigour, or vigourous persons; the

former relates to the word morning, and the latter to the queen.
§ This sentence is applicable to both Arjuna and the Kaja.

1840.] Ancient Land Grants in Assam. 773

13. Lakshmi being as it were disliked by Vishnu (her husband)
whose mind was in love with the Gopas (the wives of the cowherds)
forsook his breast and came down to this individual with all the per-
sonal beauty of her sex.

14. This Lakshmi, as it were, determined in her mind that
** because this conqueror is possessed of all personal beauty, as well as
noble qualities of my husband (Vishnu), who has matchless might
and a car-wheel or his hand, I shall surely become his chief queen,
though I shall undergo degradation.”

15. Lakshmi having ascertained this, as above, transformed
herself into his chief and beloved queen, whose name was Tard, and
who was like a jewel of superior quality among all the females of her
time.

16. From her (Tard) he (Hajara) had a son named Vanamdia,
the king, who was prosperous, renowned, like the moon the source of
the universal delight, and adorned with the jewel-wreath of all
noble and royal qualities, and his footstool was borne by the crowns
of numerous Rajas.

17. Because he was the worthy master of the territories that
extended as far as the Vanaméld (lines of forest) near the seashore,
the Creator caused him to be named Vanamdla.

18. He (Vanamdéla) resembled the Suz in the field of battle, by
reason of his driving forth the darkness of the furious elephants of his
vanquished foes.

19. Further, he was like the moon on the clear sky of the Naraka
line, from which were sprung many kings, by removing the dark-
ness of his enemies.

20. He (Vanamdld) who had by the force of his mighty scymetar
been expelling all the Rajas, who were like thunder to the mountains
of the powerful army of their respective enemies, made Sree (Lakshmi)
the wife* of one husband.

21. Some Rajas, who though they were conquerors of their many
rivals, yet from the fear of Vanamdla’s power took refuge with pre-
cipitation in extreme regions, and others in the heavenst.

22. The rest, who were forward to throw their sharp shafts over
him in battle, far abandoned their lands in consternation.

23. The enemies who were gallantly forward in battle with their
elephants, were subdued by him.

24. He who was devoted to (the gods?) bore the burthen of Na-
kusha (a Rajd of antiquity) by his faithfully repairing the fallen and
the Himdla-like lofty palace of Hetuka Sulin (the Siva of destruction)
whose feet are worshipped by the multitude of gods, at Kdlantara—
and further, by adorning it with the images of domesticated elephants{
and fair women.

25. His fame, which is whitest of all, exists in the regions of
the serpents (Tragaloka) ever laughing to scorn (even) its eternal

* Solely dependent on one, i. e. the king Vanamiala himself; the meaning being, that
he payed the fickleness of fortune (Lakshmi) by the continuance of his success.

t+ Departed their lives.

¢ Note.—Literally “village elephants.’’

5 F

7/4 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. (No. 104.

splendour, in extreme regions (surpassing in whiteness) the water
cast off from the trunks of elephants with their long breathings,
and in the firmament (deriding) the spotless and pleasant beams of the
moon full in her digits.

26. He by his truth, gravity, greatness, power, liberality, and
might, had far overcome the Dharma, (Yudhisthera) the sea,
the mountain, the sun, Karna the king, and the son of Maruta
( Bhima). .

28. The moon finding this world whitened by the moon of his
fame, takes her rise as if with shame* even to this day.

29. The wifet of Ajja (Brahma) whof is like an oblong pond on
the firmament, as it were, sings his extended fame (praise) in Devene
temples, to the sounds of musical instruments and songs, and in groves
by the utterance of prayers and hymns of sacrificers.

30. Large quantities of gold, elephants, horses, lands, wives,§ silver,
and jewels were his usual gifts: and he, though very moderate
of speech, yet was himself Vahubak.||

Because he gratified the appetites of the people of all classes,
and was himself in company with the learned, numbers of most
mighty Rajas had been constantly coming to him, mounted on their
various elephants, horses, and litters, to pay the respects due to his
highness. ‘To Vanamala, who was skilful, the king of kings, very rich,
and devoted to the feet of his parents, and whose mind was attached
to the supreme Deity, was Louhztya Sindhu the sage{ as a friend.

Its water was made fragrant with the scent arising from the
flowers dropped from the creeping plants moved by the long drawn
breathing of the serpents, startled at the cries of the wild peacocks
and various other birds reposing on the lofty trees of the eastern
mountain, while all sides were occupied by the numerous elephants,
horses, and foot soldiers of Vanamala.

Further, its streams were intermixed with the odorous water of the
clouds, composed of the gashes of the Kalaguru trees (black aloe wood)
burning by the conflagration of its adjacent groves.

The inhabitants near its banks were all delighted with the smell
arising from the musk of the deer, which were in different places col-
lected, grazing on the fragrant pastures of the Eastern mountain, and
further of those that were in many places killed by the wolves, as well
as by Nature, and were left unconsumed thereon.

Further, its streams were more sacred than those of others, from their
continually washing the sides of the mount Kamakzita, which is inha-
bited on its tops by Kameswara (a Siva) and Maha Gouri (his wife)
whose footstools are brightened with the crown jewels of all the Szvas

* The black spots that are generally visible in her, are usually described by poets
as the marks of her disgrace and shame.

+ Saraswati.

{ I cannot conceive what the poet means by this metaphor,

9 By his giving wives, is meant that it was his custom to assist those with expenses
whom the want of money rendered unable to marry.

|| This word is of two meanings, one who talks much, and of whom men speak much.

‘i Here the river is personified as a sage. In Sanscrit the river Brahmaputra is said
to have been a male river.

1840. | Ancient Land Grants in Assam. ao

(gods) and the Asuras. And moreover it was turbid with the odorous
substances which were besmeared over and washed from the high
breasts of the bathing lovely females, and adorned on both the banks
with boats or ships; which (boats or ships) were like the Velxa*
females, adornedt with various ornaments ; like female children orna-
mented with sonorous kiwkinit (a girdle set with small bells) ;—like
Varastris (courtezans) holdingt chamara (chowrees) ;—like the wives
of Dashavadana ( Ravana) bearing the marks of Dashana§ (teeth) round
them ;—like the Kaminis (wives) of Pavana (the god of wind) pos-
sessed of Vega|| (swiftness) ;—like the women of Danuhanga (a nation)
attractive of all minds ;{ and like Devapalis (inferior gods) ever existent
above,* and whose (boats) Vega is samvardhita, (augmented or in-
flamed) like that of the Carnatic females by Ka¢hinabhighatat.

Further, their U'thampat is augmented like that of the girls danc..
ing with their male companions.

There was a person named Bhijjata, who was the illuminator of the
Sandelya line,—liberal,—pious,—devoted to the gods, and studious
in Yajurveda, and its angas§ (subordinate parts.) His wife named
Sabhrayeka, who was pious, endowed with all the Brahmanical
qualities, and descended from a respectable family, was married to
him according to the Brahma Vidhi. |

To their son, who was himself a priest studious in the Vedas,
possessed of noble qualities, and superiority, and whose name was
Indoka, the king Vanamala has granted the village named Abhéssiira-
vataka, which is furnished with fertile lands, and the reservoirs of
water, and the undermentioned eight boundaries on the west of
Trisrota (the Ganga-river) for the virtue of his parents.

* Name of a tribe. This Veshisana (adjective) is to be applied to both the boats and
the females.

+ Oars at that time were generally bound with Kinkinis round them, as are now the
paddles of snake boats.

é { Boats and ships had always been at that time beautified with chamaras and flags,

e
§ The persons of the wives of Ravana, who had ten mouths, bore the marks of as
many lines of teeth. This when relating to the boats means that the earrings thereon
were visible like the marks of teeth.

|| This is applicable to both the boats and the wives of Ravana.

“| The boats were so beautiful that they were pleasing to all.

* Here the word above, means above the surface of water when connected with the
boats, and sky when with the gods.

t+ Here the words Vega and Kathinabhighata are both of two meanings. The former
means amorous lustre and sPpEED—and the latter strong embrace and haste, when they
are in turn connected with the females and the boats.

{ U’tkampa, when relating to the girls, means a motion used in dancing; and tremu-
lous motion when relating to the boats; i. e. when the boats are danced on by men,
por appear as it were dancing themselves too by the pressure of those moving on

em.

§ The Angas are as follow :—Sikshd, or the science of pronunciation, and articula-
tion ; Kalpa the detail of religious ceremonies ; Vydkarana or grammar ; C’hhandas
prosody ; Jyotish or astronomy ; and Nirikti or the explanation of the difficult or ob-
scure words, or phrases that occur in the Vedas.

A mode of marriage, the presentation of the bride, elegantly adored, by the father
to the bridegroom whom he has invited. F

It is bounded on the west by Dashalangasabha; on_the south-east by Chandra,
on me west by Nakuvasava, and on the north-east by Dashalangala Sabhasa,—Sam-
vat. 19.

776 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104,

Abstract Lineage of Vanamala. By Pundit KAMALAKANTA.

The first Baraha had a son named Naraka from the earth (his wife ;) Naraka had two —
sons named Bhaga-datta and Vajra-datta, and was himself slain by Krishna, who being
affected by the mournings of his wife, made Bhaga-datta her son king of Pragjyotisha.

From his line descended Pralambha, who also succeeded to the Guddee of —
Pragjyotisha. i : i

From his queen, whose name was Jivada, was born Hajara, who also had named ~

Vanamdla from Tard his wite.

Note By Pundit KaAMALAKANTA. ;

Three letters of the third quarter next to the words Armbhakrirat of the first Sloka, —
which is in the Sragdharé C’hhanda, have been obliterated, the three letters Sibhusha ~
are placed in lieu of them. ? : : 3

Here the reason of inserting ra in the place of rha is, that the inhabitants of that _
place (of Assam) can not with ease pronounce the latter, and therefore they are liable —
to make use of the former (ra) both in their speaking and writing.

At the endthe word Tresrotdyd, which is the mistake of the writer, should be Tres-
rotasa, as Vanamala was himself master of even the territories situated on the banks of
Ganga [it is probable] he personally went there, and after performing sacrifices granted _
lands to Ydgnekdchdrya on its western bank.

Granting lands with Tamrasasana is said to have been reward of yaga [ceremonies.]

All this is described also in Siswpdlavadha [the work in which the death of Sisupala
is described. ] ;

Note on the above.

The early history of those tracts on the banks of the Brahmapootra —
which lie to the north-east of Bengal, and which are now for the most
part either forest land, tenanted only by wild animals, or wastes partially
reclaimed and inhabited by tribes nearly as wild as the beast of the forest, —
is unfortunately involved in singular obscurity. The soil of Assam Proper
is of great fertility, its products are numerous, and the results of the indus- _
try of the inhabitants and of settlers, encouraged and fostered by the equi- —
table rule, and efficient protection of the British Government, prove that
the land is capable of supporting the densest population. The character
of the extensive hilly country between Assam, and Cachar, and Munipore, —
would appear to be not dissimilar ; and we in fact have the strongest proof
that the whole of these tracts were at a former period thickly inhabited by ©
a people far advanced in civilization. The immense earth works which ©
traverse Assam forming at once dams for the retention of water, and com-
modious roads across the flooded country, the extensive ruins in Chardwar, —
(Jour. As. Soc. vol. iv. No. 40, April 1835,) the remains of the ancient city
of Dhemapoor, in the Naga country, are not the only proofs extant of the -
power, wealth, and energy of the former inhabitants of these tracts. It
is however very unfortunate that among the numerous remains already —
discovered, no inscriptions have been found, which could lead to conclusions
as to their real history. Capt. Westmacott (formerly Assistant to the Gover- —
nor General’s Agent on the North East Frontier) has indeed in the able pa- —
per above alluded to, sketched from tradition, and such records as are-
extant, a history of the early monarchs who ruled at Pora in Chardwar; —
but as regards the general history of the country, we have little that can be —
looked upon as authentic. ‘‘ The very numerous remains of stone temples,” _
says Major Jenkins in a letter to me, “ all completely overthrown (except —
some of quite modern date, erected out of the ancient structures) speak
of long periods of prosperity, and great revolutions of which weare entirely _
ignorant. From one of the temples at Hajoo being frequented by pil- —
grims from all parts of Thibet, and Tartary, I imagine the Boodhist —
faith formerly prevailed in Assam, and this may account in part for the —
destruction of the temples. That faith was succeeded perhaps by the —

1840. | Ancient Land Grants in Assam. Tip

Brahminical under the Pals (i. e. the Pal dynasty) ; they were swept away
by the Koches, who probably were not Hindoos till they ceased to be con-
querers, as was the case with the Ahoms, who with the Mahometans then
contended for Kamroop, and both perhaps destroying the temples which
fell into their power.” I am strongly inclined to concur with Major Jenkins
in the opinion he expresses as to the probable prevalence of Boodhism in
Assam at an early period; its supercession by Hindoo invaders; and the
consequent destruction of the temples now extant. The following extracts
from the Mahabharat, and Roghuvanso, are of authority, as proving the
early power of the Rajas of Prajyotisha, and their early wars. I owe both
these quotations to Pundit Sarodhaprosad.

The following slokas as quoted from the 4th chapter of Roghuvanso.

** 8lst. While Roghti crossed the river Louhitya Sindhu (Brahmaputra) the king
Pragjyotisha (Kamroop) as well as the kalagurd trees* to which were tied the
elephants of Roghi —— trembled.

2nd. How could he (the king of Pragjyotisha) stand forth against the advancing
army of Roghti, when he could not withstand the rising vast dust of his cars which
entirely covered the sun, and were like a day dark with clouds, but without shower.
83rd. Him (to Roghti) who surpassed Akhandala (Indra) in power, the king of
Kamarupa visited with all his elephants, which were exuding juice from their temples,
(i. e. they were in a state of fury) and which he invaded others with. The king of
Kamarupa worshipped the shadow of the feet of Roghu, the ruling deity, of his footstool
with the flowers of valuable jewels.

Mahabharat Bhishmavahda Parava, Section 75.

wrsseifaney ahedt AFAR Ha:
SLEAYACHT ACCUTAAAT FA I

_ Osuperior to man, the king of Pragjyotisha is on the centre of the entrenchment
attended with Madra, Souvéra, and Kekaya, and his numerous army.

Section 112.
aa: wIasat fet SY Ciel ATTA SEA:
faweehaauty qeAAT EAA |!

Then the Raja of Pragjyotisha cut off the large bow of Madhava with his sharp

bhalla (a species of spear).

Amid the uncertainty 1 have described above, it is gratifying to find
something in the shape of documentary evidence, speaking to a direct
historical fact, as in the case of the copper plate which Captain Jenkins
has enabled me to present to the readers of the Journal. With this, and
the other plate purporting to be a grant by Dhurmpal, we have two
documents bearing respectively the dates 19 and 36 of an unknown era.
I will endeavour to prove that this era must have been the one adopted
by the Hindoo conquerors of Assam as their own; a fact which would
strongly corroborate the more than plausible supposition that the former
possessors of the land whom they subdued, were Boodhists, or at any rate
of a different faith from their own.

For this purpose however I must in the first instance express my reason
for differmg with the opinion which would, I think, destroy the local
application of the zera, the idea namely that the grant now before us rela-
ted to lands on the banks of the Ganges, or real Gunga, an opinion which
it will be seen is held by Kamalakanta, as also by other capable authori-
ties whom I have consulted. My views could not be better expressed than
in the following extract from a note addressed to me in answer to a refer-

ence on the subject by one of our members, Baboo Prosunno Comar
Takoor :—
* The black aloe wood.

118 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104.

af With reference to your note with its enclosures on the subject of the Assam
() Baatg_q ‘Tamba Putur, (1) containing grants of land on the banks of the
(2) ster Ganges, (2) I have much pleasure in communicating my thoughts
cad on the subject, and which I hope will clear up the mystery,

namely how the Rajah of Assam could grant lands on the banks of the Ganges.
‘* It appears from Captain Jenkins’ letter, that the grants were discovered near the
station of ‘l'ezpore, in the Durrung division, and that those grants specified the lands as
(3) amea ‘Burmutter’ (3) by ‘ Dharmopala’ ; (4) and each grant with the
> ib ie prefix of the figure of Ganesa(5). You will find on referring to
(4) CIATA Dr. M’Cosh’s Topography of Assam, page 93, that ‘the
northern central Assam, or Durrung, or ‘Tezpore, (the place

(©) stg of the discovery of the grants) is bounded from Nowdowar on
the east by the river Burili.’ Here is the mystery. The river Burili is called
(6) wafa _ in the language of the country Bhurili(6), and the sacred

: name for the same river is Vasishty Gunga,(7) or Ganges,

(7) At fap ster} which you will be able to ascertain from the learned people of
that country through Captain Jenkins. Thus the land alluded to in the grant must
be on the banks of this Ganges; and not of owrs. Gunga, corruptly called Ganges,
is (By the exclusive rane ae river. peor vie iy Leng should properly be

) Sita calle agirutty-Gunga.(8) And there are others, such as

ars : cue al Shutu-Gunga(9) in Orissa, Boory-Gunga,(10) at Dacca, Tool-

CYS TH see-Gunga(1l) at Rungpore, and so on, in various places.

(10) ZINN And the Sanscrit writers of the grants and Sanscrit authors,
particularly on the occasion of compiling poetical compositions,

a) SAATAH for the sake of metre, emphatically omit the proper epithets ap-
~ plied to the word Ganges. This may account for the word Ganges being used in
the grants with the omission of the adjective Vasishty.

‘*’'The inference of the grants of the land being on the banks of the Vasishty Gunga,
and not on ours, is further supported by the name of the granter, namely, Dharmapala.
This sovereign of Assam was distinguished for having embraced the Bhraminical

(12) aaa religion, and invited Brahmins(12) from Gour(13) to his court

aA north of the Burramapooter, and also from Mithel&(14) to co-

(13) CNS lonise in his country. Thus it is quite natural that from the
(14) 4 veneration in which he held the ministers of his new religion,
fafaa he granted to them, and cima to colonists of the same sect,

lands free of rent, which accounts for the three grants discovered near Durrung,
situated likewise on the north side of the Burramapooter; and many others may be
found in time. It may be conjectured that the monarch had his capital situated
in the vicinity of ‘'ezpore, perhaps in some place near or at Chardwar, being one
of the four divisions of Durrung, as we still find the ruins of ancient temples and
other edifices on that spot (vide Journal of the Asiatic Society, April 1835, page 185. )’’

I perfectly concur in thinking that this explanation relieves us of the
necessity of supposing Vanamala to have possessed lands on the banks
of the real Gunga, (carrying thus into Bengal Proper the name of a ruler,
and an era unknown there), and further of being compelled to admit a
violation of the rule, which all experience of the discovery of ancient
copper grants teaches us, namely, that the Zamba patur is invariably found
upon the land to which its contents relate.

Taking Hujara, or Vanamala, as a Raja ruling only in Chardwar and its
vicinity, we have next to trace his existence with reference to what of
history is still extant as regards the ancient Assamese dynasties. The
late Captain Pemberton, whom I consulted on this point, was of opinion
that what Mr. James Prinsep, (Useful Tables, p. 118) calls the Induvansa
dynasty, “though,” to use Captain Pemberton’s words, ‘it should have
been the Ahom, or Ahong dynasty, and not Indu,” was to be found in the
list composing the Pal dynasty, commencing with Chukapha in 1230 a. p.
“There can be no doubt that this race of kings by whom the conquest of
Assam was effected in the thirteenth century crossed the mountains known
as the Pal kole, or Pal mountains, which separate Assam from the moun-
tainous region on the western frontier of China, near the sources of the
Irawaddee river of Ava, and we may fairly conclude that the term Pal has

1840. | Ancient Land Grants in Assam. 719

been applied to them from the circumstance of their having first poured
down upon the plains of Assam from the passes of the Pal mountains.
Certain it is, that they were a branch of the great Shan tribe which
under various modifications occupies the whole tract of country between
Munipore and Yunon, extending down to Siam.”

There is, I think, little doubt but that the so-called Induvansa dynasty
were the Ahom conquerors, (though not a. p. 1230) of Assam; but they
cannot be identical with the Pals, because we have before us evidence
of Dhurmpal’s being a Hindoo Raja, and we know that neither were the
Ahoms in fact Hindoos, nor could they be so, coming whence they did ; there
is moreover no trace of Hindoo religionism among their descendants.
Putting this supposition therefore aside, I will take up Captain Jenkins’
list of the Pal Rajas, which Mr. James Prinsep seems to have considered
in a great measure apocryphal, as he does not insert them in his tables,
and indeed notes, with marked incredulity, the tradition of Dhurmapala
having brought Brahmins into Assam from Gaur, a fact however proved by
the plate granting the Maha Rudra Dewalee, and proved further to have
been a practice with his predecessors by Vanamala’s grant. In Captain
Jenkins’ list we have after Ramchundra (a Hindoo?), the word jaintee,
which Captain J. suggests may allude to the country of Jainteah, but
which I am inclined to think has reference to the conqueror (Jynti, or Jytari
jy---victory) who is noted by Captain Westmacott, (Journal Asiatic Society,
vol. 1v. No. 40) as follows, “Shribahu, ninth sovereign of the second
dynasty, was vanquished by Vikramaditya, and was succeeded by Jytari,
a pious Chhatri from the Dekhan, who overcame Kamroop, and on ascending
the throne assumed the title of Dharma-pala.” Now there is nothing more
natural than that a Hindoo leader of the military class, successful in his
attack on a foreign land, should be emphatically called jytarz, “the con-
queror,” or that having established the religion he professed(?) in the
country, he should take.a title (Dharma pala) expressive of his fosterage
of the true faith, giving thence a title to his dynasty, were it not, as I shall
show, already peculiar to one whence he sprang. A descendant of his,
according to Capt. Westmacott’s authority, by name Rama Chundra
began his reign a. s. 1160, (a. pv. 1238-9) “and is the first prince the
date of whose accession is commemorated in the volume,” whence the
authority is taken, and which makes him twenty-fourth sovereign of part
of ancient Kamroop, and the eleventh of the third dynasty of its kings.
Chundra Pal, the seventh from Jytari in Capt. Jenkins’ list, may be
identical with this sovereign, and the notice of the date of his accession,
according to the ordinary zra, may have been consequent on his having been
the first to abandon the custom of dating by what we may call the Pal era,
two dates of which we find on the Assam copper plates, and which must
certainly have fallen into disuse at no remote period after its establish-
ment, the dates on the grant being the first notice we have of its ex-
istence. Now itis worthy of remark, how well these dates seem to apply tothe
list of Rajas in Capt. Jenkins’ Pal dynasty, allowing the fair average of
12 years to a reign, and beginning with Jytari, its founder. We have after
his immediate successor, Japandu Pal, (Prulumbha? v. 7. Sloka of the
inscription), the name of Hari (Hujara?) Pal, in whom we may reason-
ably recognise the Raja surnamed Vanamala, who in the year 19 of the
dynasty of which he is third, granted lands to Brahmins on the Vashishty-
Gunga; he is immediately followed by Dhumba, or Dhurma Pala, one
of whose grants has been found with the date 36 of the Pal era. Thence
to Rama Chundra, or Chundra Pal, we have only two, instead of, as should
be the case by Capt. Westmacott’s authority, six Raja’s names, and from

780 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104

Rama Chundra (a. p. 1238) to Sukanangka, or Sukrank, son of Gujanka,
or Gujank according to Capt. Westmacott, with whom the Jytari dynasty
expired (a. pv. 1478), we have 13 Rajas occupying a period of 240 years,
at an average reign of 21 years and a fraction, which is rather above the
ordinary admitted chronological average. Itmay however be, that names
after, as well before, Ram Chundra, or Chundra Pal, may have been omit-
ted. In any sort, the assignment of a date to the Pal era in our own
must be mainly conjectural; but taking Major Jenkins’ list as correct, at the
average of 12 years to each reign, from about the death of Jytari, when I
suppose the Pal era to begin, to the accession of Chundra Pal in a. pb.
1238, we should have it commence at about a. p. 1178, or, if four addi-
tional reigns be admitted, according to Capt. Westmacott, a. p. 1130. It
remains for my readers to consider whether they would suppose it likely that
Hindooism had been established prior to that in Assam (as the apparently.
fabulous tradition would go to prove), or whether it is not more correct to
conclude, that it made its way into the country about that period.

I need not remark on the confusion of the lists of Rajas. Shubahu,
whom Jytari succeeded by conquest, according to one account, is possibly
the Subahu of Major Jenkins’ list, between whom and the conqueror 10 names
intervene. It is much, in such absence of authenticity, to arrive, as I trust
we have done, at even some approximation to the truth.

I should however omit one most remarkable point regarding the Pal
Rajas of Assam, did I fail to note that the Rajas of Bengal (having their
capital at Gaur) were themselves a Pal dynasty, and that the name Dhurma
Pala has been found on two copper plates, the Monghir and Dinajpor
plates, which record kings of that race, both evidently referring to the
same individual. The date of this potentate is given by Abul Fuzl, a. p.
1027, which differs as regards Dhurma Pala from our calculation, and thus,
independently of the discrepancies of other names in our present and
the former plates, disproves the identity of our Dhurma Pala with him
of Gaur. Still however it is very plain that a Pal Hindoo conqueror of
Assam, who brought Brahmins from the capital of that country, must have
belonged to that family, though he was, it would I think appear, but a
junior branch, or off-shoot from it.

Boodhism therefore was expelled from Assam by Hindoos from Bengal,
but I cannot help adding a few more words on the subject of the history of
Assam, in order to show that the subsequent Koche and Ahom invasions
must have so wholly destroyed the Hindoo dynasties above noted, as to
lead to the belief generally entertained among the people of the country
of the introduction of that religion into it at a period so recent as the last
century. The following comparatively modern inscriptions, which the
Society owes to the kindness of Lieut. P. H. Sale (Engineers) are printed
without literal translations (although I took care to have them made), as
Lieut. Sale’s abstract of their contents is quite sufficient for all purposes
required. I should mention, that I found Lieut. Sale’s letter among the
papers made over to me, whenI took charge temporarily of the Secretary’s
duties. His communication, though long unnoticed, has not been made in
vain, and its publication will, I trust, lead to his again addressing the
Society. His letter is as follows :---

‘*T beg to send you the accompanying facsimiles of inscriptions, which I took in the
neighbourhood of Gowahatty, when | passed through that city in January, 1838. They
can lay no claim to antiquity, and I doubt not that I have been forestalled; however,
they throw light on the period when Hindooism first extended into the province of
Assam. The Kamakhshya temple is said to be the first Hindoo place of worship
erected in these parts; the renown of its great sanctity extends far aid wide, and many
pilgrims seek the purification of their souls at this shrine. The temple is situated on
a hill, about 400 feet high; on the ascent to it is a colossal figure of Betal carved upon

1840. | Ancient Land Grants in Assam. 781

a large piece of rock, and on the top, near to the great temple, is a figure of Hunooman.
At the foot of the hill a small figure of Gunaish is cut on a boulder, by the side of
which is the inscription marked No. 1. I perceived no inscriptions on the other stones.
No. 2 is an inscription on the Dhol Mundip of the temple named Asakrunta, on the
opposite or right bank of the Burrumpooter. No. 3 was taken from a stone by the side
of a tank, about two miles from Gowahatti, on the Nowagaon road. The copies on the
English paper are the inscriptions within the temple of ee eter to which I had
no access, and were taken for me by the Suddur Ameen, Juggoo Ram Phookaw; all
the inscriptions, I believe, are in the Assamese character.

‘‘J might enter into a long description of the picturesque situationof these Mundurs,
but it might be out of place, and I shall rest perfectly satisfied, if the copies may prove
of the slightest use.’’

8 calsiTAssl{a: GF

ami net wrfdorintes
aifriedtiitadnecniaa sty

ayewiitias | areriartaraptaey

Bofass SHHATN Qa
asipaaicatfawacs Aaacaeat

ze || Ontwafaaiag=aai
AfameS ara gnycataatya

2a | Agecea Surafacste

CAT NTH QARARTAR AANA TAS |}
Seasafaracatags || eaatacaqcaifay
Mafas sartrsntfaseht atatscay

eae | erintne qiaraiacanarrseattafaaial
fafsmaisfersiqcaapsay Aesydaai ||

‘Tf we leave out the ornamental parts of the poetry (being praises of the princes and
the goddess) the inscription informs us that the principal temple of Kamakhya has
been built by Shukla Diva and Shukla Dhwaja, the younger brothers of Walladivs
(the king of Behar) in 1487. Equivalent to 1566 a. p.”’

Slatrs
qfeAzatzaafuss
fearzantas oftoeta
catMecatfasrraatsoat
Say HartfEsAA ain
astcnatemtasrifeface |e
fartnta 2aasnr eres Aes
Fafauntafasaqaorr ya

782 Ancient Land Grants in Assam. [No. 104.

ATZANARG AF StT aks
Baan alaarycitagnta
SAAA srefArsratal
aliqaiaten Aweay
aaleaeTerrt Ataf
ca\fnaatertacyteny
A HCAVEAAATH CATT
wetfacsaetiaantaa

WITS 38 28

‘« This inscription states, that by order of Shwurgu Diva Pramatta Singha, the king of
Assam (his viceroy or Navab) Taruna Duvara Bara Phukkan, built the Doljatra
mandap of Kamakhya in Shakabon 1672. Equivalent to 1751 a. p.”’

Batre
“9 Qferraegarqarafassniaysaraysaryy
AMIfapBoRfasseAtwetaeent zeae
sasnransafasafasiafesrattiyeag
agiaaurifraafeaeatratf beares
NGS SAAC ASL FALAMAT
amasrafetsay icra DATS
WSfAsasiwacsegicuNtSanlapayy Ay
SSRMAMN TSH ATO aT TAT ITAS TAA
SNR Teastarasaees tet feta ste at fasarziafesn
arfesdtfomay totrrtafeg ieeataral
anfasaiAqeragdatereSarrt
aorincataatanaatiragaracnynce

‘This inscription (near Ganesha) informs us that by order of Pramatta Singha, the
Raja of Assam, (his viceroy or Navab) Taruna Duvara Bara Phukkan, did dig up the
nee Sarobara (or tank of the goddess Durga) in Shakabon 1666. Equivalent to

As ee

The similarity of the name (No. 1.) Shukla, to that of Chukra Dwaja
(noted in Useful Tables as Raja of Assam in 1621) would lead me to con-
clude that the persons are identical, especially as the descent of the late
Assamese reigning family from that of Cooch Behar is well known, were it
not that Mr. Prinsep’s date, attested by dates on coins, and that of the
inscription, differ by fifty-five years.

ASSAM PLATES.

fit A Sleke FALL size

S HORAK HEE TIARA EEA,
ER ANEREROGTA MAINE HELA

améss 2e aa 2a yee Ee
HS Co? 7 SS | AS o> J © : : moos) ae chet ou Hh

aanae 2S Se w! auyeCUaA
CEG GG SO 2% we eee

THAR aT Fuangagy os
HPCE ATTY 7 HUH RR Ni
i suas) UaForataa ae PRUE ieee ia ts

Prins bah by 5. Bilder ¥ Ce

4
AB
}

;

a pa IT ic eat tf ce

eT 5g ee

‘--p-

a
N

ag ie pe

§ tia cage awa 3”

’

a Bee eo

Bae ty wid ecaqee

pan ie Be al rts .
sagt ion coi das eae
Ae) ee |

sadist ee a)
eet we haviidae

ae CHA | Rae meen

" ee a
; Sil jukishoh eros “al 3

5 a thin Fe fr MBieid “Wah ota te ie 2 od t ea Ba Ne ei x
a P) ; , fh Seve or

783

Memoir on the Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan.)—By Lieut.

TIcKELL.
(Continued from page 709.)

The Hos villages are in general unpicturesque, owing to their
building on high barren spots, where the trees attain no size; they
are very irregular, each house being separated and hedged in by itself,
with its own little plot for planting maize, til, or tobacco; a street for
suggers, generally runs through the village, and in the centre, an open
space of turf, shaded by two or three tamarind trees, contains the
slabs of stone under which the “ rude forefathers of the hamlet sleep.”
On these stones the people assemble daily to talk or lounge, when
there is no work to do in the fields. They scarcely ever build by
rivers, preferring the vicinity of some small spring. The beautiful
Byturnee, every wind of whose stream would be a subject for the
artist’s pencil, or the poet’s pen, runs its crystal waters through regi-
ons of deserted forests, where the vastness of canopying trees, and the
Juxuriance of wild vegetation, show the richness of the soil ; while four
or five milesinland, the country is populous and well cultivated. I have
never satisfactorily ascertained the reason of this bad taste; but among
other causes, I have been told it was for fear of their little children
tumbling into the water! Whatever it may be, the open, barren spots
they select are more healthy than those selected for beauty would be.

A Hos if he be worth three or four ploughs, lives in a very comfort-
able manner. The houses of the Moondas and Mankees are substan-
tial and capacious, built so as to enclose a square. The walls are of
stout and well joined stockading work, covered with mud, and
neatly “‘leeped” or plastered with cow-dung, or chalk and water.
The principal building is commonly ornamented with a verandah
( Pindegee,) supported on carved wooden pillars, and covered
with an excellent thatched roof. It is divided into three compart-
ments—a sleeping room, an eating room, and one for general stowage.
Opposite this house, and about thirty paces off, is another of ruder
construction, for servants, travellers, or guests, and the flanks are
joined by “ Byres,” or cow-houses, a granary, and often a pig-stye. In
the centre of the square generally stands a pigeon-house, built of logs,
on high timbers, neatly thatched over. None of their villages are ex-
tensive, owing to the dislike they have to congregate together, for fear

5 G

794 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104.

of fire or contagious diseases ; so that the crest of almost every rising
ground throughout the country, is occupied by a few scattered houses.
The nomad tribes of Hos, who inhabit the hilly tracts, are obliged to
move every third year, to make fresh clearings in the forest. The
soil in these places is very rich for the first sowings, but not being
manured, gets exhausted in three or four years.

The Hos wear very little clothing ; even the most opulent among
them, who have quantities of cloth and ornaments, prefer keeping
their finery shut up at home, for the purpose of adding to the
pageantry of their funerals. Their raiment consists of a doputta, —
(which is gladly thrown off, unless on state occasions) and a neat |
narrow dhotee, called ‘‘ Botoé.” They wear the hair oiled and comb-
ed backward, and fastened in a “ toupee” behind, but unlike the
Ordous and Moondas of Chota Nagpoor, adorn their heads with no
ornaments. The men however are fond of earrings and small beads,
or plaited necklaces and bracelets ; most of them also wear charms
against snakes, tigers, or diseases, tied round their necks. These the
Hindoos in the neighbourhood make a profitable trade of, in selling
to them. The women of the lowest order go about in a disgusting
state of nudity, wearing nothing but a miserably insufficient rag
round the loins, at the same time their breasts and necks are loaded
with immense bunches of bead necklaces, of which they are extrava-
gantly fond. They perform the hardest duties in the fields, digging,
shovelling, weeding, drawing water, and getting in wood from the
jungles. Constant exposure and work renders them prematurely shri-
velled and ugly; the young women and girls of the better classes
are however a striking exception. They are well, and at times hand-
somely dressed, with a tasteful proportion of ornaments, without the
stupid shyness and false modesty thought proper among Hindoo
women; they are becoming and decorous in their manners, most
pleasing in their looks, and doubly engaging from the frank and con-
fiding simplicity which true innocence alone gives ; some few of them |
are very pretty, although more roughly cast than Hindoo girls. Their |
open, happy countenances, snowy white teeth, and robust, upright
figures, remind one of Swiss peasant girls. Prostitution is quite un-
known among them, and no more restraint is placed on females than
in our own country.

1840.] The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 785

The men are fine powerful fellows, and while young, very handsome.
The early use of the bow expands the chest and sets the muscles while
yet mere boys, and their passion for the chase, which they pursue over
their steep and rugged hills, brings their lower limbs into a state of
training which the best ‘‘ Phulwan” of the plains of India might envy.

The Hos are keen sportsmen, a fact which the “ Sahéb Log” at
Chyebassa soon found to their cost; their Manton’s and Purdey’s,
and Westley Richard’s, might as well have been left unpurchased, for
scarcely a living thing in the shape of game could show itself in
the neighbourhood, without the country being up in pursuit. In the
quail season, when the ‘‘d’han” is cut, every herdsman tending his
cattle has his hawk on his fist, besides large parties of youngsters from
the villages, who keep close ahead of the cattle, and the instant
a quail or partridge rises, the nearest ‘‘ Reechee” or “Chikra” cuts
short his existence. I have frequently, returning home with an empty
bag, met parties of them with provoking bunches of dead quail in their
hands. On these occasions they would laugh heartily at the success of
their system over mine, but generally end by offering me half of their
spoils. My retaliation used to be in the snipe (khéts.) These birds,
they confessed, their hawks could not overtake, and a successful right
and left shot would restore the credit of the ‘‘ Boondookoo.”

From the burning of the grass till the new crop becomes too
high, i.e., between January and June, they scour the jungles in
large parties, and at uncertain periods, for wilder game, surrounding
and driving to a centre the deer and other animals. But the grand
meeting is in May, about the “‘ Cheyt Purub,” when people of all sects
and classes repair to the hills north of Singbhoom. The prelimi-
naries of the “‘ Hankwa’” are arranged by ambassadors and emissaries
from Singbhoom, the Kolehan, and the Jungle Mehals, and vast
multitudes draw in from every quarter, from Sikrbhoom, from near
Bankoorah, and Medneepoor, on the east, and from the borders of
Chota Nagpoor on the west. On the given day, these crowds, extended
in lines, draw towards a common centre, sweeping the Jankeebooroo
hills and other ranges which reach from Chota Nagpoor to the Soobern-
rekha river, separating Tamar from Singbhoom ; as the lines approach
each other, the slaughter commences. The uproar is difficult to des-
eribe, and the scene the wildest imagination can picture. Those deep

736 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). (No. 104.

secluded vallies, those barely pervious dells, the huge solitary hills
tops, buried in one vast sheet of pathless jungle, which except on
this annual occasion are never visited by man, now swarm with
countless hordes. In front of them the different animals pass and
repass, bewildered by opposing hosts, The huge gowers rouse from
their noon-day retreats, and stalk with stately steps along the hill side,
till infuriated by the increasing din, they rush through the forest,
heedless of rock or ravine, and rending the branches in their ponde-
rous flight—the wild buffaloes thunder across, brandishing their im-
mense horns, stamping and wheeling round their young ones ;—the
neel gyes gallop past like a charge of cavalry. The stately saumer,
the beautiful axis, the barking deer or muntjac, dash along, clear-
ing the copse wood with flying bounds, and suddenly stopping with
erect ears and recurved neck, as the tainted gale warns of danger
ahead. The fairy-like ‘“‘Orey,” or small red deer, with noiseless feet
comes skimming over the tangled underwood, skipping in wild starts
to the right and left, and sorely bewildering a host of t’hakoors, rajas,
and their body guard, who perched upon mechans, (scaffolds) in vain
try to bring their lengthy matchlocks to bear ;—with snort and puff a
‘ sounder’ of pigs scurry through. The redoubled uproar from without,
draws the attention to something which has excited the beaters. The
reeds and grass are seen to wave, as if some bulky form were sliding
through them, and at length, loath to leave the haunts which had con-
cealed him so long, out comes the tiger, with a lumping, stealthy trot,
crouching to the earth, with ears quivering and turning to catch every
sound. He has soon passed on into the leafy depths, from which his
hollow growl may be occasionally heard. And last of all, as the
peacocks begin to mount into the air, and the jungle fowl with noisy
cackle take wing, a loud sonorous grunt or shout ushers in the sturdy
old “ Bhaloo,” who forced from the friendly shelter of rocks, comes
bundling over the ground, and shaking his sides in a heavy gallop, 3
oft stopping, wheeling round, and threatening his enemies. The reports
of matchlocks; the ‘‘ click” of the arrows striking against trees; the
shouts of the multitude; the roars, screams, and groans of the
animals; the piping of flutes; the beating of drums; the braying
of trumpets, reach their climax, and the multitude, composed of all
classes and sorts, meet near the raja’s mechan to compare notes of the

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 737

sport. Here are the ever-dancing and singing-Sontals, dressed out in
flowers and feathers, with flutes ornamented with streamers made
of pith ; the wild Kurrias, or hill men, from the Luckisinnee hills in
Borahbhoom ; the Koormees, Taunties, Soondees, Gwallas, Bhoo-
mijes, &c, with sonorus ‘dammas’ or kettle drums, and other uncouth
music, armed with swords, bulwas, and bows and arrows of every
description ; the Hos, simple and unpretending, but with the heavi-
est game bags ; the little ill-featured Tamarias, with spears, shields,
and matchlocks ; the Nagpoor Moondas, with huge ornaments stuck
through their ears, indifferently armed with bows and arrows, clubs, or
bulwas; the southern Koles, and the far comer from Sarnda with
their chain earrings and monstrous pugrees; the Bhooians with
their long bows ornamented with horse tails, or the feathers of the
blue jay, and their immense barbed arrows; the Pykes of the rajas,
koonwrs, thakoors and other zemindars with their shields, tulwars,
powder-horns, and immense matchlocks with rests, dressed out in all
colours ; lastly, the rajas, thakoors, &c. themselves, with guns of Delhi
manufacture, prodigious scimetars, or an occasional ‘‘ Angrezee bun-
dook,” the gift of some sahib long passed from the scene, seldom
fired, but kept for show in a venerable clothing of rust. Mid great
shouting and gabbling the parties claim and carry off their several
heads of game, or wrangle for the arrows sticking in the carcasses and
elsewhere about ; all then repair to the banks of the nearest stream,
where they form their temporary camps ; fires are lighted, the game
is cut up, bundles of provisions unpacked, and for a mile or upwards
along the wooded vista, the clear bright water reflects innumerable
groups, which on either bank are cooking, eating, drinking, sleeping,
laughing, or dancing.

Such is the faint description of a scene in which I have often
mingled, and look back to with much regret;

**°Tis merry, *tis merry in good green wood,”’

and the sports of these simple people in their sylvan retreats must
afford the highest excitement and pleasure to all in whom to a passion
for field sports is joined a love for the beauties of nature, here seen
in her wildest and most striking attire.

These people have no amusements, with the exception of their
hunting and fishing excursions, and the dancing and singing during

738 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104.

their festivals. The youngest boys stalk about birds nesting, armed
with a small bow and arrow, or employ themselves fishing. Though
cheerful, they are as manly as their fathers in appearance, and I have
never seen them engaged in any game, nor am I aware that any
are known by them. In Hindoo villages, groups of children may
be seen constantly engaged in some puerile amusement, such as
trap and ball, prisoner’s bars, peg-top, mock processions, &c. ; and the
older ones in fighting cocks, quail, or rams. But these appear to
afford no pleasure to the Hos; on calm summer evenings they are
fond of assembling at their doors to listen to the flute, the girls sing in
concert, the younger ones go through the quiet demure dance of the
country, and papa and mamma sit aloof looking approvingly on,
and solacing themselves with a little “ Eely” ; while twilight lingers,
their happy laughing voices, or the wild humming melody of their
songs is heard ; but no squabbling, no abuse or high words, no “ Gallee,”
none of the vile traits of common Hindoostanee life, ever offend the ear.

The language of their songs is poetical and pleasing ; it would not
however bear translation. Ideas which in the English idiom would be
dull and stupid, and words which would be common place, in the
smooth mellifluous accents of their dialect sound interesting, and often
beautiful. A few of their songs I have copied and translated at the
end of the vocabulary, &c.

Their dances are almost similar to those of the Dhangurs, Santals,
and other jungle people. The men and musicians are generally in the
centre of a large circle composed of women, locked with their arms
round each other ; the circle is headed by the eldest matrons, and
brought up by the smallest girls, a space being left between, they
chassez backwards and forwards, keeping exact time, and going slow-
ly round the men in the centre. Sometimes another large circle of
men forms outside them, but all step with the greatest exactness to
the tune, and the effect is most singular and pleasing. The “ Magh
Purub” dance, when they go scampering through the villages four or
six abreast, and in close column, is very like our “ Gallope,” and when
the performers are well dressed, I have seldom seen any thing prettier.

Marriage Ceremonies.

When a young man has seen a girl who pleases him, he goes home

and calls together four or six respectable men of his acquaintance,

1840.] The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 789

to whom he communicates his wishes respecting her. They in-
stitute inquiries regarding the means, wealth, and respectability of
the family, and if accounts are good, they set off to the girl’s parents’
house, taking a brass kutorah or a p’hool one a present, and tell the
parents the young man’s wishes. On their way to the house they
note carefully all the signs that occur, as the flight of vultures, the
song of the “ ooi oe” or Mindanao thrush, and the appearance of jackals,
taking care they should remain ‘on the same hand they were met
with. Should the conference terminate favourably, the deputation is
feasted and kept one day at the house, and the signs they have
noticed on the road are recounted and carefully expounded by men
versed in augury. The next day the deputation returns again,
noting the signs on the road ; and in this manner they pass and
repass between the houses of the parties, bearing messages and settling
the marriage terms. These go-betweens are called ‘‘ Dootams.” People
also from the girl’s side go to the bridegroom’s, taking note in their
journeys likewise of the signs on the road.

Should the omens be interpreted to be very bad, to portend death,
or disease, &c., they determine to break off the match for a time, and
appoint a meeting the next day, with “ Eely” and fowls, to havea sacri-
fice on the road, half-way between the bride and bridegroom’s houses.
The next day they accordingly, to the number of four or six on each
side, meet half way, and go through the sacrifice to the “ Singbonga,”
after which they tear a saul leaf in two between them and declare the
marriage null and void. The whole ceremony is concluded by a prayer
to “ Singbonga,” begging that if the parties still wish to be united, he
will vouchsafe to give them better omens the next time they negociate.

After some time the Dootams from the bridegroom go again to the
bride’s house, this time there is no notice taken of tokens; they give
notice that the bridegroom with his father and mother are coming on
a visit. A day or two afterwards, the young man with his parents set
off, and are received at the bride’s house, when mutual inquiries as to
property, possessions, and the desire of the parties for wedlock, are again
set on foot. All being satisfactorily answered, the parents settle the
price to be paid by the bridegroom’s father. This is generally twenty,
thirty, forty, or fifty head of cattle, according to the old gentle-
man’s means ; sometimes, when the requisite number of cattle cannot

790 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [(No. 104.

be paid, rupees, goats, sheep, or dhan, are given to make up the num-
ber. For every thirty head of cattle, one plough of bullocks and a
buffalo, also a few brass pots, &c. are given over and above the bar-
gain. '

After this visit, people from the bride also go to see the bridegroom,
along with the girl’s parents, and a feast is given them, after which
the cattle, and such other things as were agreed on are produced, and
the parents of the bride settle the day they are to bring her to her
husband. .

On the day fixed, the bride is led to the bridegroom’s house, in
procession, with a numerous retinue playing on flutes and drums,
and dancing; on approaching the bridegroom’s house, he meets her in
like fashion, and leads her towards his house. The bridegroom is
mounted on a man’s shoulders, with a drawn sword in his hand.

When the whole party have come in front of the bridegroom's
house they halt, the bridegroom’s mother, or aunt, or the nearest
female relations bring a low wooden stool “‘ Gandoo,” on which they
wash the bride’s feet, and her party then retire with her to where
they have taken up their quarters for the night. Provisions are then
sent to the whole party, and to the bride a cock, on account of her
being about toenter the house ; this is called ‘“‘ Dooartaioom seem ;” also
_ “ Chindee seem” or a fowl, for the bandage of her hair, which is to be
untied and dishevelled the first night; also four pye of dhan, and a
handia of Eely, called ‘“‘ Ajee hanar,’ which is for the bride’s
sister ; also at midnight Eely, called “‘ Talla needa eely” is sent to the
party, and dancing and singing is kept up till morning.

The next morning the bride presents to the bridegroom for every
head of cattle that has been given in price for her, a handia of eely,
a pye of dhan, and a pye of rice; this is called “‘ Doob gandoo eely,
Baba, and Chowlee,” being given because the bride is to be seated
‘ on a mora of dhan, (a seat is called Doob gandoo); of all this, one
half is sent back by the bridegroom, also a goat called, “‘ Jom is sie
merom ;” also a rupee’s worth of necklaces, ‘‘ Jom issin hissir” ; also
one rupee of cloth for her mother, called “‘ Enga bagé lijjia’.
after feasting and drinking, the bride’s party rise, and with singing
and dancing bring her to the bridegroom’s house and seat her on
a mora of dhan, where oil is poured on her head, and a leaf dish

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1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 791

of boiled rice and meat, dressed in the bridegroom’s house, called
“Jom issin,” is brought her, which she touches with her hand, and
thereby declares herself of her husband’s caste. She is then left in
charge of the bridegroom’s female relations, and the ceremonies end
by all the parties ape rsing home, and Jeaving the happy pair to
themselves.

Signs and Omens.

If a vulture, crow, Mindanao thrush, Indian magpie, oriole, wood-
pecker, partridge, jackal, fox, deer of kinds, hare, bee, snake, espe-
cially the Covra, pass behind the Dootdm, or messenger, he will die.

If a Cadis, ‘‘ toorpoo cheedoo,” cross in front of the Dootéam.or
messenger (negociator), it portends the death of the bride in child-
birth.

Should an ichneumon fly, ‘“ koonkal ho,’ drag a large spider
‘* bindee ram,” across the road, it portends the bride will be carried off
by a tiger the very first time she goes to fetch wood or water.

The same omen, if a hawk or kite of any kind stoop and carry off
a bird, fowl, or lizard, from any side.

A syrus ‘‘ hoor, or vulture, deedee’’ crossing the road flying singly
in front, portends the death of the father or mother, according to
the sex of the bird—of the bride if near her village, of the bridegroom
if near his.

If the great wood-hawk, ‘‘ booroo queed,’’ hover over head, it fore-
tells the death of mother and son at childbirth.

If the deputation meet a toad, “ roto poto chokey,” it portends
that the bridegroom’s father will be bewitched.

If a flying squirrel, “ oral,” call out on the right or left hand,
before or behind, the marriage is stopped directly. The same if a
parakeet, “‘ meerov,” (large ringed kind) scream.

Should a branch fall from a tree without apparent cause, such as
_ being cut, or rotten, or worm-eaten, it portends the certain death of
the parents of both parties.

If the tumble dung-beetle, “‘ eeooroo,” be met with rolling dung

_ along, it threatens poverty and unrequited hard labour.

If two large lizards, ‘‘ kaka,” are met chasing each other to copulate,

it is a sign that the bride’s sister, or sisters, will commit some faux

5 aye)

792 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). (No. 104.

pas. If a pair of little lizards, “‘ reta kaka,” do the same, it foretels in-
trigue among the bride’s female servants.

If birds copulate, it portends that the intended bride is in love, or
intriguing with some one else.

A jungul cat, “ bow,” crossing the road, signifies the bride will be
a lazy good-for-nothing person.

In anointing the bride’s head with oil, should a drop trickle down
her nose, it is a good sign; should it go down her temple or cheek,
it shows she will be inconstant.

If a Mindanao thrush, ‘“‘ ooi,’ Indian magpie, ‘ hoorlee,” or

oriole, ‘‘ bocho,” perch on a kuhar tree, ‘‘doorlee daroo,” in front or —

on either side, it portends the bride and bridegroom and their chil-
dren will have ulcers. If they perch behind, the Dootam will have
them.

If one of these birds are seen flying up and turn back, it threatens
the bride’s parents refusing to give her.

The voice or cry of the queen of the white ants, ‘ rd el enga,”
is a bad sign.*

If a number of “sarooses” or vultures, pass, it is a good sign.

If a magpie, woodpecker, vulture, Mindanao thrush, oriole, crow,
or other bird settle on the summit of a large assun tree, “ hatna
daroo,” it foretels riches.

If two dhamna snakes, “‘ jamboo bing,” cross, it also foretels wealth.

If the bee in wandering through the woods searching for honey settle
upon a man, it foretels wealth, and that he will be very hospitable.

The same, and longevity, if a number of crow pheasants, ‘“ sengel
topo,” cross over.

A troop of hannooman monkeys, “‘ sarra,” crossing, promises great
herds of cattle. !

If any bird sit on a keond tree, “ tirril daroo,” it denotes the bride
will be a vixen.

Meeting women, young or old, carrying water in ghurras, is a good
sign.

_If the spotted eagle, ‘‘doomoor kivid,” settle on the right side, it
bodes imprisonment to the traveller.

* This may allude to the low stridulous sound emitted from ant hills, during the
sultry hours of noon, which ceases on near approach.

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan ). 793

Rites, Sc. at Childbirth.

When the pangs of childbirth are coming on, the husband procures
some widow as midwife, to whom a fee of eight annas is given. Dur-
ing the wife’s illness the husband alone cooks for her, and also for
the midwife, who is unclean, as well as the husband ; for eight days
all the children and servants are excluded from the house, and sent
with provisions to live for the time at some relation’s ; very little
children are allowed to remain with the father.

Should the pangs be very violent, and the women’s life in danger,
divination is had recourse to, to discover the afflicting divinity, to
whom a cock, goat, or sheep is sacrificed.

For eight days the husband cooks his own dinner, remaining apart
from all friends and relations ; during this time these latter prepare
Eely, which they brew on the fourth day, so that it may be upon the
eighth and place it in the husband’s house. On the eighth morning
the father shaves the child’s head, and gets his own shorne by a taunty,
or by his own servants. He then bathes and washes his clothes,
and the wife does the same. They then go and partake of the Eely
which has been set apart for them, and the relations finish the re-
mainder, taking it away to drink.

The unclean state of the husband and wife still continues till the
new moon, or the moon’s first quarter, according to the time of the
child’s birth, and the expiration of the eight days. Finally, there is a
grand feast at the house of the husband and wife, and they are held
clean from that date.

Naming the Child.

When the child can begin to stand or waddle about, the parents
think of naming him. For this purpose they procure a pan of water
in which they put four grains of Oorid, then take them out, and rub
them in the palms of their hands until they are well softened. The
father then cries out a name, saying he will adopt it if the grain of
Oorid floats in the water, but not if it sinks. Four names with the
four seeds are thus tried, and the name to which the seed floats is as-
sumed and given to the child.

Should all four seeds by any chance sink, the ceremony of naming
is abandoned for six months, or a year, when the same operations are
resumed.

794 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). No. 104.

It is common among the Koles for a friend of the family to wish

to stand namesake to the child, but when this occurs, the grain of
Oorid is still had recourse to, and if it sink at the godfather’s name,
he is rejected.

The namesake, or ‘‘ sakee’, binds himself to help the child in sick-
ness, distress, or poverty ; by sending goats, fowls, &c. to sacrifice in
the former case, or by lending him rice, &c. to be repaid without in-
terest in the latter, and this sponsorship ends in unbroken friendship
between the two, throughout after life.

No kind of religion, or rites, or ceremonials are taught the children,
but they pick them up as they can, by observing their elders. If
a child die unnamed, it is not thought any particular misfortune on
that score.* ;

Funeral Rites.

When a person is dead, the people of the house set up a howling,
or “keening,” which continues till the news has been given to all
the relations, and the pile prepared, which it is in the yard of the
house ; first thick logs are placed, then smaller transverse faggots,
on this a wide plank, along the edges of which sticks are laid ;
when this is prepared, the corpse is brought out foot foremost, bed
and all, with all its ornaments on, male or female, by the women of
the village and of the house.

It is then placed, amid crying and howling, on the pile, the head
to the northward; rupees, to the amount that can be spared, are
put into the mouth, a lota on each side the body, a brass, or “‘ p’hool,”
‘kutora on the head, and one at the feet. Another board is then put
on, and above it more wood, by the women, who amid redoubled la-
mentations, set fire to the pile.

When the whole is consumed it is suffered to remain all night,
people going to and fro to watch it ; next morning water is poured on
the ashes through peepul branches, and women pick out all the half-
consumed bones, which are dried, then sifted in a sieve, and then
put into a ghurra and covered with leaves, after which it is hung up
to the eaves at the back of the house. Eely is brewed on this day, and

* The youngest born male is heir to the father’s property, on the plea of his being
less able to help himself on the death of the parents than his elder brethren, who
have had their father’s assistance in settling themselves in the world, during his life-
time.

z
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*

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 795

when it rises on the fourth day all assembled to bathe, wash their
clothes, and shave, and then.anoint themselves with the blood of a pig,
after which they feast and drink up the Eely.

That same evening the ceremony is gone through of calling the
spirit of the departed. All the company, except four people, the
father, mother, and two women, or brother and sister and two women
or men, sit outside in the back yard ; some boiled rice and a pot of
water is then placed within the inner room of the house, and ashes
sprinkled from thence to the threshold; the father and mother, or
brother and sister, as it may be, then go out; taking two ploughshares
in their hands—the other two people are left in the house to watch.
Those who have gone out proceed to the spot where the body was
burnt, and where (in some parts of the country) a clay horse and
rider, and an earthen pot on a tripod, with the mouth closed, are
placed; round this spot the two relations walk, beating together the
ploughshares, and calling out in a plaintive wild strain,

K’alleeng erankedmia K’alleeng enkakedmia Hoojoorooamén
‘© We never scolded you, never wronged you ; Come to us back ;

Booqité *leengposakeamia assooladmia Essoodinmidté leeng tykena

‘We ever loved and cherished you, and have lived long together
miadoaré leen tykena na do alum bageea ! gama needa ko
‘* under the same roof; desert it not now ! The rainy nights,
Rabang rabang poio dinko dara nendre do alum honorbya
** And the cold blowing days, are coming on; do not wander here.
Atarked jang japarré alum tingoona * Hoojoo rooamen
“< Do not stand by the burnt ashes ; come to us again! You
Hesa soobaré umdo ka ty dya gama hoojooredo
“* cannot find shelter under the peepul, when the rain comes

Rabang hoioré sarjum do Boogité ka doimiai
““ Down. The saul will not shield you from the cold bitter wind.

Oaté hoojoomén Umnangenté oa do boogikidalle ! alleeng do
“* Come to your home ! It is swept for you, and clean; and we

Moonooité heating metanna, alleeng déleeng minna, umnangente mandeeleeng
‘* are there who loved you ever ; and there is rice put for you;
doikia, dahleeng-doikia Hoojoomén o4téhoojoomén Dooirimén alleeng tar!
‘And water; come home, come home, come to us again!

796 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104. . i

They then return to the house door, and call for a light, and
commence searching for traces of the return of him they have been
invoking ; they look in silence along the ashes for the supposed mark
of the footstep of the spirit; they examine the rice to see whether the
grains have been disturbed—the water, to detect any drops thrown
on the ground ; should any of these signs be discovered, it is announced
that the spirit is come back to the house, and they sit down apart,
shivering with horror, and crying bitterly, in which they are joined
by all without, who come and weep long and loudly, and then depart.

The ceremony of going out and calling is persevered in till some
signs, or fancied signs of the return of the departed to his home have
been discovered. _

The relations assemble once more to settle the terms and time of
burying the bones. Rice is given to people to fetch a stone, as large
as the means of the family admit of, which is to be put over the grave.
Into the grave, which is two cubits broad and chest deep, and in the
public burial place of the village, rice is put, on this the pot of
bones, over this, rice, clothes, money, brass ornaments, and every thing
they can afford.

The whole is then covered, and the stone or rock placed over it;
on this a goat is sacrificed, and the blood and heaps of salt sprinkled
all over the stone, also oil is spread over the gravestones of all the
dead relatives who are lying around, to awaken them to receive the
new comer.

They also tie a strip of cloth to a branch of the tree above the
gravestone, to show all passers by the quality of the cloth which
was buried with the bones.

Besides the gravestone, another, a cenofaph stone, is buried up-
right to commemorate the name of the deceased, at the edge of the
village, or side of the road, and the departed spirit is supposed to
love to come and sit beneath its shade, when going to and from his
house.

The Koles suppose the spirit to walk about in the day, and to keep
in the house all night, for which purpose they preserve a little space
clean for it, on which they place a small mechan, called “ Tantara”,
underneath which, in every Pooja or Purub, a small portion of the
sacrifice is placed.

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 707

Kole History of the Creation of the World.

Their following idea of the creation of the world, and of castes,
&e. was communicated to me by some of the Mankees orally, and
copied almost verbatim. In the commencement, Ote’ Boram and

Sirma Thakoor, alias Sing Bonga, or God, were self-created. Sing
: Bonga is the sun. After them the moon was self-created.

Ote’ Boram and Sirma Thakoor then made the earth; after that
they clothed it with grass, trees, rocks, water; they then made cattle,
which were first born in ‘‘ Bogo Bochee ;*” after them all wild animals.
They then made a little boy and a little girl, at the bottom of an
immense ravine, and as they had no houses to live in, the gods told
them to inhabit a huge crab’s cave (Katkomoa.) They grew adult,
and Sing Bonga came to see them every day, and called them his
grandchildren; but at length seeing no hopes of any progeny, from
their extreme simplicity, he taught them the art of making “ Eely,”
(rice beer) the use of which caused those sensations, which were in
due time the means of peopling the world.

After the creation of man, Sing Bonga, or the sun, married Chandoo
Omol, or the moon, from whence sprung four sons and numerous daugh-
ters. Now the four sons kept with their father, and the daughters lived
with their mother, and as the sun rose every day, with his four hot,
fiery sons in addition, the whole world began to burn; and all the
animals and man perishing with heat, entreated the moon to save
them ; so the moon resolved within herself to destroy the sun’s sons,
and went, and accosting the father, said, “Our children do much
harm to the world, and will soon destroy your labour. I am deter-
mined to eat mine; do you also devour yours.” The sun promised he
would follow the moon’s example ; and so when she hid all her daugh-
ters, and cameand told him she had devoured them, he destroyed and
eat all four of his children ; after which the moon released her daugh-
ters from confinement. This artifice so enraged the sun, that he drew
his sword and cut the moon in half, but repenting afterwards of his
anger, allowed her to get whole in certain days, though she still
remained condemned to be in half at others, and so she remained, and
all her daughters with her, which are the stars.

* T could never learn what place this alludes to.

798 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104.

Now, some time after the first man and woman had lived together
and known each other, Sing Bonga came down and asked them what
progeny they had ; they say unto him, ‘‘ Grandfather, we have twelve
sons and twelve daughters ; these twenty-four lifted up their voices and
said, ‘‘ great grandfather, howcan we brothers and sisters all live to-
gether P—Sing Bonga said, “‘ Go you and make preparations and make
a great feast, rice and buffaloe’s flesh, and bullock’s flesh, goats, sheep,
pigs, and fowls of the air, and vegetables ;” and they did so; and when
the feast was prepared, Sing Bonga said, ‘‘ Take ye two by two, man
and woman, that which shall please you most, and that shall ye have
for share, to eat all the days of your life, apart from the rest, so that
none shall touch his brother’s share.”

And so when the feast was prepared, the first pair and the second
pair took buffaloe’s and bullock’s flesh, even as much as they could
carry, and these became the Kole (Ho) and Bhoomij (Mootkan)
race; then a pair took the rice ; and other pairs, male and female,
rice and vegetables, and these became Bramins, Rajpoots, Chuttries
and other Hindoos ; and others took away the goat’s flesh and fish,
and became other kinds of Hindoos; the Bhooians took the shell fish,
lastly, when nothing was left but the pig’s flesh, came two pair and
took it away, and these are Sontals and Koormees to this day ; and
when all the feast was cleared away, there remained one pair who had
nothing, and to them the Koles gave of their share, and these are
Ghassees to this hour.

And so all these went and lived separately, and peopled the world,
and multiplied exceedingly, and Sing Bonga taught those who lived
in far countries other languages, and he gave people of different trades
their implements.

And after this from the Koles, from their senior house, sprung
the English, who also eat of bullock’s flesh. But they are the senior
children, and the Koles the junior !

And after the world was peopled, Sirma Thakoor destroyed it once,
with the exception of sixteen people, because people became incestuous,
and unmindful of God, or their superiors. (Some say he destroyed it
with water, some say with fire.) |

Wicked men are born again as dogs, pigs, or lizards. Those
who swing at churruck poojas, become, some kites, others flying

> a 2 } ae ee DI Pan i) eS tes if “—

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 799

foxes. Suttees never are born again, but remain burning for ever in
their pits, and come out at night, wandering about, still burning (so
say the Ghassees.) Good people after death are born again in some
better condition in life than formerly. And this order of things will
remain for ever and ever. There will be no last day.

When men die, their spirits go to the Sing Bonga, who asks them
how they have lived, and judges them. The wicked he whips with
thorny bushes, and sometimes buries them in great heaps of human
ordure, and after a while sends them back to be born in this world as
dogs, cats, bullocks, lizards, &e. The good man he sends back to be
born a still greater and better man than he lived before, and all that
he had given away in charity, Sing Bonga shows him heaped up in
heaven, and restores it to him.

Gods and Spirits.

Besides Oté Boram and Sing Bonga, or Sirma Thakoor, there are°
Nagé Era or Garra Nagé, Desa Oolee, Marang Bonga—his wife is
Pangoora ; these are village gods.

Chanala Desum Bonga, also his wife Pangoora, belonging to married
women.

Horatén Ko, or road gods, who come along with a new wife ; also
Mahlee Bonga, and Chandoo Omol.

Nageé Era, or Garra Nagé, or Chandore, is worshipped in springs,
rivers, or wells ; she is supposed to preside over cutaneous diseases, and
deafness; she is propitiated with eggs and huldee; if that do not
do, with a pig. She has no father or mother, but was self-created. She
is invoked to help in catching fish. Desa Oolee presides over diseases
of the head and stomach; he is the guardian of the village, and
invoked to prevent infectious diseases coming into the country, also
to insure rain, good crops, no diseases in the cattle. His wife is Jaér
Booree. Desa Oolee is worshipped at the Mig Purub; they sacrifice
goats, buffaloes, fowls. Jaér Booree is worshipped at Bah Purub, in
March and April, and in Batta Oolee, in Assar. The same things
are offered to her, except buffaloes; and she presides over the same
things. Désa Oolee lives in a grove made for him; Jaér Booree in

800 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104.

another. They were from the first, as man and wife, but have no
known progeny. |

Marang Bonga presides over sickness, and is worshipped according
to the extent of the sickness and means of the patient. He livesina
grove (small one) where they erect a post, after sacrificing a buffalo,
and sticking its horns on the top.

To Pangoora they sacrifice, on account of sickness and fever, fowls,
goats, or sheep; she lives under a tree, or two or three trees near an
ant hill; no post is erected for her ; she is the wife of Marang Bonga.

Chanala Desum Bongo is worshipped for diseases by married peo-
ple alone, as he comes along with the bride from her village; Pan-
goora, his wife, is the same.

_ Horatén Ko are the spirits of the forefathers of a newly-married
woman. They are worshipped on the road, and to them are sacrificed
fowls, goats, or an old bullock ; they are invoked for sickness.

Mahlee Bonga is invoked by cripples or blind people ; he lives any
where indiscriminately. They offer him pigs and fowls. Chandoo
Omol is propitiated by a pig and a black fowl, for sickness: she lives
wherever she was first worshipped.

None of these spirits have any reputed figure or description, and con-
sequently are never represented by idols. The Hos frankly confess
that as their gods, to their knowledge, have never been seen, they
cannot be described ; they also know nothing of the origin of them.

They have, moreover, no notion of a devil or any evil spirit, their
opinion being that he only who created, is able to destroy or torment
either here or hereafter.

They have but four Purubs in the year, and these are not fixed
to any particular date, some villages being two or three months per-
forming their poojas, before or after others. Mag Purub takes place
about February and March, sometimes in January; Bah Purub fol-
lows a month after; Batta Oolee is in Assar ; and there is also sacri-
ficing and pooja gone through before eating the newly cut crops of |
the year, called the “‘ Namagom.”

These festivals consist in little more than singing, dancing, and
immoderate drinking, besides offering up a goat or two, or a few fowls
in each village. The people seldom adorn themselves, or make them-
selves cleaner than at other times, and the villages do not unite in

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan ). 801

these merry makings, but go through their ceremonies at separate times,
and at their own sacred groves.* At Mag the men and women occasion-
ally put on grotesque finery, and their songs and dances are wild and
pretty. The figures and airs are nearly all alike; the women form
a circle, are staid and demure, and sing in a low humming strain,
while the men and drummers in the centre, in all stages of intoxi-
cation, twist themselves into all manner of contortions, and indulge
in violent and ludicrous gestures.. During one ceremony, at the Mag
Purub, the Koles abandon their usual decent behaviour to women, and
both sexes go tramping through and about their villages, chanting
the most odiously filthy recitative, in which the youngest who can lisp
are allowed to join.

But if their public Purubs are few, they make up amply by the
number of private sacrifices which they carry on in their own houses.
On account of sickness in any member of the family, or among
their servants, the most trifling indisposition, as well as the gravest
malady, has but this one remedy among them. ‘They never attempt
resorting to medicine, and no frequency of deaths, no extent of the
ravages of any contagious disease, can shake their faith in the
one resource of offering sacrifices to the god who is supposed to be
chastising them with the visitation. In endeavouring to dissuade
them from this dangerous folly, in which the father of a family,
with unshaken bigotry, sees his household swept away into the grave,
and the whole of his live stock destroyed in vain efforts to check the
ravages of sickness, by sacrificing to the gods, we have as yet
signally failed ; although they were, by dint of constant entreaty and
admonition, induced to come to the Hospital at Chyebassa, and
although many cures were performed upon them, it has proved of no
eventual benefit ; the Koles now never make their appearance to seek
for medical aid, and the slight temporary reform that was effected
among them, has altogether ceased.

The most gross superstitions still prevail among this people with
regard to witchcraft ; but the dreadful effects of this belief, to which
numbers of unfortunate persons have fallen a sacrifice, have now,
through fear gf our laws, almost wholly ceased. The Koles believe

* These sacred groves, or plantations of saul trees, are attached to every village;
they call them ‘‘Saér’’,

802 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104.

that by certain prayers and incantations, a person can obtain sufficient
power to produce the illness, or cause the death, not only of any
obnoxious person, but of whole families, or even villages ; and that
these evil arts can also extend to the crops, the cattle, and the wea-
ther!

Should any such misfortunes befall them, it is of course immediately
referred to the machinations of some sorcerer, and every means is
had recourse to, to discover him. This is effected either by certain
signs, or by the divination of some augurer, or most frequently (in
case of sickness) by the declaration of the patient himself, who declares
he has seen the wizard ina dream, Standing on him, and sacrificing to
the gods, to procure his dissolution. Such is the inflexible integrity of
the Koles in speaking truth, that I firmly believe the sick man, in all
such cases, does dream of the person he denounces. Being taught
from. his infancy to attribute every misfortune to preternatural
agency, it is not to be wondered at, that when in his turn afflicted,
his apprehensions rest upon some one, with regard to whom a previous
quarrel, or other cause of ill-will, suggests the fear of retaliation,
and these thoughts, long nourished while waking, would naturally
embody themselves in sleep in some dreadful dream, which at once
substantiates all the suspicions of the sufferer !

Should these proofs however be wanting, the near relations of the

patient have recourse, as I said, toadiviner. This class of wretches,

sources of all evil, are not, happily, so prevalent among the Koles as
the Hindoos who reside in the vicinity. To these the poor credulous
creatures resort, journeying to great distances, and parting with
almost all their possessions to obtain the aid of the sage, who, after
collecting such information as he requires, pockets his fee, goes
through some absurd ceremonies, and coolly denounces the person he
may consider best suited for the distinction, as the originater of all
the calamity.

The life of the unfortunate victim so pointed out was, of course for-
merly, not worth an hour’s purchase; he was either slain openly by
the party, whose kinsman was dead or dying, murdered in cold blood
at night, or in some cases, demanded from his clans people, to undergo
the ordeal. The latter have seldom been known to refuse such a re-

quisition. The ordeal, however, was, as it has been in other countries,

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan ). 803

merely a means of glossing over the proceedings. The person de-
nounced had either to dip his hand into boiling ghee, or water, or stand
upon a red hot Koolharee (shovel) when, if scalded or burnt, he was de-
elared guilty, or he was tied up in a sack and thrown into the water,
with the option of floating on the top, if he could.

The particulars of the ceremonies of divination and ordeal I cannot
describe, having no longer the means of gaining information from the
Natives. Hitherto I have been writing from their dictation. The ac-
count of the creation, and of their marriages, and other rites, and their
mythology, have been translated almost verbatim from their lips. Hav-
ing now left them and their courftry, I conclude the theme from me-
mory.

The Hos, although totally distinct from Hindoos yet, being a sim-
ple race have suffered that crafty people to lure them in many ways
into following their ceremonies, rites, festivals, and prejudices. Those
near the boundaries have become as subservient to Brahmins as any
Hindoos would be ; but on this subject I shall speak hereafter. The
“* curse of caste’ is strongly felt by them, and its follies strangely mix-
ed up with the distinctions of relationship. They divide themselves
into clans, called ‘‘ Keelies,” of which there are a great number. Who
the founders were, or whence they take their names, I never could as-
certain. A man cannot marry into his keely, as it is looked upon as a
kind of brotherhood ; neither can he eat with one of another keely.
They have separated themselvesentirely from the race from which they
sprung, viz. the Mondas of Eastern Chootia Nagpoor, although Keelies
of similar names are found in both. When the separation took place, it
is impossible to say, but it has become marked not only in manners,
dialect, and dress, but in appearance. The Mondas form part of the good
tempered, but ugly figured Dhangurs seen in Calcutta. The Hos are, on
the contrary, eminently handsome, with figures like the Apollo Belvi-
dere. These last shave the hair off the forehead, and wear it tied be-
hind. The Mondas wear their locks dishevelled, or clubbed at the
top of the head, transfixed with a long pin or comb, and are at once
distinguished.

The Hos are particular in their diet. They eat beef (all but the bor-
der and half Hindooised ones), mutton, goat’s flesh, fowls, hares, deer,
and fish. The poorest classes eat pig, but unlike the Dhangurs, San-

804 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). (No. 104.

tals, Bhoomijes, and other tribes inhabiting the jungles, they never
touch the flesh of bears, monkeys, snakes, and other wild animals. The |
Hos, with some few exceptions, will drink spirits (of which they are ex-
travagantly fond) from wine glasses used by us ; but they will not drink
water contained in any earthen vessel, which may have been touched
by other classes. Many of them believe the essence or soul of a man to
lie in his shadow, and consequently will relinquish boiling rice or
other food, while preparing, if the shade of a different caste person fall
upon it.

Their standard dish (as it is both meat and drink to them) is ‘‘ Eely,”
or rice beer. It consists of rice and water boiled and mashed together,
and then left to ferment for three days, with a piece of “ Rannoo”
(a bitter root) to aid the process ; of this all classes, ages, and sexes,
partake, many of them intemperately. In their hunting parties it
often forms their sole sustenance for two or three days. The drink is
not badly flavoured, and use would make it, I should think, just as
palatable as our common small beer ; it causes moderate inebriation,
and all classes appear after their meals slightly “ jollified” by it.
They seldom drink to a disgusting excess, and quarrels from intoxica-
tion are not of common occurrence. The Soondees, a spirit manufac-
turing class of Hindoos, are numerous throughout Singbhoom, and
make a strong distillation of the Mowhooa berry, called by the Hos
‘ arkee ;” of this the latter, left to themselves, do not much partake,
preferring their own beer.

As yet, commerce has been scarcely at all introduced into the Kole-
han ; the people, among whom poverty is unknown, remain contented
with the spoils of the chase, and the limited produce of their fields,
which are only cultivated in sufficiency to meet present want. They
are bad husbandmen, and no agricultural works on a large scale, such
vas tanks and bunds to meet the exigencies of a dry season, are met
with in the country. The “ levelling system” obtains so much among
them, that there is no farmer or landholder in the country with
capital sufficient to go through with such a work. The former lords
of the soil, the ‘“‘ Surawuks” (Hindoos), excavated many fine tanks,
the traces of which still remain ; they have all however been destroyed
by the Hos, who let out the water for the sake of sowing the rich mud
at the bottom ; or have allowed them, through superstitious motives,

1840. } The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 805

to fill up from neglect. Being an undulating country, their rice
cultivation is restricted to nullahs and water-courses, over which they
form fields, by choking up the stream with soil brought from the
“Tarn,” or upland, a process of infinite toil. An inferior kind of rice,
** Gora dhan,” is sown in the uplands, and the jungle tribes cultivate
the hills up to their summits with cotton, moong, oorid, chunna, til,
surgoojia, tobacco, &c. ; such common esculents as the jingee, khukra,
cucumber, pumpkin, maize, and baugun, are grown in their villages ;
also vast quantities of the castor oil tree, of the kut’hul, or ‘ jack’, and
mangoe trees, which the Surawuks planted in numbers, but few
now remain. The Hos prize much more the tamarind, which is met
with in every village, and grows in great luxuriance.

Vast quantities of the Tusser worm are reared in the “ Assun” jun-
gles throughout the country, the proprietors of which preserve them
with great jealousy and care. The cocoons are sold to bead merchants,
who come annually to barter them in return for necklaces. The silk is
manufactured at Serykela, Bankoorah, and Medneepoor, that from the
former being most prized. In tending the young worms, much the
same ceremonies are gone through as by the people in the Sunderbunds ;
fasting, continence, and cleanliness, being considered indispensable.
The Hos travel all the way to Poory for the sake of purchasing salt ;
they are allowed to bring it laden on bullocks through Kewnjur, by
paying toll; but in passing through Baumenghattee, a nearer and bet-
ter road, salt on bullocks is seized and confiscated by the Mohenbunj
Raja. Bangy loads are however suffered to pass on payment of some
douceur. There is no Government gola nearer than Medneepoor or
Bankoorah. |

Vast numbers of cattle are bred in the country ; the Hos do not
tend them themselves, but deliver them over to Gwallas, with whom
they keep little account, until the cattle are required as payment
on marriage occasions. The latter accordingly make a good thing
of their charge, selling the milk and ghee, and often the cattle
themselves. Great quantities of the latter, and also of buffaloes, are
sold to Tamarias for the most trifling prices, besides numbers stolen
or swindled away by their customers, who are notorious cheats
and robbers. In former times, when the Hos used to make “ Raids”
over the borders, and harry the cattle of their neighbours, these little

806 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). [No. 104.

filchings were not so much minded, but now that their excursions have
been put a stop to, the owners get more careful, and keep a better
look out on the Gwallas. The sheep also, which are numerous in
some parts, have been pronounced by judges to be equal to the Patna
mutton for the table ; but these and goats, as well as poultry, the
Hos part with with difficulty, as they require them for their
sacrifices, &c. A peculiarity in the country, is the immense flocks
of pigeons, which breed in every village, and afford the poorest a
delicacy at all seasons. With money the Hos are getting pretty well
acquainted, but still hold copper coin in great disdain, seldom taking
the trouble to count a large quantity, but reckoning it by handfuls,
to the unfeigned astonishment of our Hindoo servants, who would
squabble for the tenth part of a cowree.

In summing up this account of the Hos race by a description of
their general character, their virtues and vices, I may perhaps fall
into the error of a little partiality in their favour; three years constant
intercourse with them, in which their love of truth, their honesty,
their obliging willingness, and their happy ingenuous disposition, form-
ed so striking a contrast to the mass of the people in Hindustan,
may perhaps have induced me to pass lightly over faults to which
they are but too liable ; but this error (a pleasing one) is I imagine
shared with me, by all the European residents who were at
Chyebassa. Whether the duplicity and bad propensities of Hindoos
in general, be owing to their intercourse with us, or whether it
be inherent among them, is a point at present mooted, and not be de-
cided by myself. But among this simple race, the reputed evils
of civilization have not yet commenced to be felt; and fervently is
it to be trusted, though, alas, the hope may be Utopian, that the
introduction of our Courts of Justice, in checking the lawless tendency
of the Koles, may not destroy those virtues which are inherent to
a primitive state of society. The unhappy feuds which, handed
down through generations, formerly existed among them, were owing
rather to mistaken notions of honour, than to more malignant feelings ;
and the best proof of this, is the ease with which through a little timely
advice, quarrels a l’outrance of the oldest standing have been made
up, and whole clans readily reconciled to each other. After the first
rough settlements of this country had been made, this became the

1840. | The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan). 807

especial care of that truly wise and benevolent man, Major Wilkinson,
the late Political Agent of the South-West Frontier,* and fortunate was
it, that his excellent arrangements were so well seconded by the
inherent good feelings of the people, for whose welfare they were
directed. The depredations committed by the Hos formerly on
their neighbours, for the sake of driving off their cattle, were chiefly, if
not entirely, at the instigation of the Hindoo Zemindars around,
who employed them to wreak their own malice on their neighbours,
and indeed the Hos served them, in a manner, as mercenary hordes.
Their forays were never marked by cruelty or unnecessary violence,
nor except when they were openly resisted, was ever life taken.
A fearful number of people (among themselves) have fallen sacrifices to
the horrid superstitions respecting witchcraft ; but such crimes,
common to the barbarous ages of all nations, and but too prevalent
formerly in our own, must be, by the impartial observer, attributed
more to the depravity of the judgment than the heart. The
"superstition still continues, but the horrors resulting from it have
almost entirely ceased. But cold blooded murder for the sake of gain,
robbery, even pilfering, lying, deceit, dishonesty, even of the most
_venial kind, are almost unknown, and looked upon with disgust.
The truth and integrity of a Kole are well known, and the fidelity
of their wives, and modesty of the females in general, proverbial.

_ They are on the whole a light-hearted and good-natured race,
irascible, though quickly appeased. But so strong is their sense
of injury, that a harsh word suddenly spoken, will produce the most
serious results; for this reason they seldom quarrel, and terms
| (epithets) of abuse are unknown in the language ; among females the
mere hearing of a few words of reproach will induce them to commit
suicide, and this crime among both sexes is so frightfully prevalent, as
to afford no parallel in any known country. The mere banter-
jing a lad on his predilection for any girl, has led to self-destruction ;
jokes of an injurious nature they do not understand, and indeed
seldom or ever indulge in them, although in the most harmless way.
Beggars are scarcely known in the country, but the Hos are charitable
ito those deserving aid, and hospitable to strangers to the same de-

* Now Resident at the Court of the Raja of Nagpore (Berar. )
5 Kk

808 The Hodésum (improperly called Kolehan.) {No. 104.

gree as Arabs of the desert, for it is thought a sign of enmity to
stop even at the door-way without a ‘stirrup cup’ of Eely. Among
their chief faults may be reckoned indolence, and dirt. The poorer
people are often very filthy, and unless in the warm season, seldom
touch water. .The lowest classes will not object to devouring bullocks
that have died, from disease, out in the fields, even though far ad-
vanced in decomposition, and will devour stale eggs, half-putrid fish,
&c. &c. But these filthy customs are confined to the very lowest and
poorest of the people.

Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, and the adjacent Districts. By Captain
_Fisuer, formerly Superintendent of Kachar and Jynta.

The provinces of Bengal east of the Brahmaputra, though among the
earliest acquisitions of the British in India, attracted but little attention
for a long time, in consequence of their general tranquillity and secluded
position. The vast mountain regions by which they were encompassed
on their external frontiers, seemed to secure them against the chance
of serious foreign invasion, while the incursions of the wild hill tribes
had but slight effects on their internal condition, and were easily
curbed by a few local troops retained chiefly for that purpose. If
Sylhet excited but little interest, still less was naturally thought of
the petty independent states connected with it; and it was only after
the Burmans had conquered Assam and Manipur, that a wish seems to
have arisen for a more accurate knowledge of their condition ; though
this was still greatly restrained by fear of giving umbrage to their chiefs.
The events arising out of the Burmese war have materially altered
the relations of all these countries, on which, however, it is not my
purpose here to enlarge, but simply to bring to notice such facts
respecting their geography, internal condition, resources, and traditional
history, as in the course of a long residence, and the prosecution of
various inquiries, I have been able to collect ; restricting myself however
to the correction of current errors, and the notice of such particulars
as have not hitherto obtained general publicity.

Geography.—The survey of Sylhet, though unfinished, has yet been
prosecuted far enough to shew, that the area of the district is more

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 809

considerable than had been supposed. As the external boundaries
towards the Tippera hills, Kachar, and the Kasia mountains have been
traced, and the outline is only incomplete on the western side, on which
it is not likely any material difference from the old delineation would
be discovered, it is likely that the contents (4500 square miles, ) now
assigned for it, is pretty near the truth. The quarter in which the
most considerable error has been found in the old map is the southern,
which Rennell does not seem to have visited; and here many of his
positions have been found from ten to forty miles too much to the
north. The topography too of this part has been amended, the chains
of hills, or rather ridges, having been ascertained to consist of several
parallel ranges, separated by wide and fertile vallies, and ranging north
and south, instead of east and west, as before supposed. Some of these
ridges also are found to be partly in Sylhet, and partly in Tippera,
amd in two or three instances they penetrate deeply into the former
district.

On the side of Kachar, the boundary of Sylhet has been traced south-
ward to Chatrchura, a conical peak on the Banka range of hills, the
country about which is frequented by the Pytu Kukis, a wild wandering
tribe, who migrate from this their north-west limit, eastward to Tung-
hum, and southward to an unknown extent, their cognate tribes being
found in the neighbourhood of Chittagong.

In Lower Kachar a complete survey of the cultivated tracts has been
effected, the principal rivers traced, and in particular the course of the
Delaseri from the southward, followed through a part which heretofore
presented only a blank in the map. This tracing, was, however,
executed by one of my native surveyors, after circumstances had put
it out of my power to conduct it myself.

Captain Pemberton’s surveys in Manipur fix the eastern boundary
of Kachar, but points of junction between our surveys occur at Aquee,
in the Naga Hills, and on the Bohman range.

In Upper Kachar a line has been traced along the Jatingah river
to its source, and thence to a point on the Di-yung, at which it be-
comes navigable for small boats, beyond which I had no opportunity of
proceeding northward, but the remainder of the route into Assam was
explored by Captain Jenkins, whose valuable Report illustrates the
whole of this country. The survey, however, in this quarter was

810 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. [No. 104.

carried far enough to fix the courses of the great streams and ridges,
and to establish a relation with the route pursued by Captain Pem-
berton from Manipur into Assam, the great ridge crossed by him being
in this survey traced westward to its termination in a number of
ramifications on the Modura river. The fact of most interest ascer-
tained by this part of the survey, is the facility with which a road
could be formed from the navigable limit of the Jotingah to that of
the Di-yung, by which the intercourse with Upper Assam would be
greatly extended, and its communication with Calcutta shortened. So
gentle is the ascent, and so few are the obstacles, that there seems
no reason to doubt, a road for carts might be made with very little
trouble.

Returning westward, the survey fixes the boundaries of Jynta, and
much ofthe mountain tract immediately north of Sylhet and Pondua,
including the country between Chirra Ponji and Nunklao. It thgp
traces the outline of Sylhet at the foot of the Kasia Hills, and is
prolonged to Sowara, on the banks of the Brahmaputra, from which it
follows the old channel of this river to Naraingunj and Dacca. The
object of this last portion of the work was to connect the survey and
a series of astronomical observations made for longitude at the town
of Sylhet, with a position which had been well fixed by Mr. Walter
Ewer of the Civil Service, and to which the Assam Survey had also
been referred. For many of these observations, which were made on
the transit of the moon and stars, I was so fortunate as to obtain cor-
responding passages at Greenwich. Dacca was included also as a well
fixed point, but chiefly because the water communication between
it and Sylhet, was found to be very erroneously delineated in the old
maps, in consequence apparently of changes in the course of the rivers
below Azmerigunj. Correct outlines were made of these, though they
do not appear in the new printed map, for which it is to be supposed
they were too late.

The minute operations carried on in the prosecution of the Revenue
Survey have afforded an opportunity for acquiring a more intimate
knowledge of the topography, resources, and husbandry of the interi-
or, and these complete the list of the several inquiries pursued.

Aspect and Geology.—The physical aspect of this vast tract, presents
great variety, and cannot of course be described under one term.

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 811

Even in the plains there is less of uniformity than would be supposed
on a casual inspection, and the experienced agriculturist well knows
that the lands in the eastern part of Sylhet, and in Lower Kachar,
are far more valuable than those to the westward, even up to the banks
of the Megna. This is explained by the greater elevation of those parts,
and by the number of hill streams passing through them, the banks of
which are always higher than the adjacent country. The vegetation, as
well as the husbandry of these tracts, is greatly influenced by this par-
ticular, of which I shall take more notice hereafter.

The hill regions may be conveniently separated into two divisions,
distinguished by great difference of elevation, the point of separation
being fixed on the Soormah at Luckipuf in Lower Kachar, to the
south-west of which, whatever elevations present themselves, are under
two thousand feet, while those in the north-west still maintain a much
greater altitude, and even tower occasionally above six thousand feet.
But the division is more appropriate on account of a decisive differ-
ence in structure, the northern mountains forming clearly one system,
while those of the south belong to another, having reference to high
ground in the central parts of Tippera, the existence of which cannot
be doubted, though it has never been unequivocally proved. In sup-
“port of this opinion, I must first point out that the numerous streams
flowing from the southward into the Soorma and Kusiara rivers, and
of which the very existence was scarcely known before this Survey was
made, are many of them of a force and volume indicating a long
course, and shewing them to be the drains of high land, from which
alone they would draw the water which they discharge, for the
Delaseri, the Sungai, the Munu, the Khwa-hi, and the Cognati streams
appear to furnish during the rains on an average a discharge of about
25,000 cubic feet per second; a quantity quite inconsistent with any
supposition, but that of long courses and elevated origins, as none of
these rivers are more than fifty yards in width.

If a reference be now made to some of the older maps on which the
other rivers of Tippera are traced, it will be found that the Gumti,
which emerges at Commilla, has an east and west course, and that the
Chingri and Kurumphuli, which debouche at Chittagong, run nearly
southward, while the Kola-dyng, as delineated on more recent maps,
has a south-west course, and the river of the Kungfui Nagas falling

812 Memoir of Sythet,Kachar, & adjacent Districts. (No. 104.

into the Manipur river, flows to the south-east. I may add, that the
Tipai river which falls into the Barak near Soor, has like the Sonai and
Delaseri a northern course. Thus these considerable streams radiate
from land in the unexplored regions of Tippera, somewhere between
the 23rd and 24th parallels of north latitude, and 91° and 94° of E.
longitude, which is unfortunately still a blank in our maps.

I have enlarged on this subject, because I conceive it is one which
when attentively considered, will be found of great interest, involving
the condition of a tract of country, our ignorance of which, in some
conjunctures we might have oceasion to deplore.

Both the hills and vallies of Tippera are thickly wooded, and the latter
often contain extensive grass jungles, the resort of wild elephants. The
most eastern portion of the northern range of mountains is occupied
by Upper Kachar, a wild and thickly wooded tract, the mountains of
which sometimes attain an elevation of five thousand feet, but offer
considerable diversity in that respect, as they here break into branches
of the great ridge running between Manipur and Assam. The river
Kupili, flowing into the Brahmaputra, marks the limit of this tract, and
the termination of that vast system of hills which stretches westward
from the unexplored country to the north-east of Manipur. 4

The Kasia mountains rise immediately from the valley of the Kupili,
and range westward to Laour, near which they are bounded by the
Patli river, the hills west of that belonging to the Garrows, and being
distinguished by an aspect and structure of their own.

Much has been written on the Kasia mountains during the last ten
years that they have been visited by Europeans, but I am not aware
that any attempt has been made to account for their peculiarities, nor
would I now undertake the task, but that I fear it will be left undone
by those who could perform it so much better. The physical aspect
of these hills excites the strong attention of the observer, as being so
greatly at variance with that of the whole country in their neighbour-
hood. The barrenness of the table land, more especially in its southern
portion, where not only does nature yield but little, but where art is
found unable to assist her, is perhaps unprecedented in such a climate.
This sterility will, I think, be found to be closely connected with the
character of the rocks, and the disturbance of the strata, but more
especially with the latter, for where these are horizontal, there is an

1840.; Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 813

absence of vegetation, and wherever the strata are inclined to the
_ horizon, symptoms of fertility begin to shew themselves.

The absence of any well marked appearance of the unstratified rocks
is remarkable in the Kasia hills, for I am aware only of one instance in
which they are said to shew serpentine; having, it is said, been seen near
Nungklao, a locality which however I had no opportunity of examining.
It is true, granite is found, but except at the Okillon hill, always in boul-
ders on the surface, nor has it ever been seen in peaks or amorphous
masses, to the protrusion of which, the dip of the secondary strata
is usually referred. Except in the single instance of the limestone
which occurs near Musmai, I think it may be said that there is no
appearance of a disturbance in the sandstone bed by which the country
between that place and the Bogapani is filled, and of which the thick-
ness is unknown; now this part (and others similar to it) is remarkably
sterile; but wherever the level of the strata has been disturbed, whe-
ther by internal igneous action, or by any force of a more limited
range, a disintegration of the rocks, and consequent accumulation of
soil at the foot of the slope formed, has taken place, and vegetation to
a greater or less extent ensued. Thus the slopes formed at the out-
crop of the sandstone with the limestone near Musmai are all well
- covered with wood, which disappears as the slope subsides into the
ordinary level of the table land. And in general throughout the
ascent from the plains to Chirra, after the limits of the lower bed of
limestone have been passed, it may be observed that vegetation is
dense only on the slopes, and that wherever ledges or steps occur,
they are comparatively barren.

The total rise between the foot of the mountains and Chirra, seems
to be about one in ten feet, but subject to great irregularity, while
between Chirra and the south bank of the Bogapani, it amounts only to
one in forty, with comparatively little variation.

All the vallies on this side terminate in precipitous heads, exhibiting
the horizontal position of the sandstone.

To the northward of the Bogapani, the aspect of the country changes,
and though the altitude is greater, the vegetation is also more consider-
able, and continually increases until between Myrung and Nungklao
it becomes abundant, though it does not yet exhibit that excess which
prevails further to the north and west. A feature will be here found to

814 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. [No. 104.

force itself on the attention, to which unquestionably the increase of
vegetation in this part is to be traced; I allude to the numerous and
large granite boulders which are scattered in such abundance over the
country as to be occasionally mistaken for the crust or surface. The
granite has however never, as I before observed, been seen in any form
but that of boulders, nor is there any well established instance of
these having been seen otherwise than on, or partially imbedded
in the surface. I should remark, that the mass of granite, well
known as the Okillon, near Nungun and west of the Nungklao road,
may be considered of a dubious form, for though the dimensions are
enormous, the shape of the exposed part is that of a boulder. The dis-
integration of these boulders has of course largely contributed to
the formation of soil, especially when favoured by the configuration of
the ground, but wherever the boulders are missing, and the strata
preserve their horizontal position, vegetation remains likewise defi-
cient.

As I am more anxious to record facts than to broach theories, I will
not indulge in speculations on the variation of the structure of these hills
from those around them, but content myself with observing, that there
‘is nothing in what I have pointed out at all inconsistent with the more
recent opinions as to the order, classification, and superposition of
the different rocks; for though none of the unstratified rocks have been
seen in the positions which they might be expected to occupy in the
centre of the mountains, there is still no reason why they may not occu-
py a place under the sandstone, and have thus effected its up-lifting
without themselves protruding to the surface. Further inquiries may
throw light upon this subject, which is worthy of very great attention,
for if there be sufficient ground for the opinion here thrown out, the
geology of this country will furnish a strong proof of the igneous origin of
the unstratified rocks, and their more recent appearance above the surface.

I have already remarked, that a bed of limestone extends along the
foot of the hills near Pundua, having its out-crop about five hundred
feet above the plains, where it abuts on the sandstone. The direction
of this bed is nearly east and west, and though frequently broken
through by rivers, it is continued westward (declining however in
elevation as it proceeds) to Bunsikura, where it is found in contact
with the plain, from which in other parts it is always separated by clay

1840.| Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 815

and sand hills of alluvial formation. The coal found at Laour rests on
this limestone, which abounds in fossil shells, among which the principal
are Terebratula and Producta. The cavern of Boobanis situated in this
limestone, but no measures have been employed to ascertain if it con-
tains any fossil remains.

The few facts which I am able to add on the geology of the whole
country under review, may not improperly find their place here, as they
can be of value only when taken collectively to illustrate the general
formation.

In Upper Kachar the dense woods have materially impeded obser-
vation, and I can only say, that the table land is there absent, as well as
the granite boulders, and that the formation is of primary sandstone,
upon which an alluvial formation is posited. No fossil remains have
been procured from this quarter.

The Tippera hills, in the more elevated parts of which we have any
knowledge, exhibit primary sandstones underlying an alluvial formation,
in which fossil remains are found in sufficient quantity, but no great
variety. Those within my own observation have been Madrepires and
fossil wood. The alluvial formation over the eastern part of Sylhet
and Lower Kachar is of the same nature with that of Tippera, being
similar in structure and material. ‘The common feature is a kind of
breccia, which is found in masses varying from a mere pebble to enor-
mous blocks of many thousand tons weight, and these are imbedded
in the clay or sand hills near the surface (never stratified), often in
connexion with a thin stratum of a substance exhibiting a highly
metallic appearance, and which seems to be oxide of iron. It is impos-
sible to examine these black blocks, which on fracture display numer-
ous concavities, without entertaining the suspicion of their volcanic
origin ; but any doubts on this head must cease on looking at the masses
of lava by which they are often accompanied, for that the shapeless
lumps to which I allude have been in a state of fusion, admits of no
question, being proved by their vitrious lustre, close and brittle texture,
and by the presence of blisters formed by the air during the process of
cooling. I abstain from noticing the localities of the coal beds, salt
wells, and Petroleum spring, as they have been heretofore described.

It must be acknowledged that our geological knowledge of this quar-
ter is still lamentably defective, and that the materials for drawing a

816 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. [No. 104.

section of the rocks in their exact order from Thibet, across Assam,

Sylhet, and Tippera, are still to be collected. -
The points of interest remaining for examination within this division

are :-——

Ist. The course of the Kupeli river from its source to its confluence —

with the Di-yung, in the valley between Upper Kachar and Jynte. It

is likely to pass through a country the geology of which must deserve —
attention, as the structure of the opposite sides of the valley must be —

essentially different, the one upholding a table land, the other running
up into peaks and ridges, while the possibility that the river may offer
a navigable communication with some point easy of access from the
side of Sylhet, is an additional reason for examining it.

2nd. The course of the Patli river near Laour. This river divides
the Kasia hills from the Garrows, and its valley must exhibit similar
diversity in the structure of its opposite sides with that of the Kupeli.

3rd. I have already pointed out the interest that attaches to the
country in the middle parts of Tippera, and I may here add, that the

geology of this quarter must be valuable, as it is likely to be connected k

with the system of mountains which separates Arracan from Pegu, and

to contain the extinct craters from which the volcanic remains above 2

noticed have issued.

To conclude this account of the very diversified aspect of the country, —
the vast semi-basin enclosed on the northern, eastern, and much of
the southern side by the mountains above described, may be conveni- r
ently divided into two tracts, distinguished from each other by differ-
ence of level, and by dissimilarity of vegetable and agricultural produce, —
as well as by their capacity for commodious habitations and occupa- ©
tions. A line drawn SE. from Chattak passing west of Tajpur, —
through Nubigunj, and thence under the hills southward to Turruf, will —

serve very nearly to separate these tracts.

That to the westward, extending nearly to the Brahmaputra, is in ;
most parts always marshy, and the whole is subject to periodical 7
inundations of long duration, being in general under water from April 4
to the middle of November. The towns and villages, which in some -

parts, more especially to the southward, are numerous, are built on

mounds raised with earth dug during the dry season; the houses are
in clusters, huts for men, temples, mosques, and sheds for cattle, being —

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 817

huddled together in a manner that gives to them the appearance rather
of the temporary abode of fugitives, than the settled residence of a
people. This tract is called Bhatta, apparently from its lowness, and
seems to have been conquered by the Mussulmans before the rest of
Sylhet.

The eastern division is on a higher level, and rises gradually towards
the mountains on either side; notwithstanding this, the marshes which
occasionally occur, might lead to a different belief; but these are very
limited in extent, and occupy distinct hollows, and the fact of general
rise is proved by the course of the rivers, which without it could never
exhibit those strong currents for which they are remarkable.

The irregularities of the surface are referable to three distinct causes :

Ist. Several ranges of the alluvial formation crossing it run up into
ridges, from one to three hundred feet in height.

2nd. The vallies formed by these ranges rise from the centre towards
either side, where the land being above the level of ordinary inundations,
is peculiarly adapted for agricultural purposes, and is called Do-fusilya, |
or that of two harvests.

3d. The banks of the Surma and all the hill streams are occupied
by land cultivable for two yearly crops, which however here owes its
origin to a different cause, having been thrown up by the rivers in
working their channels through the plain.

I have here much satisfaction in bringing to notice one of those rare
instances in which the interests of a portion, however small, of the
Indian community have been manifestly benefited by the adoption
of conclusions emanating solely from European foresight and observa-
tion. A causeway constructed by the Mogul Government along the
left bank of the Surma, and intended to restrain its inundations, was
kept up at a considerable expence by the British Government, until the
mischievous consequences which have followed the maintenance of
similar erections on the Po and Adige, in Italy, having been brought to
notice, it was, about twenty years ago, abandoned, and the river allowed
to take its natural course. Contrary to the expectations of many, no harm
followed ; the river occasionally rose for a short time above its banks,
but the inundation ran off rapidly, and it seldom happened that any
injury was done. It was soon, however, observed, that wherever the
river overflowed its banks, a sediment was left, which both raised and

818 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. [No. 104.

improved the land, and in consequence people far from dreading
the inundation, soon learnt to turn it to account; and having banked
such lands as were fit for the purpose, led the river to them by narrow
canals, which they closed after the flow of water was deemed sufficient,
and re-opened when the river had fallen sufficiently to allow it to run —
off. This practice is now quite common, and by it much marshy land —
has been reclaimed. The low lands in the Eastern parts of the country
may all in time be filled up by the sediment left by the inundations of
the rivers, but these are in reality so rare, and of such short duration,
that more will be effected by art than nature in this way. It
must be remembered, that the ordinary inundation which fills the
marshes does not proceed from the rivers but is furnished by the rains,
and yields no sediment, this distinction is, of course, not to be over-
looked in the execution of the operation above described.
Husbandry.—The agricultural processes in the Bhatta are very
simple, and may be briefly dismissed. As soon as the inundation
begins to subside, or in the beginning of November, such lands as are
sufficiently high for the purpose, are ploughed and sown for rice and

millet, the crop being cut in April. Gardens and orchards are unknown,

and the cultivation derives the smallest possible aid from the labour
which in other parts is so productive. There are neither sugarcane ~
patches, plantations of pan, vine, chillies, nor vegetables,—a little —
sursoo, and hemp, with some gourds and cucumbers about the huts, —
appear occasionally, but in limited quantity. The marshes are however —
filled with cattle, from which profits are derived sufficient to make ~
the occupation of these desolate tracts desirable. Ghee and cheese ~
are made from the milk of buffaloes and cows, and the upper lands are :
furnished with young bullocks for the plough in numbers, being —
driven to bazars and fairs in the spring of the year, before the return :
of the inundation in May and June, after which months they are ~
confined to their sheds, and supported on green fodder brought in —
boats from the jhils. The people here are extensively concerned in q
the transport of grain, being the carriers between the high lands east-

ward and the country to the south-west. The husbandry of the
eastern quarter is of a far more elaborate description, though it has not o
yet exhausted the resources of art on the one hand, nor those of nature uf :
on the other. A fertile soil, renewed continually by accumulations from

1840.| Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 819

the hills, copious supplies of rain, with immunity from excessive inun-
dation, are among the advantages enjoyed by this favoured tract. The
character too of the scenery here becomes peculiar, and is sufficiently
marked to call for its separation from that of India generally. - Vast
sheets of cultivation, extending for miles along the banks of the Surma
and other streams, intersected by splendid groves of trees and bamboos,
forming shelter for extensive villages, and occasionally by low ranges
of wooded hills, and backed always by mountains either near or
distant, form an endless succession of gratifying scenes, on which the
eye rests with pleasure, and which, whether beheld by the agricultural
economist estimating the resources of the land, by the philanthrophist
rejoicing in the welfare of his fellow men, or by the lover of the pic-
turesque, must always excite the most pleasurable emotions. But I
must not wander from the simple account which I proposed to furnish
in this paper.

The ploughing season here begins in the middle of January, when
the lower descriptions of land destined for the Aumun crop are first
broken up; the higher soon follow, though it is usual to reserve such,
on account of the hardness of the soil, until the first showers which
fallin February. Before the end of March all the lands are sown, and
in July or August the first crop is reaped from the higher lands alone,
which are again ploughed and sown for an autumnal crop in November
and December. It will readily be understood, that the aumun lands
are subject to inundation, though not commonly to the extent which
would endanger the crop, and I must here more particularly explain
their position, which may else seem not very reconcilable with parts
of the foregoing description. I have said that the western division
is subject to excessive inundation,—may be marked by a line running
southward from the neighbourhood of Chattak ; and this is true gener-
ally, though a few considerable gulfs cut into the eastern quarter,
running up for some miles, more especially between the courses of
the great rivers, and form petty jhils of great depth, which are un-
culturable. The aumun lands are situated on the sides of these and
similar jhils, but their cultivation is very different from that of the
Bhatta country, the crop in them remaining on the ground throughout
the rainy season, and being in consequence very abundant and rich,
while that of the Bhatta, grown only in the winter, is both scanty and of

820 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. [No. 104.

inferior quality. These jhils branching from the Bhatta, I should
observe, obstruct the cross communications in the higher country, and
render it impassable for travellers from about April or May, until the
middle or end of November, but do not affect the cultivation materially.
The ordinary products are dhan, dhal, and kulaie, of all which
there are many varieties: the grain is usually divided into two classes,
called from the situation in which it has been grown Sayl, and
Aumun; among these the subdivisions seem to be infinite, and I
should add, that they are not mere fanciful distinctions, but made with
reference to well marked peculiarities, either of quality or fruition.
Thus among the Sayl, which grows on the high lands, there are grains
which come to maturity in the short space of six weeks, while there
are others, as the Burwa, which can be raised on the Aumun lands in
the winter. It may not readily attract attention, but the careful
inquirer will, I think, find it no small advantage, that there are so many
grains whose times of coming to perfection are unequal, as they afford,
under proper management, a sure resource against the loss of crops of
more ample, but more slow growth. All the Sayl grains are raised on
seedling land and transplanted, and this practice extends, under
favourable circumstances, to the Aumun, the increased productiveness
consequent, being well known. As a point of some interest in Indian
husbandry, and on which doubts have been entertained, I may state from
personal knowledge, that manures are frequently and extensively used.
My occupation, as a Revenue Surveyor, gave me frequent opportunities
of making this observation in the most unexceptionable manner, and
that the practice is not readily avowed, I attribute to the fear on the

part of the cultivator that any practice which attracts the notice of a

European functionary, will be made the ground for increased assessment.

Irrigation is never found necessary except for the winter crops, but
if wheat was cultivated, which experiment has shewn to be perfectly
feasible in the cold season, water could be had in abundance for the
purpose, and in the same way, barley, oats, and potatoes, have all been
raised by me in Kachar on terms which prove their culture would be
highly profitable.

In attempting to estimate the profits of agriculture, and the condition
of the people employed in it, I should premise, that the minute sub-
division of the proprietory right to land which obtains in Sylhet, has

1840.| Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 821

been accompanied by those consequences which have been observed in
other countries similarly circumstanced, and that while the industry
exhibited in the cultivation of the petty taluks by their proprietors is
very admirable, the want of capital, by which their capabilities might
be increased, is but too apparent. I am not however sure, that the
physical comfort of the people is as yet diminished by this circumstance,
for it is certain that the means of subsistence are in abundance, and I
have no hesitation in saying, that I have no where seen a population
among whom the ordinary wants of nature were so easily and cheaply
supplied. But though there is an efficient and permanent demand for
produce, the want of capital, or rather its excessive dissemination,
effectually prevents the adoption of means by which the cultivator
might derive from his land those profits, which it is calculated to yield.
I must here meet an old and often urged objection, that it is the
Government exactions which check improvement, by observing, that
this is one of the lowest taxed districts in India, the average rate of
assessment being somewhere about four annas per head, or one rupee
one anna on the adult males alone, while the wages of labour are
from two and a half to three rupees a month. A rate therefore which
exacts on an average the value of ten days labour from each man in the
year, cannot be considered excessive, at least when compared with the
average for all India, which is above seven times higher. It is there-
fore to the dissemination of capital that the absence of improvement
is entirely attributable, and the state of the land tenures therefore in
this district is well worth the attention of the Indian financier, shewing
as it does the condition to which, under the existing laws of inheritance,
every province in India is tending.

No cultivator, whether proprietor or ryot, ever follows agriculture
here as a speculation, or ventures to till a larger quantity of land than
can be conveniently managed by himself and the members of his family,
and if he raises grain sufficient for his annual expenditure, and a sur-
plus equal to the payment of the Government revenue, his operations
are considered successful. He employs the spare time, of which he
has abundance, in other pursuits which do not require a capital, or only
a very small one in money. ‘Thus the more considerable proprietors
after letting the portion of their taluks which they do not find it
convenient to cultivate themselves, often engage in the conduct of

822 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. (No. 104.

adventurers to the woods for timber, bamboos, grass, &c., or they clear
land on the hills for cotton, build boats, and convey grain to the
markets in the south, &c.; while the Ryots act as boatmen, coolies, and
the like, in all which employments little or no cash outlay is required;
but they subsist on grain raised in their own fields, while their wives
and children niaintain themselves by making cloths, &c., for home
consumption, or sale, carrying the produce of their gardens and orchards
to market, and tending cattle.

There is nothing very remarkable in all this perhaps, except that it
exhibits a society among which the first steps in economical improve-
ment have hardly been taken, the advantages of the division of labour
not having yet been appreciated, or rather the introduction of that
principle having been prevented, by the want of accumulated capital, to
meet the expense and delay that must precede the more ample returns
which it ensures. I will not enter into any estimate of the expenses
‘attending the cultivation of land, and its return, as a farming specula-
tion, although I have by me details on the point; but conclude this
subject with observing, that at the existing rates of rent and labonr
agriculture would return the former (independent of any improvements
he might effect) about thirty per cent., on his capital. The common
opinion, confirmed by the current price of estates, is, that money in-
vested in land yields the proprietor from 12 to 15 per cent.

Mill Agriculture.—Among the hill tribes, cultivation is very imper-
fectly practised, and many therefore depend wholly on their intercourse
with the plains; nor can it be said that any of them are at all times
wholly secured from want by their own resources. The nature of the
country in the south part of the Kasia mountains precludes agriculture,
but in the central and northern parts rice is raised in considerable
quantity, particularly in the little glens, and on the sides of the vallies,
irrigation being practised, and the water brought to the field through
narrow canals, and conveyed over hollows, or up heights, for short
distances by hollow trunks of trees or bamboos, experience having
taught the cultivator that water can be made to rise in tubes to the
level of its source. The labouring season is in the spring, and the
crop is cut in August and September.

In the wooded parts of the mountains, by whomsoever occupied,
whether Kacharies, Nagas, or Kukies, the cultivation is of a mixed

;
x

1840.) Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 823

description, consisting of cotton, rice, and sundry vetches, grown
indiscriminately together in one large clearing. The ground for the
crop is first prepared by the dao (or bill), the jungle when dried is
burnt, and the ashes worked into the soil, which is then broken up by
the hoe, and the seed planted or sown in March or April for a crop in
September. The hills on the Sylhet and Tippera frontier are culti-
vated in a similar manner by the natives of the plains, who form them-
selves into associations periodically for the purpose of a trip into the
hills, on a joint account, to cultivate cotton and cut wood and bamboos.
The cotton thus obtained is not exported, indeed the quantity raised is
barely sufficient for local consumption. It is short in the staple, but
the cloths made from it being found to combine warmth with lightness,
are in great esteem among the people.

I proceed briefly to notice whatever appears peculiar among plants,
vegetables, and fruits.

Indigo is not cultivated in Sylhet, but though one or two trials have
been unsuccessful, I think (with men of some experience) that with
greater attention it would succeed. The climate cannot, as it has
been supposed, be wholly unfavourable, seeing that the plant grows
wild on the hills, and that a very excellent dye is obtained from it by
the simple processes there in use. The certainty of having rain
for the spring sowings, and the possibility of choosing the ground above
the chance of inundation, are among the advantages which I anticipate
for the cultivation of indigo in these tracts.

Poppy, sugarcane, safflower, sursoo, and other plants yielding oil,
flax and hemp, call for no particular notice, they are all cultivated with
success in Kachar, Jynta, and (except the poppy) in the Eastern
division of Sylhet.

Oranges, together with the arica and pan vines, for which this coun-
try is famous, are all the produce of the lower parts of the Kasia hills,
growing only on the limestone strata. Arica of an inferior quality
is indeed found all over Sylhet, but deteriorates in quality to the
eastward, until in Kachar it wholly disappears. Among other fruits,
the plaintain is peculiarly fine, but the mangoe is inferior, and is not
found to improve to the eastward; the lemon is found wild in the
Kasia hills, and the apricot and lichi in those of Kachar; and in
general the vegetation exhibits so much variety, and there are so many

824 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. (No. 104.

new plants offering themselves, as we advance eastward, that this, with
the similarity of climate to that of the southern parts of China, led to
the inquiries originally commenced by the late Mr. Scott for the tea
plant, which if it has not yet been discovered in a wild state so far to
the westward, would probably succeed on some of the soils in the
alluvial formations of Kachar or Tippera. Several cognate plants have
been found, and genuine tea plants were raised in my garden from
seeds in 1835.

China root ,(Rhubarb?) and lignum aloes are mentioned as the pro-
duce of Sylhet in the “ Ayin Akhbari,” but I never heard that either
engaged the attention of the trader.

Land Tenures and Revenue.—The tenures in Sylhet being derived
mostly from the Mahomedan government, are similar to those of Bengal
generally; but the ‘condition of the land, which is subdivided to an
extent elsewhere unknown, excites the attention of every intelligent
inquirer. The permanent settlement included Sylhet, and about that
time there were I think 27,000 proprietors enrolled in the Collec-
tor’s books, since when, in consequence of subdivisions which have
been facilitated rather than checked by the law, the number has
more than trebled, anda revenue of three and a half lacs is now
collected from a hundred thousand proprietors. The only species of
holding which seems unknown in Sylhet, is that of the village commu-

nity, or Bhya chara, and this is the more remarkable, as something very — |
like it still exists in Kachar and Assam, and there seems so much reason
to believe that it attained over the whole of Sylhet, as a part of the —
ancient Kamrup; indeed I think it will be found that it is to the break- :
ing up of these communities, by admitting the individual holders to 7
engagements with the State direct, that we must attribute the origin of —
the extraordinary number of petty holdings in this district. Notwith- a
standing the existence of some tenures of a different character in ‘

Assam, the most ancient form in that country, apparently, by which

land was held, was under a grant from the prince addressed to a body 7
of proprietors, who by it were erected into a corporation, called a Raj, —

and who possessed the land on terms by which they were bound each

for the other, and for the revenue of the whole estate. In Kachar this
is unquestionable, and indeed up to a recent period no other form of
tenure was known or acknowledged. The pecuniary wants of the late

1840.| Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 825

Rajahs led to the introduction among the Raj of titles borrowed from
the Musalmans, such as Chrowdries, &c., but the ancient grants were
directed only to the Bur Bhuyiah and Bhuyiah’s, names which clearly
refer to the soil (ge) though they are not current beyond these coun-
tries. In every Raj were certain classifications of the proprietors,
made however without reference to the local positions of their estates,
but according as they were charged with the payment of revenue to the
prince direct, or to some one in whose favour he had made an assign-
ment. These were called Khels, and the principal among them was
the Khilmah, which paid to the Rajah, while all the others, as the
Sang-jurai, Dekha-jurai, &c. after paying a fixed proportion only to
-the prince, accounted for the balance to the’ Ranni, to the Jub Raj, or
other holder of the assignment. The local administration and execu-
tion of the prince’s orders were anciently intrusted to the Raj, subject
only to an appeal to the Raja, and they had the power to settle land
on terms similar to those by which they themselves held, transacting
business in periodical meetings.

I cannot detail the steps by which the power, consequence, and very
nature of these corporations were destroyed ; but content myself with
observing, that there is unquestionable evidence of the state of things I
have described still extant in the country, while it is certain that
the late Raja completed their subversion, and left to the Rajes nothing
valuable but the name, by assessing each landholder according to the
full extent of his cultivation, abolishing all local jurisdiction and autho-
rity, whether in judicial or fiscal matters, and reducing all the proprie-
tors to a footing of equality; though he still most inconsistently held
them responsible collectively for the revenue of their Khels, making
over the estates of defaulters to their management after they had in
effect ceased to be a corporate body.

Under every change the proprietors still retained their hereditary right
in the soil, and the locality of each holding was ascertained from time to
time by measurement, as the shares and boundaries of individuals
varied continually under the influence of the laws of inheritance,
though the boundaries of the Raj remained unchanged, unless by a
Special grant made by the authority of the prince to a new corporation
out of the unoccupied waste. Much of the cultivation, at least since the
decline of the kingdom from its former consequence, was performed on

826 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Distritcts. |No. 104.

the smaller Taluks by the holders themselves, assisted by their families,
but the larger proprietors leased their lands to Packhastyuts, retained
some portion to be cultivated by their slaves, and assigned another
to their hereditary Ryots, a class of people whose position was analo-
gous to the Khudkhast Ryot on the one hand, and to that of agri-
cultural slaves on the other; for while they had a right to cultivate
at fixed rates, and cculd not be removed, they were at the same time
not only answerable for the rent, but not at liberty to throw up their
lands, or quit the property.

I have been thus prolix in describing the Kachar tenures, because
I think that an interest attaches to them on account of their antiquity,
and because to them I*think the existing tenures in Assam and
Sylhet may with truth be traced. I conclude that the land in the
latter district while it formed a part of Kamrup, were held by Raj
corporations precisely similar to those of Kachar; as the Mahomedan
conquerors advanced, they altered the old state of things by admit-
‘ting the members of the Raj to engage individually for the revenue;
or still more frequently by making grants to Musalman chiefs and
colonists, who soon found it their interest to compound with the ancient
proprietors, and accept a portion only of the Raj land, in preference to
having the whole thrown on their hands denuded of cultivators, who
rather than remain on their hereditary estates in the reduced condition
of Ryots, would emigrate to the eastward. The portions given up by
the old occupants would consist of shares of each Taluk, not of a
parcel under continuous boundaries; and hence probably. arose the
strange intermixture of the lands composing the estates of the leading

proprietors in Sylhet, which are commonly found in numerous small

parcels, at great distances from each other. Acquisitions made subse-
quently by purchase or inheritance, with the practice of allowing all
lands belonging to one proprietor to be recorded in the Revenue
Offices under one number, without reference to their locality, would
of course in time swell the number of these isolations.

It had always been the custom to regulate all revenue demands on the
land where the separate holdings were so very small, by a measurement
made with more or less accuracy ; and accordingly at the formation of
the perpetual settlement in Sylhet a departure from the general rule by
which such measurements were at the time prohibited, was sanctioned in

1840.| Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 827

that particular district. By the records of that survey, and consequent
arrangements, it appears that only that portion of the district which was
known to be occupied, and to which proprietory right distinctly attached,
came under settlement, and though much of the land measured was
recorded as junglah ; recent surveys shew that there must have been
vast tracts of waste, which were not included in the operations of
that time. The cultivation of these wastes has given rise to a
legal question, which has employed the talents, and engaged the attention
of some of the ablest civilians of our day. It is well known that by the
provisions of the permanent settlement, the right of government to
derive an increase of revenue from an extention of cultivation on
the estates then settled, was declared to be given up for ever, and
it was even added, that the advantage of this declaration should be
conceded to those whose lands had been withheld from assessment
by fraud, collusion, or mistake. But wastes which at the time of the
settlement were not included within the known boundaries of any
estate, could not by any possibility be contemplated in this arrangement ;
and as it was known by general inquiries, which have since been
confirmed by actual measurement, that the quantity of land under
cultivation in Sylhet far exceeded the total on which the settlement had
been concluded, it was quite clear that an acquisition had been made
from the waste to which the government right for revenue would apply.
Such lands have been called Halabadee, and have formed the subject
of a most voluminous and intricate correspondence among the revenue
officers for many years.

The right of government to revenue from lands which have been
reclaimed from the waste, and not included under the settlement, is
admitted by all who have made themselves acquainted with the subject,
but the difficulty is, to distinguish such lands; and its possibility is by
some authorities wholly denied. On the part of the government it is
urged, that documents founded on the old survey are still in existence
shewing the superficial contents of each estate at the time of settlement,
and that if on a measurement a Taluk is now found to contain more land
than the gross amount (abadee and junglah) for which it was assessed,
there can be no doubt that the excess has been derived from the waste,
and indeed it does not appear, prima facie, that it could well be derived
from any other source.

828 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. [No. 104.

On the other side it is answered, that the documents alluded to
cannot be relied on, and that even if they were worthy of more
credit than can be conceded to them, still it would seem a good
argument against a demand for increase of ‘“‘ jumma,” if the Talukdar
were to urge that the total quantity of land in his estate was put down
originally too small, either in consequence of “fraud, collusion, or
mistake.” To this it has been rejoined, that there is of course no
intention to deny the validity of such an objection in every case
when it shall be satisfactorily established by evidence ; and the parties
seem thus to be at issue on the point, whether the revenue officers t
having shown that there is an excess of land, it rests with the Talukdar
to prove that this excess was within his original boundary, or with the
government to go one step further, and shew by additional proof that it
was acquired from the waste. :

In the course of this inquiry some documentary evidence was
brought to light, calculated to facilitate the latter course of proceeding 4
very much. This was contained in certain records prepared soon after —
the settlement, and shewing the boundaries, locality, and estimated
extent of the waste lands which had been reserved from the settle-
ment. These papers were very incomplete, and did not include the
whole of the wastes; but on a measurement of the lands indicated
by them, a very considerable quantity of cultivation was elicited, upon
which the claim for revenue was admitted, and a much larger quantity
on which it was nearly certain it could be established. I have had —
no opportunity of learning the result of these inquiries, having been
removed from the district before they were completed.

The revenue of Kachar was derived, at the time of its acquisition
by us, from a land tax levied at a rate much higher than that of
Sylhet, from customs levied on all the frontiers at most extravagant
rates, from a sort of excise taken at all Bazars, from monopolies
of every thing valuable in trade, as ivory, timber, &c. and from a house
tax on the inhabitants of the mountains. The first steps taken for the
reform of this department were, the abolition of all monopolies, the
removal of all prohibition on exports and imports, the abolition of —
the excise, and the reduction of duties in the external trade. The
immediate results were, an increase of trade, the customs on which,
though levied at very reduced rates, yielded a far larger amount than

1840.| Memoir af Sythet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 829

under the old system was obtained from the whole of the Sayer Mahal,
and I think this branch of revenue quadrupled itself in five years,
thus affording another verification of the principle in finance,—that low
duties by encouraging consumption, will be found more productive
than high ones, which on the contrary check it.

The sources of revenue in Jynta were very dissimilar to those of
Kachar, as the Raja of that country having acquired the plains by
conquest, appears to have abrogated the hereditary rights of the land-
holders, and to have allowed none to hold except on terms annually
granted or renewed at his pleasure, and which were very various.
The plains of Jynta were probably conquered from Sylhet since the
days of Akbar, one of the Mahus in the “‘ Ayin Akhbari” being called
Chyntar, which may well be a mistranscription, the Persian letter ©
having been mistaken for @-

History and people.—My notices of the history and people of these
countries will necessarily be brief, as I do not propose to record the
story of their petty dissensions and change of governors, but rather
to collect and point attention to such facts whether derived from
tradition or otherwise, as may throw light on the origin and mi-
grations of the races which inhabit them, and this the more especially,
as I am not aware that in so doing, I shall suppress any thing of
real interest. |

Kacharis.—According to records preserved among the family of the
last princes of Kachar (which however are but traditions reduced to
writing) the Kacharis conquered the kingdom of Kamrup, and gave to
it a succession of Rajas from whom the late royal family of Kachar, of
the line of Ha-tsung-tsa, derive their descent. The term Kachari
is of modern date, the proper name by which that people call them-
selves being Rangtsa, and the country from which they trace their
origin being situated in the north-east of Assam.

It is known that Kamrup extended anciently to the southward as far
as the confluence of the Megna with the Brahmaputra; and the Kacharis
appear to have established themselves in the countries east of that line,
including Assam, Sylhet, Tippera, and modern Kachar, or Hirumbha,
in all of which, except Sylhet, they are found as a distinct people
differing in appearance, religion, and customs from the other inhabit-
ants. .

830 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. [No. 104.

The Ha-tsung-tsa family was expelled from Kamrup by the Rajas
of Kooch Behar, and being driven* into Hirumbha maintained them-
selves in a reduced but independent form until the time of Raja
Gobindchundra, who after many vicissitudes of fortune, became in 1824
a British tributary, and being murdered in 1830, and leaving no blood
relations, terminated the line.

The people of Tippera are said to have the same origin with the
Kacharis, and the similarity of religion, customs, and appearance,
makes this probable. It may be added, that the Rajas of both
countries have formerly acknowledged the connexion ; the Tippera
family being described as a younger branch of the ancient royal
family, which in their expulsion from Kamrup established itself in-
dependently in the country which it formerly held as an appendage.

The dates of these transactions cannot be traced, but the Assam
Baranjis state, that at the commencement of the Ahom dynasty in up-
per Assam, in the 12th century, the Kooch Behar princes had possession
of Kamrup, from which, as well as from the date of the first Mahomedan
expedition into Kamrup (in 1204) it may be concluded that the sub-
version of the Kachar dynasty considerably preceded that era, and that
the assertion made by the Kachar chiefs,-that their ancestors con-
quered Assam about one thousand years ago, is tolerably correct.

The existence in Kachar, even in these days, of many poor and
proud families who disdain to labour for their subsistence, and look to
official employment alone as a becoming source of livelihood, the
number of offices, and their nature, so inconsistent with the poverty
and insignificance of the late petty Court, are among the circumstances
which attest the credibility of the story of former power, and taken
with traditions current in these countries, entitle the pretensions of the
Kacharis to a degree of credit, which they would- not otherwise
deserve.

The Kachari language is unwritten, having been superseded for
all purposes of business by the Bengali for many centuries, and this
circumstance greatly increases the difficulty of all attempts to trace the

* The tradition is, that the invaders from Kooch Behar were preceded by Brahmans
mounted on cows, against whom the Kacharis either could not, or dare not, oppose
themselves ; but this is obviously a Hindu fiction.

1840.) Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 831

origin of the people through that medium. Greater probability of
success offers through a careful examination of their religion and
customs, on which points my inquiries will, I think, be found not to be
without use. Although Brahmanism professes to receive no converts,
yet great efforts have been made to bring within the pale of Hinduism
both the Kacharis, the Munipories, and most of the tribes to the
eastward. It is matter of history that Brahmanism had no root in
Assam earlier than the middle of the 16th century, though it has
since attained to such power as to shake the throne of that country.
In Munipore its progress has been still more recent, but in Kachar
Proper, or Hirumbha, the process of conversion has been going on
before our eyes, and actually commenced within the last fifty years.
The father and uncle of the two last Rajas professed the old religion, and
did not conform to Brahmanism; but Krishna and Gobindchundra,
about the year 1790 a. p., were both placed, with certain ceremonies,
in the body of a large copper image of a cow, and thence produced
by Bengali Brahmins as reclaimed Hindus to an admiring people.
Place was assigned them as Chhettry of the Suraj Bungsi tribe, and
numbers of their followers, after their example, were admitted to caste,
and are called Hindus; but still greater numbers were infinitely
disgusted at the whole procedure, and there can be little doubt that the
divisions to which it gave rise, and the injudicious persecutions by
which it was followed, were at the root of all the misfortunes by which
the country was soon visited.

The ancient religion of Kachar is not clearly referable to any of the
forms existing in Eastern Asia, and certainly not to any of the Hindu
systems, as will appear by the following account. The Kacharis ac-
knowledge a Supreme Being, or first principle, from which the world
and all that it contains is derived. They worship the manifest powers
of nature, or rather spirits having authority over them, and the in-
fluences of the seasons.

No superstitious regard is paid to animal life, and even the cow was
not anciently held sacred.

__ There is no class set apart for the priesthood, neithér do any take
\upon themselves exclusively sacerdotal functions; but these are per-
formed by the elders in families, and by the ministers of state, and
high public functionaries, on great public occasions. There was how-

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832 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. (No. 104.

ever one officer who had charge of the series of ceremonies performed
in the spring of the year, but his duty was abolished by the jealousy
or bigotry of the late Rajas. Among their superstitions, it is the practice
to perform sacrifice before a bamboo planted in the ground, and into
which it is maintained the Power worshipped enters, on being duly
propitiated, and causes the boughs to bend in token of his approba-
tion. This custom is common also to the Tipperas.

The indifference shown for animal life, and the absence of an esta-
blished and hereditary priesthood, mark sufficiently the disconnexion
with Hinduism, and the disregard for caste may be taken as an
additional proof of this; for though the people are divided into forty
Sympongs, these are only so many social distinctions, or tribes, and
they are not prohibited from intermarrying or eating together, which
they accordingly frequently do. All these circumstances considered,
it will be found that this superstition more resembles the system of
Confucius than any thing Indian.

The law of inheritance appears to be, that all property descends
in equal shares among the male children, and afterwards, in the natural
order of succession, to the brothers and brothers issue; but as the
leading men formerly made no acquisitions in land (for the Kachari
cultivation is carried on by the inferior classes in a species of co-
parcenary) the subject has not given rise to much investigation. Mar-
riages seem to have been contracted. spontaneously, without the direct
intervention of friends, but polygamy was allowed, and by the richer
classes indulged in to a great extent. The marriage of widows was
sanctioned, though not encouraged, and in order to escape the scandal of
such connexions, it seems to have been usual for widows, at least among
the higher ranks, to reside in the families of their deceased husband’s
brother, by which it has after happened that more scandal was created
than it was intended to avoid.

Among peculiar customs, for which no reason appears, it seems
to have been a rule that the Rajah should never reside in a building
of masonry, but in bungalows surrounded by a stockaded enclosure,
perhaps to refnind him of his origin among the woods of upper Assam.

The worship of irascible female spirits, and the practice of the
Tantra magic ascribed by the Hindus to the people of Kamrup, are
imputations which derive some countenance from the existing worship of

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 833

Ramchundi, the Thakoorain of Kachar, who is adored under the
symbol of a sword, religiously preserved in the Rajbarri, and to the
possession of which the most inexpressible importance is attached.
It is worthy of remark, that no image of any thing having life is
worshipped in Kachar, nor are there either in that country or Sylhet
any remains of antique buildings, and especially of Hindu buildings,
to attest the existence at an early date of a Hindu population. There
is a footstep cut in the rock on the ridge east of Aquee, said by the
people of both Kachar and Munipur to have been made by the gods
as a boundary mark between the two states: this may be one of
the numerous footsteps of Gautama, but there is obviously no certainty
about its antiquity.

Kasias.—Among the aboriginal tribes, the Kasias, or more correctly
(as they style themselves) the Khyee, attract the most atfention,
standing as much distinguished from their neighbours in personal ap-
pearance, and social and religious customs, as their country is different
from others in geological structure and physical aspect. The Khyee are
an athletic race of mountaineers, fond still of a martial appearance,
and their reputation as warriors is hardly extinct, as their extensive
feudatory inroads are still remembered in Sylhet and Assam, the
plains of which countries they formerly laid under contribution very
frequently. The religion of the Kasias does not assimilate with
any of the known Indian systems, but is limited to certain super-
stitious practices (among which the augury seems to be in greatest
esteem) and to the reverence for, and sacrifice to, the presiding deities
of villages, hills, and similar localities, but does not comprehend the
knowledge of a universal, all-pervading Intelligence, such as is ac-
knowledged by the Kacharis, or the immortality of the soul. Brah-
manism has made some progress among the Kasias, especially of
Jynta, and some of the higher classes there have adopted Hindu
practices, and obtained admission among the Sudra castes, but this has
not led to the entire abandonment of their national superstitions,
connected with which was the cruel abomination of human sacrifice,
for being accessory to which the last Raja lost his throne and
country. ,

The great peculiarity among the Khyee, and that by which perhaps
their remote connexion with other tribes will be established, is the

834 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. (No. 104.

custom which prevails in regard to the descent of both personal and
real property, and which holds equally of regal authority. By this all
property and right passes to the eldest son of the nearest female
relative in the descending line, or generally, to the son of the eldest
sister of the holder. Whatever laxity may be observed in regard
to other practices, and however some of the upper ranks may conform
to the rules of caste, and desire admission among the Hindus, this
custom is by all most tenaciously adhered to. They are further

charged with the practice of polyandry, but however it may in reality - |

be tolerated, the upper classes in general disclaim it, and it can be

said to prevail only among the poorer sort, with whom too it would

often seem to mean rather facility of divorce than the simultaneous
admission ofa plurality of husbands. It is possible, however, that
unqualified polyandry existed formerly, and that it has fallen into
disrepute since a more intimate connexion with the plains has sprung
up. '

The Khyee language is unwritten, and moreover exhibits no affinity

‘with any of the languages of the neighbourhood, some, of which, |

(numerous and diversified as they are), often offer indications of a
common origin, but the point is of less importance, as among the rude
mountain tribes great dissimilarity of language has been observed to
exist, even where a common origin was nearly certain. There are no

antique remains, or works of art, on which to build conjectures as to —

the condition of the people by whom the country was anciently occu-~

pied, for though there are several considerable rude stone columnar

erections, yet there is nothing peculiar or artificial in their construc-

tion, and they are exceeded in magnitude and vastness of design by —

Stonehenge, and by the Masses seen in Mexico. No mechanical con-
trivances were employed in raising either these columns, or the cir-
cular slabs which are often met, but they were constructed by manual

labor, some of them being of recent times. There is however a stone

bridge of considerable dimensions in the Jynta mountains, the style of
which is Saracenic, but it is quite possible the work may have been
constructed by a Mussulman in the employment of the Raja at no very
distant period. No great respect is paid by the Khyee to hereditary
chiefs, though their rank is readily admitted, but their influence depends
more on their personal character, and their power to guide the public

1840.) Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 835

assemblies, without which nothing is decided either among the com-
munity collectively, or the villages separately. _

Destruction of human life, whether by accident or design, in open
war or in secret, is always the cause of feud among the relations of the
parties, which are terminated only by reprisals, ora compensation in
money.

The equipment of a Khyee chief is martial and striking in appearance;
a tunic of strong cloth, bordered by party colors, without sleeves, well
adapted to muscular exertions, sits close to his body above the waist ;
an ample shield of buffaloe hide or brass is slung at his back, and leaves
him at liberty to employ both his hands either with the bow, the javelin,
or a powerful two-handed sword which hangs by his side. This sword
is unique in kind, and more like the German or Swiss weapon than any
thing Indian. The bow is of bamboo, and is fitted with a slip of the
same substance in place of twine, as it never softens in rain, and is
equally useful in all weathers. It is to the credit of the Khyee that
though acquainted with the use of poisoned arrows they never employ
them against their fellow men in war, but only in the chase against
wild beasts. A series of destructive defeats during a protracted con-
test with the Government troops has not entirely destroyed the mar-
tial disposition of this people, who probably still retain the remem-
brance of those days in which their fathers pillaged both Sylhet and
Assam.

Conjecture is lost in assigning a probable origin to the Khyees. Seg-
regated strictly in a tract of country as different from the neighbour-
hood as they themselves are from the other tribes, they seem to owe
the retention of their independence entirely to their personal qualities,
as their mountains are by no means difficult of access. I am quite
sensible that verbal analogy affords but a slight foundation on which to
build an hypothesis, but I may nevertheless mention, that a people resem-
bling the Khyee in some particulars formerly occupied a position on
the south bank of the Brahmaputra at Measpara, where they were called
Mek; they were known to have come originally from the frontiers of
Butan and Nipal; the Khyee are called Mike by the Kacharis, and
their customs in regard to marriage assimilate to those of Butan. The
theory which would assign a western origin to the Khyee is counten-
anced by their appearance, and especially by the absence in them of

836 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. [No. 104.

those peculiarities about the eye which stamp the tribes of Indo-Chi-
nese origin.

Nagas.—The Nagas are found in all the tracts east of the Kupili
River, as far as the country of the Khamtis, much of which is un-
explored. This generic name seems to have been applied to them
by the Hindus of the plain, with reference either to their scanty cloth-
ing, or more probably to their residence in the mountains, but is not
acknowledged among themselves or the other hill tribes, among whom
they call themselves “‘ Kwaphee.” They are associated commonly with
the Kukis or Koonjye, from whom however they are essentially distinct
in customs, and personal appearance. The Nagas though often power-
ful men, yet do not commonly display those marks from which great
strength may be inferred. Their limbs have not the massive confi-
guration of the Kukis and other hill men. It is a distinguishing
particular of the Naga tribes that they are not a migratory or wan-
dering people, and while the hill Kacharis and Kukis continually change
their locations, seldom keeping their villages more than three years in
one spot, the Nagas remain fixed, and their insignificant villages,
which appear in one of Rennell’s early Maps, are to be found still as
they stood in 1764. Again, the Nagas are remarkable as using
no weapons but the javelin and dao, a sort of bill common to the
Birmas, Shans, and most of the hill tribes except the Kasias; and
they have no prejudices on the score of food, eating every thing
indiscriminately, as well that flesh which has been slain for food as that
which has not. In common with the Kukis and Garrows however
they abstain strictly from milk, butter, or ghee, looking on the use of
them with great aversion. The religion of both tribes is limited to a
few superstitious practices, differing among themselves, but presenting
nothing from which their origin or connexion with other tribes is
to be inferred.

'Kukis.—The Kukis have long been notorious for their attacks
on the peaceable inhabitants of the plains, to whom along the Sylhet
and Kachar frontier they have at times been very troublesome. In
addition to the javelin they employ bows and poisoned arrows, a
practice perhaps suggested by their contests with the larger animals, as
elephants and tigers, with which their forests abound. The object
of their inroads on the plains is not plunder, for which they have never

1840.| Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. 837

been known to shew any desire, but they kill and carry away the
heads of as many human beings as they can seize, and have been
known in one night to carry off fifty. These are used in certain
ceremonies performed at the funerals of the chiefs, and it is always
after the death of one of their Rajas that their incursions occur.

The proper limits of the Kukis are undefined, but they never seem
to have stretched northward of Chattrchura peak, and Kukitunga
on the frontier of Sylhet, nor above Soor and Tungtching in Kachar.
The villages at Abong in Upper Kachar are exceptions, but they
are well known to have been settled by Raja Krishnachundra with
Kukis from the southward, who had sought his protection. The Kukis
have been accused of cannibalism, and I am aware of an instance
in which the charge seemed substantiated, but they disclaim the
imputation with much vehemence, and I have seen no reason to think
that the practice is frequent among them.

People of Sylhet.—The inhabitants of Sylhet are Bengalis, and
not distinguishable from that race in the districts to the westward.
On a closer examination, however, it will be observed that the lower
classes, especially the inferior castes of Hindu cultivators, bear marks
of their indigenous origin, and a striking difference may be remarked
between their features and those of the Musulman descendants of
the colonists by whom the country was gradually conquered. The
few families of any consideration in the district are known to be
of Hindustani or Persian origin, and these are the most resvected,
though they have been superseded of late years by one or two consi-
derable Hindu houses, which have acquired fortune and consequence
in our service. There are also some Musulman families, descendants
of chiefs or Rajas under the Kamrup dynasty, who were forced to
conform to Mahomedanism on the change of masters; of these the
principal is that of the Baniachuny Raja, whose ancestor was probably
the party conquered by Esau Afghan, in the reign of Akhbar, when
“the kutbeh was read, and the coin struck in the Bhatta country,”
according to Abul Fuzil. It must have been a Raja of the same
family also who was attacked in 1254 a. pv. by Mulic Yuzbeg, the
Governor of Bengal, who afterwards lost his life in Southern Assam,
or rather in the mountains between Assam and Sylhet. The family
though converted to Mahomedanism has always retained the title

838 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent Districts. (No. 104.

of Raja: it is fast going to ruin under the joint influence of the laws
of inheritance and improvident habits.

It is impossible (and if possible would be tedious) to trace the steps
by which the progressive conquest of this part of Kamrup was effected,
but some of the principal may, I think, be satisfactorily established, and
will be found worthy of attention. The earliest Mahomedan invasion is
that of Mahomed Bukhtiyar, who is said to have penetrated through
Kamrup into Thibet in a. p. 1205-6; and as I think his expedition,
though unsuccessful, called forth a display of energy and talent calcu-
lated to excite our admiration of these early adventurers, I shall offer
no apology for attempting to elucidate it.

Mahomed Bukhtiyar was the Governor of Behar, and in 1208 a. p.
entered Bengal, and having rapidly overcome that country, he imme-
diately turned his forces against Kamrup, which appears to have been
then a powerful kingdom, and worthy of his arms. The accounts of his
expedition, left us by Mahomedan writers, state that he proceeded from be
Dacca, opening for himself a road along the banks of the Luckia; a
that he marched under the guidance of a hill chief, of the tribe called
Koonch, whom he had converted to Islamism; that they reached a

mighty river “three times as wide as the Ganges” called the Bang-

muttee, on which stood a city called Burdehund, which he captured ; that
after marching ten days along the banks of this river, they entered the

defiles of the mountains, having passed which, they crossed the river _

(Brahmaputra ?) by a stone bridge of twenty-two arches, after which
the Raja of Kamrup submitted. He then moved into the Butan
mountains, and reached the plains of Thibet, where his army was so
roughly handled in a battle with the people of the country, and
alarmed by an expected attack from the chief of a city called Kerrim-
patan, which was governed by a Christian, having under him a Butia
population with Brahman officers, that they retreated, and finding
the bridge broken down by the Kamrup Raja, who now harassed them
in every way, they returned, utterly discomforted with the loss of
the greater part of their number, to Bengal, where Mahomed Bukhtiyar
died of grief and vexation. I must own the latter part of this
narrative is quite inexplicable on any hypothesis, except that of
the fancy of the writers, or their desire to account for a defeat which
was most likely the consequence of disease and privation. But the

1840.]| Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent districts. 839

first part admits of some explanations, calculated to remove apparent
inconsistencies, and to render the story up to the passage of the
bridge sufficiently credible. The points which demand elucidation
are, the locality of the Bangmuttee and its extraordinary size; the
stone bridge of twenty-two arches; and the name of the river over
which it was thrown. In the narrative three hill tribes are mentioned,
the Koonch, the Mikah, and the Nadera ; the Koonch it has been sup-
posed are the people of Kooch Bahar, but however this may be,
there is no difficulty about the Mikah, that being the name by which
the Kasias at this day are known among the Kacharis; and Mikedeetah
being the title of an officer who had charge of the frontier with
that people, and such of them as occasionally took up their residence
within the Kachar jurisdiction; and as it is expressly stated that
the Mahomedan army crossed the mountains, before they reached the
bridge, and before the Raja submitted, I conclude, that they entered
Lower Assam, not by Goalpara, but by the Kasia or Kachar mountains.
The river, three times as wide as the Ganges, could not have been
the Brahmaputra, both because Mahomedan writers shew themselves
acquainted with that river, and because no one who had seen the
rivers about Dacca, could ever fancy the Brahmaputra above the
Luckia to be even wider than the Ganges; but to reach the Kasia
Hills, they must have marched along the edge of the inundation
in the Bhatta country, most likely before the waters had much abated,
and they mistook that for a river. :

No river called Bangmuttee (burster of earth) is now known in the
north-east parts of Bengal, but there is a place called Bangha, which
derives its name, without question, from its position at the fork of
the Soorma and Kusiara rivers, where the latter bursts from the
: former and rushes towards the Bhatta country. It should here too be
remarked, that Bhangh (St®) means to walk through water or mud, as
well as to burst or break, and the expression therefore is applicable
to the inundation. As the guide was called Ali Mikah, I conclude that
he was a Kasia, and led the army over his native mountains to some point
on the Burrampootah, where a temporary bridge, composed of timber,
‘supported on pieces of rough stone, might be erected, and where the
‘breadth would not be so great, but that in the dry season twenty-
two arches might suffice for the passage over the actual stream.

840 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent districts. (No. 104.

If any doubt should still be entertained, that the first Mahomedan
expeditions into Kamrup and Assam passed through the mountains _
north of Sylhet, I may mention, that in 1256 a. p. Malec Yusbeg, who -—
had invaded Kamrup from Bengal, was killed while retreating ‘“ across
the mountains ;” and that between 1489 and 1499 Ala-Udin, having
“‘ first overrun Assam,” proceeded westward to the conquest of Kamrup,
which course is impossible on any other supposition, than that he —
entered Assam by the way either of Hirumbah or Sylhet, most likely —
the former.

Mahomed Bukhtiyar’s army consisted of ten thousand men, chiefly
Tartar cavalry, and that he was able to subsist them, proves that the
countries through which he passed must have been well cultivated ;
but when we reflect that this expedition was made before the in- ~
vention of fire-arms, and that the invaders had therefore no advantage
over the people of the country in regard to their weapons, while the ~
country is in no part favourable for cavalry, we cannot but feel our —
respect for the skill, energy, and enterprize of the early Mahomedan ~
conquerors of India considerably elevated. ;

The condition of Sylhet, as noticed in the Ayin Akhbari, with the :
fact formerly noticed, that the Bhatta country was only recently con- —
quered, proves that in the time of Akhbar, the district had not acquired —
above one half of its present dimensions, and this supposition is 2
confirmed by Sunnuds bearing date in the 15th and 16th centuries, ‘
shewing that adventurers were encouraged to make war upon “ the infi- “
dels” on the frontier, and that lands were granted, of which they —
were to obtain possession by force. The town of Sylhet existed
in the time of Akhbar, and as this is known to date from the Mosque -
built over the tomb of .Sha Gelaal, its patron saint, who con- —
quered it from a native Raja, we may assume, that the current tra-
dition, which assigns its erection to the middle of the 13th century, is
correct.

The first appearance of the English power occurs in 1762, when —
a detachment of five companies of Sipahis under the direction of Mr. —
H. Verelst marched from Chittagong under the Tippera Hills through my
the southern part of Sylhet into Kachar, where they remained nearly
a year, encamping at Kaspur, then the capital and residence of Raja —
Hurrishchunder. After a lapse of seventy years the object of this —

1840.] Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent districts. 841

march had been forgotten, except by a few old persons, who stated that

it was for the conquest of Manipur, and this statement has proved to

:
|

:
:
:

be correct, the researches of Captain Pemberton having elicited the
original treaty concluded with the chief of Chittagong, under which
it was agreed that the Raja Jy Sinh of Manipur, who had been expelled
by the Burmans, should be restored by us on certain conditions, chiefly
of a commercial nature. The expedition was prevented by the diffi-
culty of the country from proceeding beyond Kaspur, and was recal-
led to assist in the war against Kasim Ali Khan.

In 1774 a detachment under Major Henniker was employed against
the Raja of Jynta, whose country was conquered, but restored on pay-
ment of a fine. The cause of this collision is supposed to have been
connected with the marauding habits to which the Kasias were then
addicted, and which had not yet been suppressed. |

There is but one point of general interest untouched, upon which I
wish to offer a few words before concluding this very long paper.
Slavery has always existed in these countries, and the number of persons
in that unhappy condition is very large. In former days there is no
doubt great atrocities were committed in regard to this matter, whole
families of hill people being sometimes carried off openly, sometimes
kidnapped, and sometimes brought under the pressure of famine, an
evil of frequent occurrence among the hills. Even in our days a
regular traffic was carried on in slaves, numbers being annually export-
ed from Kachar to Aracan through the British territories. This was
brought to the notice of the Civil authorities some years ago, and
effectually checked for the future; but the law still permits domestic

or local slavery, though it prohibits exportation, and while the hill

people continue to make war on each other, and to sell their children

in times of scarcity, perhaps it is only a wise discretion, which allows
the existence of this great moral blot on society. But apart from
legislative provisions, there is a course by which the evil might be

gradually eradicated, while prodigious benefit in another shape, would
at the sametime be conferred on all the countries in which it exists.
This is the formation of an establishment for the purchase and manu-
‘mission of slaves, more especially of children, which are often sold at
very low prices. These well brought up, and instructed in the use-
ful arts as husbandmen and artizans, would in a few years become

842 Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent districts. [No. 104.

the means of operating a great improvement in the social condition

of the people among whom they would spread, and to whom they —

would offer the sort of information which is required to elevate them
in the scale of civilization, by the example of superior morality,

intelligence, and well directed industry, which they might be expected

to exhibit.

The number of people in all these districts is on the increase, in a
country where every thing tends to encourage increase, and where
the checks, both positive and moral, are as entirely absent as they
appear to be in China. The census* taken in 1820, shewed the in-
habitants of Sylhet had more than doubled since 1801, and if little
dependance can be placed on the accuracy of these returns, enough is
known from other sources to warrant the belief of an enormous increase.
The quantity of land brought into cultivation, and the creation of
new estates by the subdivision of the old ones, are among the most un-
questionable proofs of this assertion.

Whatever doubts may be entertained, reasonably or otherwise, of the
advantages resulting to India from the rule of Britain, I cannot omit to
record my humble testimony to its value in this quarter, or to state my
belief that as in no other parts which I have visited, has that rule been
more manifestly exerted for the good of the people, so in no other has
it called forth more unequivocal marks of loyalty, attachment, and
confidence ; and far off may the day be, when these shall abate. In proof
of this, I may notice the behaviour of the people during the invasion
of Kachar in 1824, by the Burmans, when they advanced to the very
frontier of Sylhet without in any way affecting its tranquillity. But in

a more trying emergency, when the British troops were withdrawn for

the protection of Dacca, the people of Sylhet not only remained loyal,
but an offer was actually made by some influential men, to raise a levy
en masse with which to oppose the enemy, and a small force was actually
embodied, the men of which, by their local knowledge and endurance
of climate, proved of considerable use. The readiness with which
these took service at such a time, must be laid to the account of some
deeper feeling than ordinary (for their homes were on the very frontier),

* In 1801 number of persons, 492,045. In 1820, number of persons | ,083,720.

ee eee ee See Oe eS ee

1840.| Memoir of Sylhet, Kachar, & adjacent districts. $48

and that unquestionably was the dread of the devastation which accom-
panied the Burmese advance; but if the existing Government had been
unpopular, all would have been at least indifferent at a change of
masters, and some certainly would have intrigued with the enemy.
But nothing of the kind occurred, and I even succeeded in inducing
some who had been released, after falling into the enemy’s hands, to
return and act as spies on our behalf, at the risk of every thing
which a Hindu (and these were Brahmuns) values more than life.

On the other hand, many of the inhabitants of Kachar disgusted and
worn out by the oppressions of their native chiefs, did coalesce with the
Burmans, thereby proving that their dread of that sanguinary people
could be overcome by their sense of the intolerable character of the
Government under which they were groaning, and that they had reached
a point in endurance, at which any change appeared for the better. —

Memorandum on the Silk Trade between Shikarpore and Khorassan,
and on the produce of Indigo in Sinde. By Lieut. J. Postans, As-
sistant Political Agent, Upper Sinde.

The importation of raw silk from the north-west to Shikarpore
is one of the most important branches of the import trade from
that direction; the article appears to be of a superior description, and
as I am not aware of its being known in the Bombay market, I have
collected the following particulars to accompany samples.

The following are the descriptions of the raw silk, with the prices
of each in the Shikarpore Bazar, import duty paid (at one rupee six
annas per maund).

No. I. ‘ Kokanee,” from Bokhara (produced in Toorkistan) price

10* Shikarpore rupees per assar.

No. 2. “ Toonee,” from Kerat (produced in Toorkistan) 13 Rs. i2

annas per assar.

* Silk raw and in thread, prepared, is weighed at the rate of 90} Shikarpore
rupees, or | assar, or 88 Company’s rupees Jast coinage. The Shikarpore rupee at

present is worth 943 Company’s per 100 Shikarpore, or 5} per cent in favour of
the former.

844 Silk Trade between Shikarpore and Khorassan. (No. 104.

No. 3. “ Shal bafee,” from Kerat (produced in Toorkistan) 15 Rs. 10

annas per assar. vag

» 4. “ Nawabee,” from Bokhara, do. 14 Rs. 12 annas per assar.

» 0. * Gheelanee,” from Kermare and Fezed, do. 9 Rs. per assar.

» 6. “ Kaloocheer,” from Kerat do. 9 Rs. per assar.

The value of annual imports may be about 50,000 rupees, and
the route is through the great pass of the Bolan; the traders are
principally Affghauns, who visit Shikarpore with the annual Kaffillas
from October to March, though much of the article is purchased by
the Hindoo agents of the Shikarpore sowcars, who are to be found
in all the important cities and marts of the north-west, (see Sir
A. Burnes’ report on the trade of Shikarpore. )

Nos. 1, 2, 5, 6 of the raw silks above enumerated, are prepared
for weaving, and dyed at Shikarpore. The Shal bafee and Nawabee,
Nos. 3 and 4, are manufactured at Roree, on the opposite bank of
the Indus, into a silk fabric, known as “ Duryaee,” value at Roree, 7
annas per guz. The silk thread prepared at Shikarpore, and here-
after enumerated, principally finds a market at Khyrpore, Sukkur,
Roree, Larkhana, Gundava, Bagh in Cutchee, and towards Lower
Scindh, as far as Sehwan and Tattah, where it is manufactured into
“ Loonghis” of various descriptions, ‘‘ Gul-budduns,” and other fabrics
used in the country. The raw material, or prepared thread, does not —
appear to enter into the export trade of Shikarpore, with the marts of
the neighbouring countries.

List of prepared silk threads from the raw “ Kokanee.”

No. 1. “ Pestakee,” yellow, Gooljuleel, (Mettilat) dye, price 20

Rs. per assar.
» 2. ‘ Chumunee,” light green, mixture of Indigo with the
above; 20 Rs. per do.

3. “ Subz,” dark green do do. do., 20 Rs. per do.

5 4. ‘ Soormar,” Indigo do. 20. Rs. per do.

» 9. “ Koombar,” orange, Koomba (safflower) dye do. 28 Rs.
per do.
» 6. “ Tillar,” deep yellow (light gold) Koombeera ? dye do. 16 do.

»» 7. “ Koormis,” cochineal dye, crimson, do. 21 Rs. 12 annas
per do.
» 8. “ Ucho” white, undyed do. 20 Rs. do.

1840.) Silk Trade between Shikarpore and Khorassan. 845

List of prepared thread from the raw “ Zoonee”.

1. Pistakee, ) Same dyes

2. Chumunee, used as the
3. Subz, p above, price
4. Ashmanee (light blue Indigo) - | 24 Rs. per

5. <Achoo, J assar.

6. Three shades of cochineal, Rs. 26-12 per seer.

The raw silks “ Gheilanee” and “ Kuloochur,” are not in any general
use, ‘‘ Kokanee” and ‘‘ Toonee,” being the principal importations, and
the most in use.

The expense of transmitting goods from Shikarpore to the sea,
by water carriage, may be easily ascertained, as certain rates have
been established by the British Government for freight by packet
boats ; thus, from Sukkur to Kurrachee Buncher, one Company’s rupee
per maund dead weight, or one rupee per cubic foot for light goods.
The expense of transport from Shikarpore to Sukkur by the Scindh
Canal, is 4 rupee per maund, or 2 Rs. per camel, carrying 5 maunds ;
the export town duties to be paid at Shikarpore. Export duties again
at Kurrachee on raw silk would be thus— - z

Ist. Duties on purchasing in the bazar, and clearing the town
of Shikarpore, as far as the Scindh Canal—Shikarpore ru-
pees 16: 4: O per maund.

2nd. Export duty at Kurrachee about 5 Rs. per cent.

A calculation from the above may be pretty accurately formed of
the price at which the article would come into the Bombay market ;
and as it will hereafter be to the interests of the native govern-
ments to modify many of the imports which may at present be consi-
dered vexatious and offensive upon trade, silk and other commodities
from the north-west may, with the advantage of water carriage from
Shikarpore to the presidency, enter considerably into the market of
Bombay by the route of the Indus.

846

Memorandum on Indigo.

The important article of Indigo, for the production of which the
Punjaub and countries bordering the Indus would appear to possess
equal advantages with Bengal and the Delta of the Ganges, cannot fail
to attract. considerable attention, in connection with the trade of the
former river, and will in all probability enter considerably into the
‘return commodities to be looked for from those countries. The follow-
ing is the amount of last year’s crops for the Punjaub, Bhawulpore,
and Khyrpore territories, with the present prices, on the spot, of the
different descriptions.

In the Punjaub estimated quantity 17,700 maunds ; thus produced—

Districts.
1 Dera Ghazee Khan. _... es .. Mds. 3,000
2 Sooltan and Gungera. ... ... . cop gy eee
3 Gullioon, Jetepore, Noorshera, and Sa 0)
4 Canals of Sirdarwar and Bahwalwar. ....... ,, 1,200
5 Mooltan and its districts. ... 0 6. seseee 5 90,000
6 Soonadur Mahamad Kot Luwah Bukhur. ... ,, 2,000

In the Bhawulpore territories, 4,000

Districts.
1 Khanpore. Acedia ely hats bauer Sates wee yo OOD
2 Ahimedpone: 5 0ss)¢aeiak sh esshe dee 199159 | OO

In the Khyrpore territories, 2,000

Districts.
1 Meer Mobarick. 2, sat a i 600
2 Meer Rustam. a “ee eh BF 300
3 Meer Alli Morad. aaa a6 Bi és 900
4 Various places towards Piyderabit. 5s “Zoo

The total may thus be estimated at about 24,000, of which three-
fourths find a market in Khorassan, the remainder divided between
the home consumption and exports to Muscat and Bombay.

1840. ] Memorandum on Indigo. 847

The following is a list of prices at the several places where the
article is grown (duties unpaid) at Dera Ghazee Khan, a mixture
of five descriptions of Indigo, known as

aa ites BA S43 can lata: 45 per maund.
(No. 2. ay ie eo siete 4750 es
s lots Baie: h Bi ie Kis EOraaiy (ie
=a BS AY cis 433 sid 4 sli gt 85 i
ej | » 5 (best quality) ... vc oa », 60 4
RA ee Ges. al “t. wie ait eL: i
2
her pil}, fi 1 aT otgar Ge yy
5 3) 2 ve ° ° 39 58 39
ioe)
a
aa)
Ele ale ae af a ab Sane | -
g | Pe ENE GOS 9th NO SLOT as Yl Bue BL Mou
er tr) OF hen Pineal i GONG: 73)
Sg 0 a ee a ‘i Betts 0, tS
Lilie rte oly oor

Not having had the opportunity of inspecting the methods of culti-
vating and preparing the dye in these countries, I cannot offer any re-
marks or suggestions on their improvement, but there can be no doubt
that there is plenty of room for the introduction of a superior system, as
employed by the European growers of Bengal. One is evident, in the
necessity of packing it in squares, and not in the present small pieces,
whereby much waste appears to be occasioned.

The duties and expenses on the purchase and transmission of In-
digo by the river Indus to Bombay may be thus estimated—

Ist. In the Punjaub, a duty on the purchase and clearing, of Rs. 4
per maund.

2nd. In the Bhawulpore territories the duty amounts tof Rs. 3: 8: 0

* The maund differs according to the country. Indigo in the Shikarpore market is

weighed by the maund of 40 assars, each assar being equal to Shikarpore Rs. 83, or
Company’s Rupees 79 in weight.
_ f One-fourth of all Indigo purchased in the territories of Bhawulkhan, is from the Go-
_vernment share of produce, on which a duty of 10 Rs. per maund is levied, whilst the
\other three-fourths pay at the rate of 1 Rupee 8 annas per maund, making an aver-
age of about 34 Rupees for the whole, (ex-gra;—Thus, of 20 maunds purchased, 5
/wonld pay Rs. 50, and the remainder 22: 8; 0, or about 34 Rs. for the whole.)

| oP
|

848 Memorandum on Indigo. [No. 104.

3rd. In the Khyrpore territories the duty amounts to R. 1: 2, per md.
4th. Independent of the above, the transit duties are thus—

In the Punjaub, at Mittun Kote, Rs. 46: 4, per boat load.

In the Bhawulpore territories, Rs. 30 ditto

In the Khyrpore territories none. All transit duties on the river
through the Hyderabad and Khyrpore territories are cancelled under
a “ Rahdaree Purwannah” from the British authorities.

The expenses of water carriage to Bombay is calculated by the dea-
lers at about two Rupees per maund from Mooltan, and as the duties
levied at the former place are known, an estimate may be formed
of the price at which Indigo from the countries bordering on the Indus
may be brought into the Bombay market. In Shikarpore this article
does not enter largely into the trade, the consumption being only
about 100 maunds annually; it passes through Shikarpore, however,
in transit to Khorassan by the route of the Bolan pass, but the greater
quantity before alluded to, finds its way to Cabul, Bokhara, &c. by the
route of the Khybur, or the Daman pass; the latter through the
agency of the Lohana traders and their Kaffillas.

On the Historical Geography of Hindustan, and the origin of the Social State
among the Hindus. By Jas. Biro, Esq.

The state of India previous to the Mohammedan invasion, is a subject of
perplexity ; as the interested and fabulous narratives of sectaries present
but a few isolated facts to guide us in forming an opinion of the original
system of Hinduism, civil and religious.

Many, in conducting this investigation, have been more zealous in sup-
porting the antiquity of the present Hindu social state, than in searching
after historical truth; and, while unable to explain why the Sanscrit
language enters so. extensively into the provincial dialects, without grant-
ing that it was the primitive tongue, they have contended for the pre-
valent and unchangeable existence of Brahminical institutions.

In doing so they have overlooked the reasonable conclusion which,
sanctioned by the well known revolutions of the world, admits the gradual
advancement of Hinduism to its present perfection, and that it was a
religion of proselytism little more than nine centuries ago. The known
geographical distribution of tribes and nations tends to establish the just-

1840.] Historical Geography of Hindustan, &c. 849

ness of such an opinion; and the internal evidence of the Sanscrit authori-
ties gives it additional confirmation.*

To suppose that the timid natives of India, who have been subdued by
different conquerors, were not, in the early ages of Christianity, a prey to
those northern barbarians who successively deluged Europe, seems so at
variance with the events of history, that, but for some men’s partiality to
the antiquity of the present Hindu social state, this opinion could have
never gained belief.+ The Brahmans and their language were prior to the
zera of Alexander’s historians, but without the extensive dominion in India
that they now enjoy. The far spread remains of the Buddhaist religion,
and its sectaries called Jaina, to be yet seen in the caves, temples, and
monuments that extend from the neighbourhood of Balkh Bamian, on the
N. W., to Mahabatipure, on the S. E., indicate the sovereignty of a faith in
these parts, which was prior to the now prevailing Brahminical hierarchy.§

The inferences also to be drawn from the fact, that many tribes called
Melchchas|| in the institutes of Menu. and the. Puranas, are now within
the pale of the orthodox creed, would further establish a progressive

* See Mr. H. Wilson’s late account of the religious sects of the Hindus, and of
those Samas, who, as worshippers of the sun, which they esteemed as the creator and
cause of the world, were among the opponents of the famous Saiva reformer, Sankara
Acharya, who flourished some time between the beginning of the 9th and end of the
10th century (A. R. vol. xvi. p. 15)

+ Cosmas Indicopleustes, who visited India between a. pv. 535 and 547, mentions a
nation whiter than the rest, called the Hunni, who held sway over the west of India,
_ and exacted large tributes from the surrounding states. (Murray’s Asia, ii. p. 78.)

{ These form a class of dissenters from the established, or orthodox system of
Brahminism, which is now common to Hindustan. They admit of caste; will not allow
the Vedas to be of Divine origin; do not, like the Brahmans, acknowledge any
spiritual and eternal being from whom the universe derived its origin, but look on the
material world with the human soul as self-existant and eternal, and have for
their chief objects of worship, men, who, as saints, have raised themselves to the rank
of divinities. Most of their theological opinions are similar to those of the Buddhaists
and Sogatas, who do not admit of caste like the Jainas, but both worship, as subordi-
nate deities, the Pantheon of the orthodox Hindus.

§ The cave temples of Buddhaist origin are by far more numerous on the N. W.
of India than have been yet enumerated. In addition to the well known ones of
Kanari, Elephanta, Karli, Ellora, and Ajainta, there are many more in the Dekhan and
Konkan, such as those at Nasik, Junir, Aurungabad, Karrar, Mahar, &c.; in Malwa,
and Rajputana, we find those of Bagh, and Gawalior; and I have heard of others
in the Madras territories.

| A general appellation for the unclean tribes that are not within the pale of the
Hindu religion ; and who are usually styled degraded Kshetryas. This would seem to
imply that they did not conform to the Brahminical rites when others of the same
original stock did. The different divisions of them are to be found enumerated in
Wilson’s Sanscrit Dictionary. Some of those identified are the Odros, Urias, or
people of Orissa; the Draviras, or people of Madura and Tanjore, on the Coromandel
Coast, who are now orthodox Hindus.

850 Mistorical Geography of Hindustan, &c. [No. 104.

change of opinion, and the gradual conversion of the aborigines of India to
the present established system of religion.*
Inasmuch, moreover, as the obscure subject of a nation’s origin can
admit of proof, when facts have been mistified through religious imposture,
or the most recent annals perverted by fable, it may be reasonably
contended for, that in the age of Herodotus, the Brahmans of India, the
people of Persia, and those at the sources of the river Hydaspes, Sind, and
Oxus, followed nearly the same faith, and were not dissimilar in manners.
It would appear that the religion they followed was the Sabean, or that
which enjoining a respect for the host of heaven, as the noblest symbol
of a deity, constituted the primitive idolatry of mankind.+ It derived
its name from the Sabeans, an ancient people of Arabia,{ and was pro-

* Some of the Puranas are of very little antiquity, as would appear from the text
of the Padma Purana, which makes mention of Ramanuja, the celebrated Vishnava
reformer, who flourished in the middle of the 12th century, and was cotemporary with
Vishnu Verddhana, the fourth Belal Raja of Devarasamudra (see A. R. xvi. p. 28.)
From what the Bakhta Mala, (A. R. xvi. p. 43,) asserts of the sectaries from
Ramanuja, called Ramanandis, according to whose tenets the distinction of caste was
inadmissible, we may safely infer that formerly a member of any tribe who as-
sumed the garb of a mendicant, and devoted himself to penance, would have gained
admission tothe Hindu community. If we may credit the narration of Sadi, as given
at the end of his Bustan, he was permitted, as a mendicant, to perform Hindu
rites at the temple of Somnat. This happened in the 13th century ; and though he
calls the Brahmans Moghs, or fire-worshippers, it is scarcely possible that one, so
generally well informed as is Sadi, could have done so in ignorance, or without
having observed some connecting link of similarity.

+ In reference to this subject I cannot forbear quoting an opinion of Mr. Prinsep,
expressed in his Journal for September 1834, the justness of which appears supported by
the evidence of inscriptions in Western India, and of the coins which the late Secretary
of the Asiatic Society so ingeniously and successfully illustrated. ‘‘ It is not surprising,”
sayshe, ‘‘thaton the Indian side of the Persian monarch’s dominions, in a part proba-
bly under his influence, if not directly under his sway, we should find the fire-altar, or
the image of the sun, replaced by Krishna among the Hindus, or Buddha among the
Buddhaists ; both of them personating the sun in their respective mythologies.”’

Whatever forms of the Hindu religion were prevalent at the time, the adoption of
the sun as the ostensible representation of Divine power, either in accordance with the
commands of the ruling prince, or from a natural tendency towards an union of the
Brahminical and Magian faith, could not present many difficulties. ‘* We must not be
surprised,’ says Sir William Jones, ‘‘at finding that the characters of all the Pagan
deities, male and female, melt into each other, and at last into one or two; for it seems
a well-founded opinion, that the whole crowd of gods and goddesses in ancient Rome
and modern Varanes (Benares), mean only the powers of nature, and principally those
of the sun, expressed in a variety of ways, and by a multitude of fanciful names.”’

+ The origin of the name is not clearly ascertained, but has been traced by some
etymologists to the Arabic word Sabaa, signifying arising star. The word wyletlLo
sabihat in that language is also made to signify stars, planets, and angels; but I
can assert nothing positive regarding the word Sabean.

1840. | Historical Geography of Hindustan, &c. 851

fessed, in common with them, by the Persians, previous to the reformation
of their religion by Zertusht, or Zoroaster, who introduced the worship of
fire. The esoteric system of Sabeism was, apparently a pure theism,
whilst its exoteric rites led to a stupid idolatry among the lower orders
of the people.* In this respect it observed a distinction that prevails even
in the Vedas, which have their Karma Kanda, and Guyana Kanda, a
ritual and theology ;+ and would go far to establish an opinion, which has
been entertained by many, that there is an identity in the astronomy
and mythology of the ancient Arabs, Egyptians, and Hindus. Ferishta
indeed tells us, that when Mohammed Kasim, the general of the Khalif
Walid, invaded Sind, a. pv. 711, the Hindu pilgrims resorted to Mekka
and Egypt, for the purpose of paying adoration to the idols there,
which they looked to with the utmost veneration ;{ and there is much to
make us believe that such an intercourse existed prior to the mission
of the Prophet Mohammed.

The Persians had, at a very early period, adopted the worship of the
sun, fire, and other elements ;§ the Scythian Massagetze appear to have
professed a similar faith,|| and Mr. Colebrooke has admitted, “that the
earliest Indian sect, of which we have any distinct knowledge, is that
of the followers of the practical Vedas, who worshipped the sun, fire, and
other elements.’

Such are the data for concluding that about five centuries before our zra
the inhabitants of these countries were connected in religion, and could not
have widely differed in their habits, when, as Herodotus tells us, the
inhabitants of Casapatyrus,** or Kashmir, most resembled the Bactrians in
their manners.

The Brahmans consider Kashmir as their original country, and tradition-
ally relate they were led from thence into the plains of Hindustan by their
leader Kasyapa,t+ whose character is well known to the Brahminical and
Buddhaist mythology.

* See Sir Wm. Jones’s discourse on the Arabs, A. R. ii. p. 9.

¢ Wilson on the Hindu Sects. A. R. xvi. p. ii.

{ Brigg’s Translation of Ferishta; vol. iv. p. 402.

§ Herodotus in Cho. p. 131, and Erskine on the Sacred Books of the Parsees. Bom-
bay Transactions. vol. ii. p. 3061.

|| Herodotus, p. 215.

7 A. R, vol. ix. p. 273. i

** It was so called among the Greeks, having been colonized by the followers of the
sage Kasyapa, whose name in ordinary pronunciation, becomes Kashap, See A. R.
_vol. xv. p. 117.

tt He is the sixth terrestial Buddha among the Nepalese, and the predecessor of
Gautama. The same enumeration of Buddhas as known in Nepal, is made by Mr.
Colebrooke, in his account of the Jains. A. R. vol. ix. p. 303. Quarto.

852 Historical Geography of Hindustan, &c. [No. 104.

His name continued to distinguish a numerous tribe of the former, previ-
ous to the comparatively modern divisions of five Gaurs and five Dravers ;
or the yet more recent distinctions that obtain among them in different
provinces of India. This general idea of their northern origin, which pre-
vails among the better informed of the Brahminical sect, would appear in
all respects worthy of belief; since there is evidence of such an event to
be found in the traces of people belonging to the Hindu stock, migrating
to the south. These are manifest in the names of countries enumerated
by Sanscrit geographical works, that were originally affixed to stations
north and south of the Himala mountains, and became applicable, in the
course of time, to places in the south of India. Such was evidently the
course by which the northern countries of Madra and Pandiya* transferred
their names to the provinces of Madura and Marwar, on the Coromandel
Coast; and by which Virata,+ a part of the kingdom of Trigerta, or Lahore,
came to be considered one of the seven Konkanas situated in the south.

It is unnecessary to inquire whether they, who carried these names
southward, were of the purely Brahminical or Buddhaist faith ; for it may
be truly asserted, that both religions in their origin were connected, and
that the greater antiquity is in favour of the Brahmans, or the orthodox
followers of the Vedas. Such would appear to be the import of the pas-
sage, quoted from the institutes of Menu by Sir William Jones, that,
“ Many families of the military class having gradually abandoned the
‘ordinances of the Vedas, and the company of the Brahmans, lived in a
“‘ state of degradation; as the people of Paudraca and Odra, those of
“‘ Dravira and Camboja, the Yavanas and Sacas, the Paradas and Pahlavas,
“‘ the Chinas, and some other nations.” From this we learn, that a great
revolution, both in religion and in government, was effected about this
time; and that these nations conforming no longer to the Sabean idolatry,
which had been common to the east, adopted an altered system of religious

* The southern provinces of Madra or Madru and Pandiya are particularly men-
tioned in a grant of land (A. R. vol. ix. p. 428,) made during the time of Rotshamalla
Raja, by the minister Babakaja, a descendant from Kasyapa. In the Hindu geogra-
phical work, called the Shapte Sambheda, and quoted by Mr. Ward (vol. iv. p.
456,) they are placed more to the north, and were originally the same as the Pundda
Regia of the ancients, now identified with Sogdiana, or the valley of Samarkand.
The date of the grant is Salivahana era 1095, a. pv. 1173.

t+ Some account of Virata, as one of the Konkans, will be found in Mr. Wilson’s
account of the Mackenzie Collection (p. xcix,) and in Grant Duff’s enumeration of
the same, (Hist. of the Marahtas, vol. i. p. 4) ; it appears under the corrupted name of
Marwar, extending from Bancote to Bassein, inclusive of Bombay. ‘The Marahta
traditions relate that Virat Rai, who was the Rajah of Wai, near Satara, accompanied
the Pandus to the battle of Kuruket; which though doubtful as a fact, evinces that he

received his title from the country of Virata, a political division of India, that was
originally more to the north than Wai.

1840. | Historical Geography of Hindustan, &c. 853

belief. This consisted, as would appear, in the worship of Mahat, or
intellect made manifest, as Gautama Buddha, with the introduction of an
atheistical philosophy, which reasoning from material objects to the exis-
tence of spirit, confounded the shadow with the reality, and denied the
existence of whatever was not cognizable by the senses. Some such
difference in opinion brought about the Mahabarat, or great war in which
the Pandus, with Krishna,* espoused the cause of the innovators, while
Dritarashtra Raja and the Kurus held to the original faith. About this
time, also, Viyasa collected and arranged the Vedas, which consisted ori-
ginally of the prayers and hymns, or their Sanhita, that preceded, in Mr.
Colebrooke’s opinion, the Bramhana, or theological part.

The division of the people into four castes followed, if it was not co-
temporary with these innovations, and was effected about the period of
the Macedonian conquest, if as we may infer from the respectful men-
tion of the Yavana, or Greek power, in the Mahabharat, the composition
of this poem dates posterior to the Macedonian conquest of India.f Some
hold an opinion that the institution of caste, with its extravagant preten-
sions to antiquity, had been matured in Hindustan Proper long prior
to the time of Alexander’s historians. Those entertaining this belief have
pretended to discover that the enumeration of classes made by Arrian
is the exact counterpart of divisions now acknowledged by the Hindus.
The probability of this cannot be granted without great latitude, and the
seven classes of employment into which the Hindus were then distributed,
as detailed by that writer, cannot be admitted to be identical with the now
existing divisions of this people, into Brahmans, Kshetriyas, Vaisiyas, and
Shudras. The former would have been found among the Egyptians, and
were as characteristic of them as of the Hindus ; whilst the other arrange-
ment was effected, in all probability, about the time when the Sanscrit
writers composed the earliest poetical works of the latter. If the Maha-
bharat, or poem of the great war, was composed soon after the Greek
conquest, the reformation of orthodox Brahmanism would be placed not
long before the Christian zra.{ The Mahabharat may be then admitted’

* Krishna’s existence, as a real historical personage among the Hindus, is more than
doubtful. He every where appears as the hero of fable, and whatever is believed
regarding him, belongs to one whom the Hindus had heard of rather than known as a
leader among themselves.

+ See note v. on the history of Kashmir, A. R. vol. xv. p. 102.

{ The Arab historian and geographer, Al-Masudi, who wrote a. p. 949, tells us that
schism in the Hindu religion happened during the reign of Korish; and if his chrono-
logy for this event can be trusted, the origin of the Indian sectaries will be fixed at the
commencement of our era. Three hundred and twenty years elapsed, it is said, from
the death of Phur (the Porus of Alexander’s historians) to that of Korish ; and if this
be correct, the quarrel between the Buddhas and Brahmans happened B. c. 7. _

$54 Historical Geography of Hindustan, &¢. [No. 104.

to contain historical materials of some value; and accounts of recent
events, greatly exaggerated by allegorical references to ages long past,
and to mysteries in religion, that were little remembered, or imperfectly
understood. Such is, I think, the correct supposition, and from thence we
may trace, as among other nations, the origin of fable, and the genealogy
of their gods.

The Brahmans did not long follow the astronomical religion of the Vedas
without speculating on the divine nature, and that of celestial spirits.
They personified the elements and the planets as the types of that unap-
proachable God whom they worshipped; and as Mr. Colebrooke says,
‘“‘ peopled heaven and the world below with various orders of beings.”
Their wonder at contemplating the infinite glory of the heavens, made
them vent their sentiments in allegory. Their allegories, leading them
astray from the great First Cause, gave rise to varied existences of the divini-
ty, and these yet farther distracting their attention from the unity of God’s
nature, led to a system of meditation and mysticism, in regard to spirit, of
which the promised benefit was to obtain liberation from this life, and union
with the great Eternal Cause. This, which was common to the East, existed
alike among the ancient Arabs and the Hindus; and though some are
inclined to believe that the Sufyism of the Mohammedans derived its
origin from the Yoga, or abstraction of the latter, yet we may trace it to a
more remote system of Deism, the Kaballa of the Jews.*

A few extracts from the Sanscrit authorities, will shew us that this
view of a very obscure subject is strictly deducible from the order of opini-
ons as there made apparent. The prayer of the Veda, called Gayatri, con-
cludes with these words---‘‘ Let us meditate on the Divine Ruler, (Savi-
tri;) may it guide our intellects. Desirous of food, we solicit the gift of
the splendid. sun, (Savitri) who should be studiously worshipped. Vener-
able men, guided by the understanding, salute the divine sun, (Savitri) with
oblations and praise.”+ This bears evident traces of Sabeism; which are

* According to Selden, the Kaballa of the Jews was a belief in the doctrines of the
traditional law, held in almost equal reverence with the written one. It treated of
divine things, of the more abstruse parts of their faith, of angels, and various symbols.
The appellation Kabala, Map. in Hebrew, bears nearly the same interpretation
as Kiblah |,$: in Arabic, signifying any thing that is before one, or the altar ; and
the Jews, by meditating on this, promised themselves a superior knowledge of celestial
existences. The doctrines of this worship, combined with natural magic, became the
foundation of what is believed by the Sufis, or followers of the truth. The authors of
the middle ages, and the modern Greeks, who enumerate the different tribes situated
west of the Indus, speak of those called Hakak, or those adoring the truth. These
were free, and worshipped the sun and stars, as did the ancient Arabs. See dissertation
on the travels of two Mohammedans. p. 176. ;

t+ Ward on the Hindus, vol. iv. p. 93.

1840. | Historical Geography of Hindustan, &c. 855

yet more distinctly marked in the hymn from the Sama Veda; where Brah-
ma is characterized as the light of the moon, of the sun, of the fire, of
the lightning, and all that shines.*

It may be well doubted if such a thing as Sabeism ever existed, without
being mingled with that species of idolatry called Pantheism ; and which
teaches that the divine nature, penetrating every thing, makes itself
known by its operations. Such, indeed, is the Sabeism of the Vedas ;
where the Supreme Being, in his works of creation, preservation, and de-
struction, is celebrated under the names of Brahma, Vishnu, and Shiva.

The founders of this system, reasoning on the nature of the deity,
and the world’s physical energies, disseminated their hypothesis on the
origin of the universe; and thus founded the six philosophical schools,
or Darshanas of the Hindus, that were, certainly in existence prior to the
composition of the Mahabharat. Their names are the Voishesika, the
Niyaya, the Mimansa, the Sankhya, the Patangala, and the Vedanta. This
last, which is the school of Viyasa, who compiled the Vedas, is generally
considered to be the most recent in its origin; but was, I think, the
first in natural order and in practice; being a commentary on the theology
of these books, written to support their somewhat ambiguous theism
against the attacks of the Sankhya School, which had advocated Material-
ism. Its doctrines, which incline to pure Idealism, maintain that spirit is —
all in all, made manifest through its union with allusion, or gross
matter; and by supposing that the Supreme Being is disguised in many
forms, divine, human and animal, they introduce what has been called
Theomorphism. This blended with Sabeism and Pantheism forms the
systematic Polytheism of the Brahmans.

The Sankhya, which appears connected with the religion of the younger
Buddha, or Gautama, is atheistical, and inculcates Materialism. It declares
that Mahat is the principle which is named the reasoning faculty,
and springs from matter; and that its synonyms are Vishnu, the all-per-
vading ; and Buddhi, the understanding. It is hostile to the Veda and the
Smritis, or law books; asserting, “ that he, who in the body has obtained
emancipation, is of no caste, of no sect, of no order, attends to no duties,
adheres to no Shasters, to no formulas, and to no works of merit.’’+

Opinions such as these were adopted by the followers of Buddha; who
soon became so numerous and powerful as to be more than a match for
those who adhered to the ancient religion. The two hostile sects of Bud-
dha and Brahma were evidently cognate, and of contemporary origin:

* Ward on the Hindus, vol. iv. p. 82.
¢ See Ward’s Translation of the Sankhya Sara, vol. iy.
2Q

856 Historical Geography of Hindustan, &c. [No. 104.

though the latter, as adherents of the Vedas, and the Sabean idolatry, truly
lay claim to superior antiquity.

Sabeism was, as we have endeavoured to shew, the original religion
of the people east and west of the river Indus; and was followed by a
modification of its original tenets, now known as the faiths of Buddha and
Brahma. The people who believed the last, occupied the banks of the
Ganges and Hindustan Proper; those who professed the other, were on
either bank of the Indus, and in the south of India. The two rival sects
appear to have existed in amity with each other, until the Brahmans,
having introduced caste, and erideavoured to exalt themselves above their
_ opponents, brought on the Mahabarat, or great war, that happened
posterior to the time of Alexander the Great’s expedition to India. In
modifying the Sabeism of the Vedas, they introduced the monstrous fables
of the Puranas, with the deification of abstract properties, under the name
of gods. In doing this they addressed the ignorant spirit of the people,
whose seers and astrologers they were; and, having artfully incorporated
the opinions of existing sects with their own, claimed for their religion
unchanging uniformity, though this faith, made up of all systems, is so
heterogeneous, as to be incapable of an analysis that would resolve it
into its separate sources. :

The origin of the Buddhaist system can be traced back five centuries
before the Christian zra, but its followers were for long after limited in
number and power. Though there be nothing but conjecture, on which
we may found an opinion, whether Balkh and Benian, or the districts —
eastward of the Indus were the countries ofits nativity, we possess internal
evidence, in the religions of Zertusht and Buddha, that they were for some
time connected, and the affinity existing between the Zend and Sanscrit
languages, would further warrant us to conclude, with Sir William Jones,* —
“‘ that a powerful monarchy was established in Persia, and that it was,
’ when Sabeism was the religion of both
countries. This monarchy, or the Mahabadian empire of Persia, is cele-
brated among the Buddhaists of Ceylon, as we learn from the report of the |
Colombo Bible Society, for 1816; and the fact of the same being known in —
the tradition of the Buddhas, evinces that these seceders from Sabeism, -
who spread themselves over the south of India, existed in intimate con-
nection with the followers of Zertusht. The coins and relics lately dis-
covered in the sepulchral monuments, that exist in the Punjab and the

in truth, a Hindu monarchy,’

vicinity of Cabul, bear evidence to the correctness of this opinion ; and the
narratives of the Arab historians lead us to infer, that the fire-temple, in

* See his Discourse on the Persians, A. R. vol. ii.

1840. | Historical Geography of Hindustan, &c. 857

India, dedicated to Helios, or the sun, and which was permitted to escape
destruction, on three times the value of its precious things having been
given to the Mohamedan conqueror Hijaj-bin Yusuf, was no other than the
Buddhaist temple of Multan, called “the happy house of gold.”

a a The communication, between India and Persia, which had
existed from the earliest times, was not interrupted till the twenty-
third year of the Hijira when the followers of Mohammed, having sub-
dued the province of Khorasan, and countries west of the Indus, be-
came masters of the pastoral tribes in that quarter.* The intercourse of
the Hindus with the aborigines on the north of India, was not finally

a. v. 675. Closed until thirty years after, when the Tartars of the north-west
were forced to submit their necks to the yoke of Islam. The subsequent
wars and aggressions of the Mohammedans, to the north-east, drove these
nomades to the south, some of whom having conformed to the institution
of caste, and other gods of the Brahminical Pantheon, gave rise to a
modification of their then Buddhaist tenets, which is now known under the
name of the Jaina religion. This had its origi, as would appear, when
the rival sects of Buddha and Siva were striving for superiority in Hin-
dustan; and arose from a union of the two systems endeavouring to
reconcile the more objectionable parts of the Buddhaist faith to the received
opinions of the orthodox Hindus. Brahmans, however, formed part of both
religions, and the inhabitants of the island of Bali distinguished them, in
the twelfth century, as the sects of Buddha and Siva.t The great influx

a. pv. 1166. towards the Dekhan and country south of the Narbada of those
professing the latter faith, about this time, will account for the migration of
the Buddhaists, or the Jaina sectaries of this faith, into the islands of the
Indian ocean. ;

A Brahmanical invasion, from the north, is traditionally ascribed to a
prince named Mayura Verma;t who was the founder of the Kadumba, or
Karamma race of Rajputs. By the most consistent account he is placed
in the ninth century; but flourished, probably somewhat later. The
greatest influx of Rajputs to the Dekhan happened, however, from the
beginning of the tenth to the end of the twelfth century, caused by
the conquest of Mahmud of Guzna, and his successors.

The Jainas assert, that “in the time of Bijjala Raya, who ruled with
renown in the city of Kalayana,§ the Dakshen of Hindustan was conquered
4 Price’s Mahomedan Annals, vol. i. p. 138.

t Crawford on the people of Bali; A. R. vol. xiv.

{ See Mayura Verma Cheritra in the Catalogue of the McKenzie collection vol. ii.

« 90.

Be It is generally called Kalyan, or Kayani; and lies about fifty miles north of
Kulberga, in the Dekhan. |

— 858 Historical Geography of Hindustan, &c. — [No. 104.

by the Sadapramans,’* or followers of the Vedas: and this tradition is
attested by the sculpture in the caves of Ellora, where the union of the
Buddhaist and Brahminical faiths declares them to be the works of the
Jainas, or some similar sect, labouring to accommodate a belief and reliance
on mortals of transcendent virtue to the worship of the gods that are
chiefly esteemed in the Hindu Pantheon. The Brahmans who have visited
the caves of Ellora and Ajunta, deny the possibility that any part of the
sculptures could have been executed by the orthodox sect.+

These Buddhaist sectaries on having changed their original faith, were
designated by the name of Rajputs; and executed the magnificent temples
of Abu, and other such stupendous works, on the banks of the Indus.
They have preserved no record of their origin excepting traditions ; which
their bard Chandra embodied in his work, the Prithvi Raya Riyasa. Prithvi
Raya, or Pithora, who is the hero of the tale, became, from his connexion
with the first Mohammedan conquerors, the subject of real history ; and the
poem, which celebrates his exploit, can claim no higher antiquity than
a. Dp. 1192; when this Lord Protector of the feudal barons of India, as

mentioned in my introduction to the Mirat Ahmedi, fell at the battle of |

Tanessar.

* See account of the Jainas, A. R. ix. p. 247.

+ Mr. Erskine’s lucid observations on the Caves of the Dekhan, have shed much light
on a very obscure subject ; but I cannot agree with the learned gentleman in thinking
that any of them were ever executed by Brahmans, except in connexion with the fol-
lowers of Buddha, whose guides they were in introducing Jaina innovations.

Norr.—The paper now communicated, was read at a meeting of the Bombay Branch
of the Royal Asiatic Society, so early as December 1835, but withdrawn, before the

brilliant discoveries of the late Mr. Prinsep had given currency to facts, that bear out -

generally the truth of opinions here maintained. The explanation of the several
series of coins found in the north-west of India, the interpretation of the Lath and
Cave Inscriptions, and the translation of the Mahawanso by Mr. Turnour, with other

collateral coincidence, have strengthened the writer’s conviction of the justness of

opinions then formed. They have been kept unpublished, as some orientalists, whose

acquirements the writer respects were opposed to them; though these had only been ‘
accustomed to view the Hindu social state through the glass of Brahmanical representa-

tion, and distorted Sanscrit evidence. The president, however, in thanking Dr. Bird

for his paper, which had been listened to with much interest, observed, ‘* that while he

was prepared to dispute some of its important positions, it was but fair that it should
be laid before the learned world, for candid criticism, in the state in which it had been
communicated to the Society.”

859
Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.
( Wednesday Evening, 4th November, 1840. )
Col. J. A. Hopeson in the Chair.
Library and Museum.

The following books, &c. were presented :— |
Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia—Treatise on Malacology, .. «. «ss «+ e» 1
Philosophical Magazine and Journal of Science, 3rd Series, Vol. 16th, No. 101,

and 105, February and June, 1840. 2.0 2. se ce oe oe oe ee te 2
Proceedings of the Geological Society of London, Vol, 3rd, No. 67, 1840. .. 1
Oriental Christian Spectator, 2nd Series, Vol. Ist, No. 9, September 1840, .. lL
List of Works relating to India, published by W. H: AttEN and Co. .. ..
History of British Birds, by W. Yarrex, London, Parts 14 and 15; Septem-

Sermon overiper, 1G40b: (5.5 wc lee ae es. wa eee os ee ee Sele

Chinese Repository, Vol. 8th, No. 9, January, 1840, .. .. .. «2 of « IL

Asiatic Journal and Monthly Register for British and Foreign India, China,
and Australasia, February, 1840, Vol. 31st, No. 122. New Series, 8vo. ewe |

Transactions of the Society for the Encouragement of Arts, &c. 1839, Vol.
TAS fon laiaitl ate iilisie (ic aeudpsisl juss fileas/ioeidines td elo) dee La

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, London,
ee MRIS hi gi Loin Mis eiest- hirclw Als sin i\y' eid Sad Ad aisha sie us Severin dil ne uk ae peal:

Annals of Natural History, or Magazine of Zoology, Botany, and Geology,
by JaRDINE and Sesy, London, July, 1840, No. 32, 8vo. .. .. «. « |

Annales des Sciences Naturelles, Zoologie, et pour Botanique, par AUDOWINE
et Epwarps; Tome 12th, Paris, Aofit 1839, 2nd Series, .. .. «of «» 2

Column at Corygaum, to the memory of Captain Staunton, 182],.. .. .. 1

Sketch to ditto, Madras 1818, .. .. .-

ee 2@e ee ee ee ee ee ee i
The Officiating Secretary submitted to the inspection of the meeting, an old Chinese
Coin presented by W. E, Stirling, Esq. with the following memorandum—

** This is an old Chinese Coin. It was stated to have been coined before the Tartar
Dynasty occupied China. It is presented through me by Captain Atcock, who obtain-
ed it at Macao. The twelve animals which surround the inner circle and inscription,
probably represent the signs of the Zodiac, but not in such distinct characters as to
be free from doubt. The Chinese characters of the inner inscription can probably be
read by those versed in that language. The obverse side represents two Dragons.
I am sorry I cannot offer any particular observations, but trust that this coin will be
esteemed a rarity of no small interest.’’

Read a letter from Lieut. A, CunnincHam, from which the following is an
extract—

“I have had a long letter from Lady Sale, and she promises me impressions of all
curious coins that she may meet with. Sir Rosert had been opening a Tope, but

860 Asiatic Society. [No. 104,

was disturbed by Dost MaHomEpD. Poor Epwarp Cono. y too, had commenced
work upon the great Khybar Tope, which is said to be the most magnificent in India, by
those who never went two miles out of their road to see the great Benares Tope,
which is 110 feet high.

‘<If I was at Patna, I would have the topes across the Ganges opened in two months.
I can hear of nothing near this place. I hope however to be able to pay a visit to
Faizabad, near which I hear, that there is a pillar. :

‘‘T have a short inscription of the time of Govinpa CuunprRaA Deva, of Kanouj,
the predecessor of VisayaA CuunprA Deva, the prince mentioned in the long in-
scription of which Colonel CauLFIELD has sent you a copy. My short inscription
mentions, GASALA DssBEs as the wife of GovinDa CHUNDRA.”’

Read a further letter from the same officer, with reference to which the Officiating
Secretary earnestly begged, that notice might be taken by any member of the So-
ciety, or indeed any individual whose position and inclinations might enable him
to serve the cause of Antiquarian research in Behar, alluded to in the latter portion

of the letter, which was then read as follows—

‘¢ T am now lithographing a large drawing of a beautiful silver patera of a Sassanian
king on horseback, killing a lion—2nd Shahpore? It has an inscription which I am
to get shortly.

‘* T have heard of no new genuine coins, but the forged coins are becoming plentiful,
and I think I have discovered the forger. The fellow has not much character to lose,
but, I think an exposure will put others on their guard against purchasing coins from
him.

‘“‘ The country north of Patna is full of topes, none of which have been opened :—

‘© 1, The Kesariah mound, 20 miles N. of Bokhra, in sight of the Gunduk.

«¢2. A mound of solid brickwork, about 40 feet high, near Bassar.

«<3. At Bokhra (ot the Azimgurh Bokhra) 13 kos north of Patna, and 6 kos north of
Singhea—a pillar and tope of solid brickwork ; a horizontal excavation was made by
a doctor of Mozufferpore 35 years ago, (therefore the first excavator of a tope), but

nothing was found.
** Could you not manage to have an excavation made from the top to the foundation,

in a perpendicular direction ? Some one at Patna, or Mozufferpore, might superintend
the work. The pillar also should have an inscription, which is probably under
ground.”’

The Officiating Secretary submitted to the Meeting the reply from Major Rawtin-
son of Candahar, to a communication which he had addressed to that able Antiquarian,
in which he had begged him to undertake the duties of Corresponding Secretary in
Affghanistan. The Society, the Officiating Secretary observed, would not fail to
regret exceedingly the difficulties which interfere with Major RawLINsoNn’s accepting
this office; and which he had requested him to undertake in common with the late
Capt. ConoLty, who working in a different part of the country, might have devoted his

energetic endeavours to the furtherance of some of the main objects of the Society.

a eee es 6 ee Se ee ee ee ee

ie eo cl. a od ee ey

1840. | Asiatic Society. 861]

** It was with extreme gratification that I received your letter of September 9th, a
few days ago, enclosing the official notice of my admission into the Asiatic Society, and
conveying to me the very flattering offer of acting as Corresponding Secretary to your
institution across the Indus; fond as I am of the study of antiquities, there could hardly
be a greater pleasure to me, than filling the situation you propose, which would place
me in communication with all the most skilful antiquaries and numismatologists of
India, but really and truly, I have not the time to bestow on the duties of so fascinating
an employment ; being now in a laborious and responsible Political situation, I feel it —
incumbent on me to sacrifice, to a due fulfilment of my public duties, those pursuits
which for many years past have formed my chief study and delight, and which when
I am once fairly engaged on them, possess for me all the attraction that attaches
the opium-eater to his drug. I have now brought myself to eschew antiquities upon
principle, leaving unfinished several papers for which I am pledged to Societies in
London, Paris, and Vienna, and it would be perfect ruin to me to be subjected afresh
to the temptations which the office of your Corresponding Secretary would necessarily
throw in my way. Epwarp Conno.ty would have been a most zealous and efficient
coadjutor, and would probably have had it in his power to command the requisite
leisure, but, alas! you will have heard long since of his untimely fate, and I doubt
if there is any one in the country qualified to supply his place.

“*T should like, if I found during the winter that public business was not very press-
ing, to give you a series of letters to be published monthly in your Journal, tracing
the outlines of such Historical and Geographical information as we possess regarding
Affghanistan from the earliest ages to the present day, and inviting inquiry on all mat-
ters of interest referring to the different epochs, but I could promise nothing more than
outlines, for I certainly have not the information (and I almost doubt its being pro-
curable) to fill up details, or attempt any thing like analysis; something of the sort
however certainly requires to be done; hitherto the numismatical discoveries have
hardly been turned to any account; we havea long list of names, but there has been
no attempt to appropriate them to the different tribes and dynasties of which, chiefly
through the Chinese authorities, we can darkly trace the succession in the regions be-
tween the Oxus and the Indus, still less has there been any endeavour to affiliate these
tribes, or to work out their descent into the. page of modern history.

‘<I beg to return you my best thanks for the impression of Pottinger’s cylinder, it is
arelic at least as ancient as the times of Cyrus and Darius, and must have travelled
from the banks of the Euphrates to the spot where it was found in the Paropamisan
mountains. The inscription is in the Hieartic Babylonian character, and is in fact
the usual formula (probably a prayer) found upon all these sacred cylinders. This
character, which is the third or complicated class of cuneiform writing, is crept in
a few signs conjecturally rendered by Burnouf, altogether undecypherable. It is
probably syllabic, and certainly embodies a semitic language. The means of rendering
it intelligible are, however, I believe, in existence, and if I ever return to Persia, and
can devote a year or two to the task, I do not despair of mastering it by the assist-
ance of the Zend literal cuneiform characters, which I perfectly understand, and which

862 Asiatic Society. [No. 104.

is employed in the inscriptions, to render the translations from the Babylonian into the ~

ancient Persian. The character being once decyphered, the language to which it is ap-
propriated will no doubt be found cognate with the Phenician, and I assert with confi-
dence, that the knowledge thus obtained will open to us (always following the Mosai-
cal early history of the world) an insight into the common original language of man-
kind, as thousands of bricks stamped with this writing are found in the foundations of
the tower of Babel, and must have been placed there before the confusion of tongues,
when the language spoken in the plain of Shinar, was, I suppose it will be admitted, the
same that Adam and Eve used in Paradise, and this I believe is about the ultimate
limit that antiquarianism reaches ; joking apart, however, there is no doubt but the read-
ing of this character will give us a decent knowledge of the history of Assyria and
Babylonia from Nimus to Sadanapalus and Nebuchadnezar; the records are most
ample. .

‘¢ The inscription on Hutton’s antique, gives the title of the king as Palash (the Vola-
gases of the Greeks) and from the style of the Pehleivee writing, probably refers to the
_ Sassanian monarch of that name; but I have not yet satisfied myself as to the exact
meaning of the entire legend. I have a vast number of impressions of Sassanian gems
with legends, and willendeavour some day to give you a paper on them; but the subject
is very obscure, and requires a still greater field of collation, than I have hitherto suc-
ceeded in accumulating.

‘*Coins are scarce in this part of the country, and the nomenclature of Bactrian and
Melo-Scythian numismatology is, I fancy, pretty well exhausted, but all the useful
part of the science requires, as I have already observed, still to be elaborated.”

The Officiating Secretary submitted a note of charges for the printing of Part 2d, Vol.
II of the Researches of the Society, and again suggested that a volume of Transactions
might be prepared in octavo, should the Committee of Papers determine that the
materials, which the Officiating Secretary was prepared to submit to them, were of a
nature to admit of publication; the octavo form was, the Officiating Secretary observed,
of advantage, not only as regarded the saving of expence, but also for facility of carriage,
which was a matter of some importance for a Society which communicated with cor-
responding members at so great a distance as did the Asiatic Society of Bengal.

(Suggestion referred to the Committee of Papers.)

Read a letter from Capt. T. S. Burt, of which the following is a copy—

** Since my letter to you of the 19th October, I have been over to Chitore, and
taken facsimiles of the inscriptions I met with there; their age is about 750 years, as
well as I can make out; Tod speaks of those on the lofty pillar, but not of two others,
which I found in an old temple there; I shall defer sending them to Calcutta for the
present.

**T have found some images of marble at Ajmere, 650 years of age, with inscriptions
on their pedestals.

1840. | Asiatic Society. : 863

«J am now about to proceed to mount Aboo, celebrated by Tod, and I hope to find
some Pali writing, as well as other characters there.

‘“« My principal object in writing to you now, is this—my brother of the 64th states,
that when looking for my ost drawings either in the Society’s apartments or inthe Mint,
he found a number of facsimiles of old inscriptions bearing my signature, which were
thrown aside in consequence of James PrinseEp’s illness; now as many of them, a few
in particular, were very valuable, and of considerable age, as the pillars upon which
I found them testify, I think it right to bring the circumstance to your notice, with
a hope that you will not allow them to lie any longer as they now do, ‘ unnoticed

9 399

and unknown.

The query put by Capt. Burt, regarding the fate of his inscriptions, was directed

to be referred to the executors of the late Secretary, Mr. JAMES PRINSEP.

Read a report from the Officiating Curator to the Society’s Museum, together with
the following observations recorded by the Officiating Secretary, in submitting that

Report to the Committee of Papers.

** I have the honor to submit to the Committee of Papers, the accompanying report
by our present Officiating Curator. The zeal with which Mr. PrppiNGTow is enter-
ing on his task of arresting the progress of decay, will I trust be as grateful to the Com-
mittee, who were the cause of his temporary appointment, as his labours are certain
of being useful to the Society.”

“To H. Torrens, Esa.
* Dear Sir, “* Officiating Secretary of the Asiatic Society.

** Having in pursuance of your letter of 27th December last assumed charge of the
Museum of the Asiatic Society, as Officiating Curator, on Ist instant, I have now, in
obedience to the resolutions of the Committee of Papers referred to in it, to submit my
Monthly Report.

** Palzontological, Geological, and Mineralogical Department.—The first im-
pression which a cursory inspection of these departments of the Museum has given
me, is a strong one of the sad dilapidation going on amongst them; partly in
consequence of trusting to the very perishable recording, which ink, paper and paste
admit of in a climate like this, and partly from the almost entire absence of any ge-
neral or serial catalogues to the various collections; many of which, again, have evi-
dently been broken into, for the purpose I presume of completing other arrangements ?
but of no such arrangements, whether completed or left incomplete, has it seems any
note or register unfortunately been left in the Museum. I have written to my pre-
decessors on this subject, to ascertain if any records of any kind exist, and I yet trust we
shall be able to rescue something to guide us in the sad confusion which now pre-
vails,

“I may briefly state a few facts in confirmation of what is here said. In our rich

Paleontological collection, no registers or catalogues, beyond the few lists printed
: DR

864 Asiatic Society. | [No. 104.

in the Journal exist, that I can yet discover; and valuable specimens are fast losing

their labels of names, and above all, of localities. In our Geological series I find, .

amongst others, even those of Gerard, Voysey, and Franklin—the first particularly of
unique specimens, collected often at the risk of his life at 16 and 18,000 feet of eleva-
tion, midst the snows of the Himalaya, on the frontiers of Chinese Tartary—all going
to utter confusion, through the growing indistinctness of the ink, and the ravages of
damp and insects. Of the valuable collection of the Lavas of Vesuvius, presented
by Sir Epwarp Ryan, though of this the Catalogue exists, yet only thirty-six out
of nearly a hundred specimens can yet be found; I omit for brevity’s sake, further
details of this nature.

‘‘T have then thought it of urgency to confine myself almost wholly to arrest this
dilapidation, and if possible, so to place every thing upon record as it now exists,
or can be ascertained, that at all events farther mischief in this way may be stopped,
and the records rendered as enduring as paint and printing can make them. The

Museum book of ‘‘ Geological collections,’’ sent herewith, will shew what I propose
doing for every series; and I have arranged in Case No. 8, Frame No. 1 (to the right
hand below the stair-case) Dr. GERARD’s series, in such order, with its separate little
book of reference in the case, that it is available for the study of visitors and members,
and when the serial catalogue is printed, it will be beyond the reach of any thing
but wilful confusion for a long period of years.* I shall be happy to have the opinion
of the Committee on this plan of arrangement, and these views. My own feeling and
judgment on this point is, that nothing could be more lamentable, and more dis-
couraging to the progress of Indian Science, than the fact that collections, which
men have almost literally laid down their lives to obtain, should thus be lost to their
memory, and to the ends of Science.

** Osteological Department.—In this division the want of cases for preserving the

smaller skeletons from the effects of dust and dirt is much felt; and I beg to sub- _

mit this matter particularly to the attention of the Committee; for several of our

skeletons are rare and valuable, and even a common one costs time and expence to

replace, or repair it. The small skeletons are particularly liable to dilapidation when
dusting, and from the incautious handling of visitors.

“‘ Mammalogical Department.—In this again we are entirely without glass-cases,
and in spite of daily care, much dilapidation must be going on, which is but too evident f

in many of the specimens.

“ Ornithological Department.—This and the following department are by far the

best preserved of our collections, being fully provided with cases.

‘* Reptiles, Fishes, &c.—Provided with cases, and generally in excellent preserva- ;
tion. Mostly named, but no catalogues. The spirits of wine having partly evaporated i
from many of the jars and bottles, it has been necessary to fill them up, which occa- i
sions some extra expence. I am in hopes of at least diminishing this evil in future, iy

* Vive series in all, are arranged, comprising 293 specimens, but only one is placed in acase —

for inspection,

—

oe a

1840. | Asiatic Society. ; 865

by the precaution of cementing over the stoppers, which, with their current duties, and
the preparation of the additions to the Museum, mentioned hereafter, has been the
standing employment of the Curator’s Assistants.

‘¢ Additions to the Museum this month have been—

*‘]. A valuable series of Geological specimens from Brimhan Ghaut, on the Ner-
budda, to Omarkuntuck, the source of that river, by Dr. Sprtssury—Arranged and
Catalogued.

«2. The splendid skeleton and skin of the Gaur, from Chota Nagpore, by Major
OusELEY—Skeleton mounted, skin suspended, being imperfect.

«3. Skeleton of the Eagle formerly in the Society’s compound—Mounted.

“4, A fine specimen of the Hematronus undulatus—From C. P. White, Esq,
Midnapore ; stuffed. Duplicate of one in the Museum.

**5. A pair of the young of the Cheel, Falco ater—Stuffed.

‘¢6. A fine specimen of the Machal, Falco
our collection )}—Stuffed.

Asiatic Society’s Muszum,
30th November, 1840.

? (Purchased, not previously in

I am, Sir,
Your’s obediently,
H. PIDDINGTON.
The Officiating Curator submitted his report on the Mineral specimens sentfrom Raj-
pootana by Capt. Burt, under the supposition that they were of the nature of Coal.

Mr, PippDINGTON observed, that it has no relationship to the Coal whatsoever, for it is

infusible at a heat which blisters platina. It is one of the Titaniferous Oxigen of

iron. He likewise submitted the following list of specimens as desiderata for the Osteo-

logical branch of the Museum :—

‘* Skeletons.
; Neel Ghye.
Samur, 4 horned Deer of Sumbhalpoor (Kotarn ?)
Buffalo.
Gayal.
5 Garial.
Alligator (large.)
Lion.
Leopard.
Lynx.
‘Hyena.
Jyo, or wild Dog of Bundlecund.
Do. or do. do. of Nepal.
Do. or do. do. of Affghanistan.
Pangolins.

Tapirs of Tenasserim Province.
Dugong of Singapore.

For the presentations and contributions the thanks of the Society were accorded.

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JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Description of, and deductions from a consideration of, some new
Bactrian coins. By Lieut. ALEXANDER ConninGHaM, Engineers.

There are but few notices of Bactrian history to be found in ancient
authors; and some even, of those few, do not agree: so that we are
compelled, in the absence of historical aid, to examine the numismato-
logy of Bactria, as Butter’s philosophers examined the moon, by its
own light. And thus a good cabinet of the coins of the Bactrian

princes, is to an experienced numismatist
_ A famous history ........ enroll’d,
In everlasting monuments of brass—’’
from which he may draw the data for a chronological arrangement of

those princes, many of whom are “‘of dynasties unknown to history.”
In this paper, however, I shall confine myself to a notice of the pieces
figured in the accompanying plate, merely adding such inferences
as a careful examination of the coins has suggested to me.

No. 1. A round copper coin of large size, and of brittle metal,
of middling execution, and in fair preservation.

Obverse. Figure of Apollo standing half turned to the right, with the
chlamys falling behind, and a quiver at his shoulder; holding in
his left hand an arrow pointed downwards, his right hand resting

on the arrow. Legend in three lines BAZIAEQE ZOTHPOZ

AITOAAOAOTOY 3; « (coin) of the saviour king Apollodotus.”
Reverse. A tripod;—legend in Bactrian Pali PASAPD Pray
PYTNLv, Maharaasa tradatasa Apéladatasa ; “(coin) of the great
No. 105, New Series, No. 21. 5s

868 — Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. [No. 105.

king Apollodotus, the saviour.” I have ventured to render the Bac-
trian Pali equivalent of Soteros, in a new way, which appears to me
to give the exact meaning of the Greek word. It will be seen that
at the foot of the initial letter, there is a stroke backwards, which, from
its occurrence in the name of Eucratidas, and in the word putrasa,
for the Sanskrit Gated, must be the letter R in composition, thus
making the word érd-datasa, or “‘ of the giver of trdn (S. =Tuq) safety,”

i.e, “the saviour.” In the field are two Bactrian Pali characters,
which I read as 7 and ¢; the former of these is found only on this coin,
and on No. 2 of Colonel Stacy’s new coins (see J. A. S. of Bengal
for April, 1839, p. 344,) which I will hereafter show to belong to the
family of Undopherras.

This piece is of the same type as the well known round coins of Apol-
lodotus ; but it differs from them in being of inferior execution, in hav-
ing its legend disposed in three straight lines, instead of around the
piece, and in its monogramatic characters, the principal of which,
by its after occurrence on an undoubted Parthian coin of the fa-
mily of Undopherras, leads me to assign the mintage of this piece to
some place in Ariana, south of Bactria Proper and of the Indian
Caucasus, and to extend the rule of Apollodotus from the Paropamisus
to Patalene, and perhaps even to Barugaza, where we know that
his drachmas were current more than two hundred years afterwards.

Various places have been assigned to Apollodotus in the list of
Bactrian princes, none of which have received any general assent ; and
as the only passages in which he is mentioned by ancient authors, give
no clue for fixing his proper rank amongst the kings of Bactria, we
must be content to see our way by the light glimmering

‘On narrow coins through dim cerulean rust,”’
which has led me to the conclusion, that Apollodotus was the son of
Eucratidas the great king ; this opinion, which I offer with much diffi-
dence, is founded upon the following facts :—

First.—The common round drachmas of Apollodotus bear the title
of Philopater, which title M. Jacquet conjectured would declare his fa-
ther to have been of royal origin, for had he been in a private station, his
son would not have paid him so striking an honor. M. Raoul-Rochette
says, that this conjecture appears very plausible, and he adds, “ but there
is something more to be remarked here, which is, that on the coins of the

1840.} | Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 869

kings of this part of the East, especially on those of the Arsacide,
the epithet of Philopater indicates the association of a son in the royal
title of the father.” From this M. Raoul-Rochette supposes that Apol-
lodotus was the son of Menander, and that he was associated in the
government with his father, and consequently took the title of Philo-
pater in addition to the epithet of saviour, which was common to both
princes. The opinion of so eminent an antiquary as M. R. Rochette,
must always command respect, even when it fails to produce convic-
tion; and did not the facts which have led me to a different conclusion
seem particularly strong and clear, I should certainly hesitate in dis-
senting from one, in every way so well qualified to judge. Now it ap-
pears from the quotation given above, that the epithet of Philopater
indicates the association of a son in the royal title of his father; and
we know from Justin (lib. 41. c. 6,) that Eucratidas had made his son
‘“‘a partner in his kingdom ;” from which it results almost conclusively,
that Apollodotus, who was the only prince that bore the title of Philo-
pater, must have been the son of Eucratidas, the only king who is re-
corded to have associated his son in the Bactrian kingdom with him-
self.

Second.—The rarity of the coins bearing the title of Philopater in
comparison with the other coins of Apollodotus, would seem to prove
that these pieces were all struck during his association in the govern-
ment with his father, on their return from the Indian conquests; and
that after having murdered Eucratidas, he dropped the title of ‘lover
of his father,” which to have continued would have been ridiculous, as
well as an outrage upon humanity. Now we know that this unnatural
son gloried in the murder, and, ‘as if he had slain an enemy, and not
his father, he both drove his chariot through his blood, and ordered his
body to be thrown out unburied ;” which circumstance most satisfac-
torily accounts for the comparative scarcity of the coins of Apollodotus,
which bear the title of Philopater; for had the murderer wished to
have concealed his crime, he would certainly not have dropped the
title of lover of his father, but would rather have published it on all
his coins, as a presumptive proof of his innocence ; we also know that

the coins bearing this title are found mostly in the Punjab, and some
even in India, while none were found by Mr. Masson in the classic

site of Beghram ; which facts serve still more strongly to establish my

870 Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. [No. 105.

opinion, that these coins of Apollodotus Philopater were struck during
his association in the government with his father Eucratidas, on
their return from the Indian expedition. Now the square drachmas
of this prince, which has the elephant and the Indian humped bull,
are common at Beghram and in the valley of the Kabul river,
as well as in the Punjab; and thus they would seem to have been
struck by this parricidal prince after the murder of his eewiit in com-
memoration of the Indian victory.

Third.—The partiality of Kucratidas for ‘‘the god of Love and Poesie
and Light” is proved by the frequent occurrence of the figure of Apollo
as the reverse of his tetradrachms, and by the laurelled head of Apollo

found on the round copper coin of this prince, belonging to the

Austrian cabinet; and nothing could be more natural in one, whose

favourite and patron deity was the glorious sun, than to call his

child Apollo-dotus, “the gift of Apollo ;” and we may even suppose
that the birth of this child was the fulfilment of some prayer, made to
the patron god.

Fourth.—The figure of Apollo is portrayed on the square copper
coins of Apollodotus, standing exactly in the same attitude as that
in which he is figured on many of the tetradrachms of Eucratidas,
which is worthy of notice, as it. establishes a close numismatic con-
nexion between the coins of these two princes.

Such are the facts which prove, in my opinion, the relationship be-

tween Eucratidas and Apollodotus ; and my conclusion is still further ;
borne out by the evident inferiority of the round Philopater drachmas —

to the square drachmas bearing the elephant and the Indian humped ~
bull, which remarkable difference may be easily accounted for, by the ©
fact, that the Philopater coins must have been struck by less skilful

workmen, during the return from the Indian expedition; while the —

square drachmas, which are of superior execution, of bold relief, —

and of most beautiful make, would have been coined by the best artists
in the metropolis of Bactria.

No.2. A round copper coin, of large size, of middling make,

and in fair preservation.

Obverse. Figure of Apollo standing half turned to the right;
the chlamys falling behind, and a quiver at his shoulder, holding
in his left hand an arrow pointed downwards ; his right hand raised

- e

1840. | Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 871

and resting on the tail of the arrow. In the field behind the figure,
there is a small elephant to the right. Legend disposed circularly
BASIAEQS FQTHPOS ZwlAOY ; « (coin) of the saviour king
Zoilus.”

Reverse. A tripod. In the field to the left the Bactrian letter ¢, and
to the right the letter a. Legend disposed circularly PAX PAIN
Piniw, Maharajasa trddatasa Johilasa ; “ (coin) of the great king
Zoilus, the saviour.”

The identity of this piece, in type, size, and make, with the round
copper coins of Apollodotus, would seem to point out some close con-
nexion between these two princes, which is further strengthened by
the appearance of the elephant in the field of this coin, a type of most
common occurrence on the silver coins of Apollodotus, and on the
square copper coins of Heliocles, the grandfather of Apollodotus; on
whose coins the elephant occupies the whole field of the piece, but on
the coin of Zéilus is reduced to a mere symbo]. The appearance of an
elephant on this unique coin of a new prince, taken in conjunction
with the identity of its type with another of the coins of Apollodotus,
‘induces me to hazard a conjecture that Zdilus may have been a son of
Apollodotus, and have succeeded his father for a short time on the
throne of Bactria. For it appears to me scarcely possible that Apollo-
dotus, whose coins are not very common, should have reigned from 148
B. C., the period assigned for the murder of Eucratidas, till 126. B. c.,
when the Bactrian empire was overthrown by the Scythians. I sup-
pose that Apollodotus after having assisted Demetrius Nicator of Syria
in his successful expedition against the Parthians, in B. c. 142, was fi-
nally defeated, and perhaps slain, by the Parthians under Arsaces, 6th
Mithridates, about B. c. 140—at which time Mithridates having made
Demetrius prisoner, is said to have extended his arms from the
Euphrates to the Hydaspes. Upon the death of Mithridates, in B. c.
136, I suppose Menander to have established himself in the provinces
south of the Caucasus, and to have added India beyond the Hypanis to
his dominions, while Bactria Proper and Sogdiana were overwhelmed
by an irruption of the Scythians in 126 B. c.

No. 3. A round copper piece plated with silver, of the size of
adrachma. It is Horace who observes that ‘“‘ a good and wise man is
not ignorant (quid distent era lupinis) of the difference between

872 Lieut. Cunningham on Bacirian coins. [No. 105.

true coins and counterfeits ;” hence we may easily discern that this
coin is a forgery, although an ancient one, for it was found amongst
a heap of rusty pieces of copper, completely covered with indurated
clay, and as no price was given for it, it is certain that it is not
a forgery of modern manufacture; for where no money return was
expected, there could be no inducement to go to the expence and trouble
of making a false coin. The plating of the edges and of the letters is
now worn off, and the letters appear sunk in the copper, amid the silver
plating. The piece is of good Grecian workmanship, and is similar in
all respects to the tetradrachms of Antimachus, already known.

Obverse. Head of the king in the Macedonian helmet to the right,
the ends of the diadem floating behind the head.

feverse. The figure of Neptune standing to the front, holding
in his right hand a trident, and in his left a palm branch. Legend
in two lines BaotAcQd Ocov ANTIMAyov; “(coin of the king)
Antimachus (theus).” Monogram in the field composed probably of the
same letters XO, which appear on the tetradrachm belonging to
Colonel Taylor, the British Resident at Bagdad. The same monogram
with a square [j occurs frequently on the coins of Azes. M. Raoul-
Rochette remarks upon the coins of this prince, that the titles
of Theus and of Nicephorus, were both borne by Antiochus, 4th
Epiphanes, and also that the figure of Victory found on the com-
mon drachmas of Antimachus was a type known on the coins of
the same Syrian prince, from which remarkable coincidences, he justly
concludes that the Bactrian prince Antimachus must have flourished at
the same time as the Syrian king Antiochus, 4th Epiphanes, or about
170 8. c., and from the total absence of his coins in the classic ruins
of Beghram, he deduces that Antimachus must have reigned north
of the Caucasus. In all these observations, which are as just as they
are acute, I most willingly concur; but I cannot say that I perceive
even the faintest resemblance between the tetradrachms of Antimachus
and those of Heliocles, although the same able numismatist has observed
a strong likeness. M. Raoul-Rochette likewise supposes that the type of
Neptune on the reverse, probably alludes to some naval victory, where
Antimachus may have assisted Antiochus of Syria; which event he
thinks is still further declared by the type of ee found on the
common drachmas of this prince.

1840.] Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 873

The date of 170 B. c., would make Antimachus contemporary with
Eucratidas ; and the absence of his coins at Beghram, would point out
the ancient Sogdiana as the territory probably ruled by him—which
probability is rendered still stronger by the knowledge which we derive
from Justin, that this country did not belong to the dominions of
Eucratidas. It is not too much then to suppose, that it was during the
reign of this king Antimachus, that the Bactrians “were worn out by
wars with the Sogdians, Drangians, and Indians,” as related by the same
author; and that as a monument of their success, Antimachus impress-
ed the figure of Victory upon his coins, and assumed the title of Nice-
phorus. As a further proof that these two princes were contemporaries,
I will cite the analogies that we find in their coins, which are the
earliest specimens, save a few square copper coins of Heliocles, that
bear legends in Bactrian Pali; and it is a peculiarity remarkable in the
coins of these princes, that we find no Bactrian Pali legends on their
silver coins, excepting on those drachmas of Antimachus which are of
a much lighter weight, indicating most probably a later period of his
reign; for Antimachus assumed the Macedonian helmet, and mostlikely
affected to disdain the Bactrian customs and language, in the earlier
part of his reign. Here then we -have two contemporary princes,
Antimachus of Sogdiana, and Eucratidas of Bactriana, whose coins
exhibit the two distinct characteristics found in the numismatology of
Bactria—namely, coins bearing Greek inscriptions only, and those
bearing both Greek and Bactrian Pali legends. These facts establish
the certainty that these two princes must occupy places in their respec-
tive dynasties between the kings who used Greek inscriptions only,
and those who used both Greek and Bactrian Pali legends, and this
rank agrees exactly with that already assigned to these princes upon
other grounds. Hence we may safely infer that Philoxenes in Sogdiana,
and Apollodotus and Menander in Bactriana, must be subsequent to
Antimachus and to Eucratidas ; and that the numerous other princes
whose names have been made known to us by bilingual coins only, must
likewise be subsequent to these two kings, Antimachus and Eucratidas,
whose coins form a transition series between those using the Greek
language only, and those which bear legends in both languages.

No. 4. A silver piece of the size of a drachma, of beautiful work-
manship, and in excellent preservation.

874 Lieut. Cunningham on Bacirian coins. ([No. 105.

Obverse. Head of the king helmeted to the right; the ends of the
diadem floating behind the head, and the chlamys fastened on the
shoulder. The helmet on this coin is similar to that found on many of
the coins of Menander and of Eucratidas, and more especially to that
found on the beautiful didrachm of Philoxenes—and differs from the
Macedonian helmet, which is found on all the known coins of Antialci-
das. Legend, disposed circularly, BAZIAKQS NIKH®OPOY
ANTIAAKIAOY 5; « (coin) of the King Antialcidas, the victorious.”

Reverse. The Olympian Jupiter seated, and slightly turned to the left.
In his left hand is a sceptre ; andin his outstretched right hand is a figure
of Victory, which extends a chaplet to the left in one hand, and holds a
palm in the other; to the left, and under the figure of Victory, is the
forepart of an elephant, similar to that found on the common drachmas
of this prince, but in a contrary direction, for on this coin it is portrayed
facing the figure of Jupiter ; a Grecian monogram in the field composing
KAM, and differing from all the monograms yet found on the coins of
this prince. The monogram as represented in the plate is faulty, and
should have under the cross stroke of the A, thus making the monogram
as I have read it; legend in Bactrian characters PYALU PA hHINZ
PIZAN Maharaasa jayadharasa Antialikidasa ; ‘“‘ (coin) of the great
King Antialcidas, the victorious.” It: is worthy of remark, that this
coin weighs only 35 grains, or a little more than a hemidrachma: but
the best preserved drachmas of the common type of Antimachus weigh
only 41 grains, and these light weights betoken a period subsequent to
Eucratidas, whose drachmas are of the Grecian standard weight.

No. 5. A round copper coin of middle size, of good execution, and
in fair preservation. |

Obverse. A head bearded and wreathed, looking to the right, the
shoulders and bust bare, the right hand grasping a thunderbolt, as if
about to hurl it forwards. Circular legend BAZIEQS NIKH-
®OPOY ANTIAAKIAOY; « (coin) of the victorious king Antial-
cidas.” This bearded and wreathed head is no doubt that of Jupiter
Nicephorus, whose figure forms the only reverse of all the known silver
coins of Antialcidas. Here we have more of the bust than on the
square copper coins of this prince; and the hand grasping the thun-
derbolt, which projects across the neck, shows that the undecided
object, indifferently called “a palm, a thyrsus, or a club,” which is

1840. | Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 875

found in the same position on the square copper coins of Antialcidas,
is most probably only a thunderbolt; and as the head on these coins
of Antialcidas, as well as on the similar square copper coins of Lysias, is
undoubtedly bearded, I think we may safely infer that it represents
Jupiter Nicephorus, and not the prince himself.

Reverse. The caps of the Dioscuri, surmounted by the stars Castor
and Pollux, with two palms placed between them; in the field below is
a monogram which seems to be composed of the letter MOI. Legend
in Bactrian Pali, disposed circularly, PAh49% a[PT]ZAS. PANY,
Maharajasa jayadha(rasa) Antialikidasa; ‘ (coin) of the victori-
ous great king Antialcidas.”

This same type of the caps of the Dioscuri is found on many of the
coins of Eucratidas, both in silver and in copper, and also on one cop-
per coin of Lysias. The make of the square copper coins of Antialci-
das, which is precisely similar to that of the square coins of Lysias, is
totally different from that of all the square coins of Eucratidas, which I
have seen; and this being the case, I do not suppose that the identity of
type indicates any connexion between these princes—but merely
proves that Antialcidas must be nearly contemporary with Kucratidas,
or perhaps a little later, for all his coins yet found, both in silver and in
copper, have bilingual inscriptions. With Lysias, however, I suppose
the connexion to be closely and clearly indicated, for the coins of these
two princes are identical in type, shape, and appearance, and also in
thickness. The numismatic relations between this prince and Anti-
machus are striking and obvious; both princes wear the Macedonian
helmet, which is likewise worn by Amyntas on a beautiful drachma in the
possession of Dr. Chapman, and both take the same title of Nicephorus:
both have the figure of Victory upon their coins, and both occasionally
employ the same monograms; all which coincidences lead me to assign
to Antialcidas a rank in the same dynasty with Antimachus and Phi-
loxenes, and immediately following the latter prince, or about B. c.
150 to 140. |

The princes whose coins I am next to notice are of uncertain origin,
not one of them having a purely Greek name. On the early coins of
this class, however, the names are expressed clearly enough in Grecian
characters, but on the coins of the later princes the names expressed
in corrupted Greek characters are doubtful, and vary on different

876 Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. (No. 105.

specimens of the same king, while the name in Bactrian Pali on
the reverse remains constant and unchanged; hence, as a man who
carries a string through the mazes of a labyrinth, is, on his returning
ignorant of the way, guided by that which he had before conducted, or
as a father who directs his child in youth, is in his declining old age
- guided by that child; so do we find that the Greek names which had
been our guide during the infancy of our study of the Bactrian Pali,
are now in their turn, consequent on the deckne and corruption of the
Grecian language, elucidated by our more matured knowledge of the
language of Bactria. It will be of advantage to bear this in mind, for
the amount of corruption and barbarism to be found in each name
expressed in Greek characters, will be of singular value in determining
the relative route of these later princes, whose names truly and cor-
rectly expressed in the native character, will enable us not only to
correct the bad Greek version of the coins, but perhaps also to assist
in identifying them with princes of the same names, mentioned by native
authors.

No. 6. A round copper coin of small size, of good workmanship,
and in defective preservation. .

Obverse. The Sinha, or maneless Indian lion, walking to the right,
differing from the usual representation of this animal on the coins of
Azas, in having one of the fore legs raised. In the field a Bactrian
monogram. Legend disposed circularly, BAZIAEQ= BAZTAEQN
METAAOY AZOYs; ‘ (coin) of the great king of kings, Azas.”

Reverse. A female figure standing half turned to the left, holding in
her left hand an object, which may be the horn of Plenty, and extend-—
ing in the right hand an undecided object, which from a comparison with
other coins is, I suspect, a small figure of Victory, holding out a chaplet.
In the field to the right is a Bactrian monogram forming ¢, and on
the other side an indistinct object. Legend disposed circularly, PA?
PILY PLALT PLT, Maharajasa rajatirajasa mahatasa Ayasa ;
** (coin) of the great king, the king of kings, the mighty Aja.” Two
very imperfect specimens of this type were published by Mr. Prinsep in
the 2nd vol. of his Journal, (figs. 11 and 12, plate vii.) but he was
unable to recognize them at that early period of our knowledge.

No. 7. A square copper coin of middle size of good execution,
and in excellent preservation.

1840.) = Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 877

Obverse. The king mounted upon a two humped Bactrian camel,
walking to the right, with a bow at his back, and extending in his right .
hand a cross over the head of the camel. Inscription in four lines as
in the preceding. :

Reverse. The humped Indian bull, walking to the right, the upper
part of the legs very thick, as if covered with long shaggy hair. Inscrip-
tion on three sides PAD PAu PLALT PAILu, Maharajasa rajara- |
jasa mahatasa Ayasa; ‘‘(coin) of the great king, the king of kings,
the mighty Aja.”

A specimen of this type has already appeared in the London Numis-
matic Journal; on that coin, however, there is a monogram composed of
the letters ¢ and x, while this coin has no monogram of any kind.

The Bactrian camel is figured on this piece in a much better
style than on the round copper coins of this prince. These pieces
would seem to form part of a series of coins struck by Azas, or
Aja, to show the extent of his kingdom by the exhibition of animals
characteristic of the different countries under his rule; the elephant
and humped bull of India, the double-humped camel of Bactria, and
perhaps the shaggy long haired bull of Tibet. The total absence of
his coins at Beghram, proves that his rule did not embrace the country
around Kabul, while the abundance of his coins found at Bajawur, in
the Punjab, and in the lower hills south of Kashmeer, taken in conjunc-
tion with the various animals displayed upon these coins, clearly show
that his authority extended over the ancient Pencelaotis, and over the
kingdoms of Taxiles and of Porus, embracing the whole country from
the Jellalabad river to the country beyond the Hypanis, bounded to
the north by the Indus, and to the south by the Ocean.

That his reign was a long one, is evinced by the variety and abun-
dance of his coins, which form the most numerous and most complete,
as well as the most interesting series of Bactrian coins yet discovered.
His name, as it is written in the Bactrian Pali, is a genuine Hindoo
appellation, being either Ayw, or more probably Aja, the y and 7 being
permutable letters ; and I incline strongly to connect him with the
prince whose coins bear the legends of BAZIAEQ2 MAYOY and of
BASIAEQS BASIAEOQN MELAAOY MAYOY ; for this name
is certainly not a Greek one, while, on the other hand, it is a classical
Hindoo name, as Maya (the son of Karryapa by Dana) which would be

878 Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. [No. 105.

rendered in Greek by MAYA2, adding the = to form the Grecian
termination. Here then we have coins of two princes, with genuine
Hindoo names, written in the Greek character, and with types almost
all relating to India, some of which are of the highest interest, and of
the greatest value. The Indian origin of these two princes is further
declared in the plainest and most obvious manner by their being
represented on their coins seated in the Indian fashion—(see fig. 11,
pl. xxi. vol. rv. and figs. 12, 13, pl. xxii. vol. rv. Journal Asiatic So-
ciety of Bengal), and their Indian Government is shown by the absence
of their coins at Beghram, and by their abundance in the Punjab.

T suppose these two princes to have reigned in the Punjab at the
same time with Hermeus in Kabul; a supposition which is rendered
extremely probable by the localities in which their coins are found, as
well as by their style of execution, which betrays a declining period of
Grecian art. The coins of Hermzus, which abound at Beghram, are
rarely met with in the Punjab, which fact serves to point out the
position of his kingdom in as clear a manner as could be wished. Now
Hermzus must have been posterior to Apollodotus and to Menander,
both of whom bear the same title of Soter, which Hermes affects ;
and as both Apollodotus and Menander possessed the Punjab, it is
equally certain that Maya and Aja, who ruled in the Punjab, must
likewise have been subsequent to Apollodotus and Menander, and
therefore contemporary, or nearly so, with Hermezeus, or about 100 B. c.
I have much more to offer regarding Aja (or Azes), but I will reserve
it for a longer account of these princes, which I am now engaged upon.

I may, however, notice here a passage from Caius Julius Solinus, re- —
garding the Bactrian camel. In chap. lii. he says ‘ Bactri camelos —

fortissimos mittunt, licet et Arabia plurimos gignat. Verum hoc dif-
ferunt, quod Arabici bina tubera in dorso habent, singula Bactriant.”
This gross error has probably arisen from a transposition of the words ;

but it is nevertheless sufficient to put us on our guard against the

assertions of ancient authors, no matter how clear and positive they —

may be; and to make us exclaim with Hudibras—

Alas! what is’t t’us

Whether t’was said by Trismegistus,

If it be nonsense, false, or mystic,

Or not intell’ gible or sophistic,

T’is not antiquity nor author

That makes Truth Truth, although Time’s daughter.

1840. | Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 879

No. 8. A round copper coin of middle size, of fair make, and in de-
fective preservation.

Obverse. Figure of the king on horseback to the right; his right
hand raised, and extended to the front. In the field in front of the
horse a symbol which may be either a stiff representation of the
caduceus, which is found on the coins of Maya, or it may be a mono-
gram composed of the Indian Pali letters m and m.; the former is, I
think, the more probable. Inscription in corrupted Greek, very im-
perfect, BACIAEC (sic) BACIAEWN MEPA......YNAO.....
(coin) of the great kings of kings Undapherras.”

Reverse. A figure, probably of Victory, walking to the right, her
right hand extended to the front, and holding out an indistinct object,
which is possibly intended for a chaplet ; her left hand holding a spear.
In the field to the right a square monogram, apparently composing
XDIY, to the left a Bactrian monogram formed of the Bactrian
characters mi and sr probably. Legend in Bactrian Pali, PUPs Patu
PYSIT PIN, Maharajasa rajadirajasa mahatasa Andopharasa ;
*‘(coin) of the great king, the king of kings, the mighty Andophara.”

This coin only slightly differs from that published by Mr. Prinsep
in his Journal for July 1838, No. 14; and is almost the same as that
figured in the Numismatic Journal of London, No. — of plate 3, which
Professor Wilson has given to Azes, but which is undoubtedly a coin
of Undopherras or Andophara.

The coins of this prince, which I have seen, are of three different
types, all exhibiting very different styles of execution; some being of
fair workmanship with good Grecian letters, whilst others are utterly
barbarous. These facts, which show, by the variety of mintage, the
numerous mints established by this prince, likewise show the wide ex-
tent of his rule.

The name of Undopherras, which has a striking affinity to the well
know Persian names of Phrataphernes, Dataphernes, Radhaphernes, and
Tissaphernes, and more particularly to Intaphernes, would lead us to
suppose him to be a Parthian, or a Persian; a supposition which is
almost established by the evident Parthian type of the coins of this
prince (or of one of his direct descendants) published by Colonel Stacy
(Jour. As. Soc. Bengal, April, 1839). His name is spelt on some speci-

880 Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. [No. 105.

mens Undopharas, which agrees much better with the Bactrian Pali
reading of Andophara, than the usual spelling of Undopherras.

His coins, which are common at Beghram, and of frequent occurrence
over all Ariana, are but rarely met with in the Punjab. These loca-
lities point out the extent. of the kingdom of Undopherras, which must
have embraced the Paropamisus, with Aria, Drangiana, and Arachosia,
and most probably also Gedrosia, a territory bordering on Parthia,
and which belonged occasionally to the Parthian empire itself, but
separated from it by the natural boundaries of the great salt desert
‘‘and the vast Carmanian waste.” This was the most eastern pro-
vince of the Parthian empire during its most flourishing period, and
after the defeat and death of Phraates 2nd, and of his successor Arta-
banus by the Scythians, and the consequent destruction of the empire,
and after the commencement of the distant western wars with the
Romans, and with Tigranes Ist of Armenia, which drained the eastern
provinces of Parthia of all the forces necessary to keep them in sub-
jection ; no position could be more favorable, no circumstances more
tempting for successful revolt, and for the establishment of an inde-
pendent monarchy. Now from the evidence furnished by the coins of
Abalgasa, we may deduce two positions of much value to our argument ;
Jirst, Abalgasa, or Abalgasus, who calls himself the son of Undopher-
ras, would seem, from the similarity of his name to the well-known
names of AXb-azus, Bacab-azus, Pharnab-azus, and Artab-azus, to have
been of a Persian or Parthian family ; thus strengthening the supposition
which I have already advanced, regarding his father Undopherras, that
he was of Persian or Parthian family ; and, second, that Undopherras,
or Andophara, was most probably the first of his family, who had en-
joyed sovereign power, as his coins make no mention of his father.
Hence we may not unreasonably suppose that this Undopherras, the
founder of monarchy in his own family, was a Persian Satrap placed
over the eastern provinces of the Parthian empire, about 80 B. c., and
that he profited by the disturbed state of the country to make himself
independent. This supposition is much strengthened by the fact, that
the walled town of Furrab, which is surrounded by ancient ruins,
is in the midst of the countries in which this prince’s coins most
abound ; and it may very possibly have been the capital of Andophara
and of his dynasty ; for this town was called Parra by the Greeks,

1840. | Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 881

and I believe also Phra; although its native name was more likely
Phara (or Furrah), and in support of this being the true reading, I
may adduce the following quotation from Lycophron (Cass. v. 1428).

KUuuEN0C Vorwe
Ska kadv~ea Teppav, auPrAvvwv osAac,

in which the word Perras, used to signify “ the sun,” is only a Hellenized
form of the Egyptian Phra or Phara; and hence we may conclude that
Undopherras is only a Grecian rendering of Andophara (or Andophra)
the very name which is found inthe Bactrian Pali legends of the re-
verses of his coins. .

To omit nothing that may possibly be of use to us in elucidating the
history of this prince, known only by our coins, I will add my con-
jecture that Undopherras, or Indopherras, may very probably have been
a descendant of Intaphernes, one of the seven conspirators against the
Magian Smerdis. The names do not differ nearly so much in their
spelling, as the names of Orientals generally do, when written by Euro-
peans of different ages and nations; and we have already seen that thesame
word Phra or Phara has been rendered both by Parra and by Perras.
We know besides, that the name of Darius descended in his family to
the time of Alexander; and also that the name of Megabyzus, another
of the seven conspirators descended to his grandson; while the name
of his son Zopyrus was transmitted to his great-grandson as relat-
ed by Herodotus. Here then we have evidence that the Persians,
as well as the Greeks, called their children not by the father’s, but by
the grandfather’s names, a custom which is still prevalent all over India,
thus transmitting a name by alternate generations ; hence if our Undo-
pherras was descended from Intaphernes, the conspirator, it must have

_been about the l7th generation. Now Intaphernes was put to death
by Darius soon after the death of Smerdis, or about 520 B. c.; at which
time the eldest son of Intaphernes, the only one of his children spared,
may have been ten years of age, making his birth in 530 B. c. from
which 15 generations of 30 years, or 450 years being deducted, leave 80
B. C. for the birth of Undopherras, making him about 25 years of age
when he assumed independence. This is indeed only a conjecture, but
it is one so interesting, and also so plausible, that we may wish it,
though we cannot prove it, to be true.

882 Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. _[No. 105.

Nos. 9 and 10. Round copper coins of middle size, of fair make, and
in fair preservation.

Obverse. Figure of the king on horseback to the left ; the king’s

face half inclined to the front ; the ends of the diadem floating behind ;
the right hand raised, and extended to the front ; in the field before the
horse the same monogram as on the coin of Undopherras just described.
Legend in barbarous Greek—
On No. 9. —IAEYOHPOY BASIAEWN ABAATASIDYI
On No, 100-5. ditto ditto. BABAATASDAI
which I read as EAEYCIHPLUY BASIAEUIN ABAATASOY
‘¢ (coin) of the deliverer of kings, Abalgasus,” where TAEYCIHPHIY
is used for EAEYOEPIOY. It is indeed quite possible that the
doubtful letters may be AAEA®LIYIDY put the pluralBA 2IAELUN
is against this reading, as well as the Bactrian Pali legend of the
reverse. The epithet of Hlentherius, which I believe is altogether
novel in numismatics, is well known as a title of Jupiter; and its sub-
stitution for the simpler Soter is quite in accordance with Oriental
presumption ; and taken in conjunction with the inferiority of the coin,
it denotes a lower era of Grecian civilization, and a more flourishing
period of the progress of barbarism.

Reverse. A male figure moving to the right, dressed evidently in
the Indian dhot: ; and from the ends of a diadem appearing behind his
head, I should suppose him to be a royal personage ; the right hand is
raised and extended before him, holding out an indistinct object, not
unlike the hankboos, or elephant goad. In the field are two Bactrian
monograms which have baffled all my endeavours to read; the upper
portion to the left however looks not unlike a compound of the Grecian
letters Pand M. In the field of No. 10 there is likewise the Grecian
letter B to the left of the figure. Legend in Bactrian Pali,

Pash hAPKS PIVOND PALA PIAVY
Maharajasa traédatasa Abagasasa Andophara khudra putrasa ;
“‘(coin) of the great saviour king Abagasa, the younger son of
Andophara.” In this long and highly interesting legend there are but
two doubtful letters immediately before putrasa: these two letters I
read with some hesitation as khudra, the Pali equivalent of the Sanskrit
kshudra, which means “ younger,” and completes the legend |
more satisfactorily than any other word which IJ can propose.

1840. ] Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 883

A third specimen of the coins of this prince exists in Captain Hay’s
collection, of which he has kindly sent me impressions. The horseman
on his coin is moving to the right, and the Grecian legend I am un-
able to read even plausibly, some of the letters being rubbed, and two
or three lost by a chip in the sealing-wax impression ; the legend how-
ever differs entirely from that of the coins just described, while the
Bactrian Pali legend agrees in every single letter with the legend deci-
phered above.

Two other coins of this prince, in the collection of Dr. Chapman, of
the 16th Lancers, are, through his kindness, now lying before me.
One of them is like Captain Hay’s coin, and has the horseman to the
right, but neither of them is so perfect as the worse coin of the two
engraved; and they lend but little assistance towards reading the
Grecian legend: one of them has IAEY ... UY BASIAEILUN,
which agrees with the inscriptions of the engraved coins; and tends
to confirm the correctness of my reading of IAEYR HPLUY for
EAEYOEPIOY. The Bactrian Pali legends give no more than the
name of the prince and of his father. The only doubtful letter in the
name is the third. On No. 10 this letter is 6; being almost the same
as our own numeral for five; and this same figure is on Captain Hay’s
coin. Qn one of Dr. Chapman’s coins however the third letter is ¢;
being the same as the last, reversed, but on the other coin it is J;
which last is probably the same as the first, much straightened, and
precisely what I should suppose would be the written form of the first ;
the reversed form may easily have occurred from the neglect of the en-
graver ; this reduces all these forms to the first 6; and this character
must therefore have the value of the Greek I’, for there is no appear-
ance of any compounded “/init. If I am right in the value which I
have assigned to this letter 5 or J as g, then must the initial letter of
the legend on the coins of Kadaphes Zathus, S be gh, for it is formed
upon the same principle as the kA. On one of Dr. Chapman’s coins
the second letter 4 is inflected with the vowel ¢@, which therefore
makes the second syllable of the name a long one, Abdgasa.

On the two coins which have the horseman turned to the right, the
Monograms of the reverse differ from those shown in the plate. To
the left of the figure is a square monogram similar to that which is

seen on the coin of Undopherras, No. 8; and to the right is a character
5 U

884 Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. [No. 105.

like a badly formed M, surmounted by a large dot, under which, on
Captain Hay’s coin, is the letter f, a; and on Dr. Chapman’s coin a
different Bactrian character inflected, but which is too indistinct to be
readily deciphered.

The name of Abalgases has an evident affinity to the Parthian —
BOAOTAISH® or BOAATASHS, the Vologases, and Balases
of Roman history, of which the original Parthian name was most pro-
bably Balagasa or Bdlgasa; for the Pehlevi inscription on a Sassanian
gem was read by Ouseley as “ Balgezi Yezdani,” Vologases, the divine ;
the Balash or Balatsha of Persian historians. I have therefore little
hesitation in recording my belief that Abalgases, Bologaises, and Bal-
gezi are but different spellings of one original name—Balgasa or
Abalgasa.

This naturally leads me to the consideration of whether this prince
was one of the Parthian kings of that name, or another independent
prince of the same age and nation; which latter appears to be much
the more probable. In my remarks upon the coins of Azas, I have 4
already shown that there was an independent dynasty of princes reign- _
ing near Kabul, cotemporary with Mayas, and his successors in the ~
Punjab; and this position, which I deduced from an examination of q
the coins, seems to be pretty clearly established by the following extract
from Professor Lassen’s article on the Bactrian language ; who, quot- s

ing Ptolemy, says, ‘‘ the western half (of Kabulistan) belonged to that -

nation, whose separate tribes are comprehended under the general _
name of the Paropamisades; the eastern is numbered with the Indians; —
but the plain at the lower part of the river is now under the power of —
the Indo-Scythians.” : By now, Ptolemy must of course refer to his 4
own times; but this passage sufficiently proves that the part of the us
country spoken of had originally belonged to the Indians; most pro- a

bably under Mayas, Azas, and Azilisas. Now the fair execution of the "|

coins of these princes proves them to have flourished soon after Menan- jet
der, or about the same time as Hermeus at Beghram near Kabul, ©
that is B. c. 100. Vonones would appear also to have been cotemporary

with Azas, from the style and type of his coins, which are similar to vi

those of Azas, who flourished probably in B. c. 80. Again on two of
Dr. Chapman’s coins, which will soon be published, we have on the
Grecian side a name which I read as Spalyrisas, while the reverse has

1840. | Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 885

the name of Azas in Bactrian Pali; thus establishing beyond a doubt
that these two princes were cotemporaries, and rendering it highly
probable that Azas was the son or brother of Spalyrisas, and an asso-
ciate in the kingdom, or that he was tributary to that prince. Now
the coins of Spalirisas have an intimate connexion by their type with
the coins of Vonones, which have on the reverse the name of Spal-
haras, bearing an evident family resemblance to the name of Spalyrisas ;
and thus affording an additional evidence that Vonones must have
been nearly cotemporary with Azas, about 80 B. c., and consequently
much anterior to the Parthian Vonones Ist, who reigned in a. D.
4— 14. |

The coins of these Indo-Parthian kings are highly interesting, as
they seem to hold out a hope that we may bring the Arsacidan chrono-
logy to our aid; but as in the case of Vonones, so also in that of
Abalgasus, there appear good reasons for believing that our Indo-
Parthian prince was much earlier than the Parthian king Balgasa or
Vologases. The general appearance in type, make, and style of characters
observable in the coins of Abalgasas and of his father Undopherras,
connect these princes too closely with the Indo-Parthian Vonones and
his successors Spalyrisas and Spalurmas, to permit the identification,
however much we might wish for it. For the Parthian king Volo-
gases Ist did not begin to reign until a. p. 50, which is nearly 100
years later than the period of our Abalgasas, supposing his father
Undopherras to have succeeded to the family of Vonones and his
successors. Again, the Chinese historians affirm, that in 26 B. c. the
Indo-Scythians conquered the whole of Northern India, of which they
retained possession until 222 a. v.; and Ptolemy, in describing
the extent of the Indo-Scythian empire, says, to use the words of
Professor Lassen, that ‘its main part is situated along both banks
of the Indus.” Now this is the very country in which the coins of
our Vonones and Abalgasus are found; and hence we may almost
confidently say, that they must both have flourished before the final con-
quest of the Indo-Scythians in B. c. 26, and consequently cannot be
identified with the Parthian princes of the same names, whose reigns
fall within the most brilliant period of the Indo-Scythian rule. Indeed
if I have read the Bactrian Pali legend of the coins of Abalgasus
rightly, we have the plainest proof that #e cannot be identified with

886 Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. [No. 105.

any Parthian prince, unless we suppose his father Undopherras to have
been also a king of Parthia ; a supposition which would only involve us
in still greater difficulties,

There is a curious passage in Tacitus (Ann, lib. x1. c. 10.) which,
if true, would almost show that the Parthian arms had not penetrated
into the country of the Paropamisades before a. p. 44. In speaking
of the successes of Bardanes, who had pushed his conquests beyond the
river Sinde, which divided the territories of the Daheze and the
Arians, he adds, ‘“‘igitur extructis monumentis, quibus opes suas
testabatur, nec cuiquam ante Arsacidarum tributa illis. de gentibus
parta, regreditur.” Professor Heeron, however, says, that Mithridates |
1st extended the frontiers of the Parthian empire as far eastward as
the Hydaspes. Tacitus indeed does not say that no former Parthian |
king had pushed his arms so far; but when he says that none of the
Arsacides before Bardanes had taken tribute from those nations, we
may suppose that none had before penetrated so far to the eastward ; |
for in all wars, and more especially in those of the east, conquest is”
followed by exactions, which are usually called by the victors by the
milder name of tribute. The authority of Tacitus is also much

strengthened by the silence of Justin, who in mentioning the conquests
of Mithridates Ist, over the Medians, Hyrcanians, and Elymzeans, merely
adds ‘“ imperiumque Parthorum a monte Caucaso, multis populis in~
ditionem redactis, usque ad flumen Euphratem protulit.” E

From these passages therefore it would seem to be almost impossible
to identify our Indo-Parthian king with the Ist Vonones, who was
one of the predecessors of Bardanes. Professor Lassen, however, sup-
poses him to be the same as the 2nd Vonones, who reigned for a few
months only in a. p. 50: but I have already shown that our Vonones”
must have been nearly cotemporary with Azas, about 80 B. c; as their
coins are similar in type, make, and genarel appearance. In addition
to which we have the united testimony of the Chinese historians, and —
of Ptolemy the geographer, in favour of our Vonones having been an

Scythians themselves.

REL

ch eee as ae a
Saline Ex ;

Ty Oakey el ee eee oe
fee ea
id ’ cs : ; yt vr.

nap ti
+ ;

haath

No ot la, mat
Bogs

sy ‘
ic aecwan
eA ye

oceans

————— a
A. Cummingharr, ae.

Bactrvaw Cours.

Plate I. |

1840. | Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. 887

When I wrote my notes upon Captain Hay’s Bactrian coins, I
had not given any attention to the study of the Bactrian Pali charac-
ters; my readings of the native legends of those coins were therefore
made according to the values assigned to the different letters by
my late lamented friend James Prinsep, all the observable differences
in my readings having been errors of the press. Had James Prinsep
lived, he would long before this have perfected what he had so success-
fully begun. Since then, however, I have examined not only all the
coins within my reach, but also all the engravings published in the
Journal des Savants, in the Numismatic Journal, and in the Journal of
the Asiatic Society of Bengal : and after a careful examination of them
all, I have been led to some discoveries which appear to me to be of
sufficient consequence to warrant their publication.

The name of Undopherras on his own coins is invariably represent-
ed in Bactrian Pali by PS?s%; which Mr. Prinsep rendered by
Farahatisa; he however doubted the correctness of his own reading,
which was based upon an assumed and false value of the initial letter.
On the coins of Abalgasus the name of Undopherras is written with
a slight variation thus, 7~U%; the turn at the foot of the initial letter
being to the left instead of to the right, and the fourth letter being
the common 7 instead of the cerebral 7. Now there are four syllables
in the Greek name, and in its Bactrian Pali equivalent there are an
equal number of letters, forming with inherent or written vowels the same
number of syllables, and consequently agreeing exactly with the Greek
name, thus giving us the best possible clue to the value of each of
these Bactrian Pali characters, which I will now examine separately.

Ist. The first letter is found also as the initial of the name of
Agathoclea, in which name it represents the Greek @ short. Prof.
Lassen has strangely supposed the initial letter to be m inflected
with the vowel e, making the first syllable me! In the name of
Undopherras this letter stands for a short w. It is found also in
the middle of the names of Spalurmas, and of Abalgasas, in the former
representing w short, and in the latter @ short: for I believe that
Abalgasus might with equal correctness have been written Abalgysus,
as Megabyzus is always written.

From these four examples of the use of this letter, there results the
certainty that it represented the short vowels a@ and uw of the Greek,

888 Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. [No. 105.

both of which have the sound of the short a “=f of Sanskrit, which has
the exact pronunciation of the first syllable of the name of Undo-
pherras. Here I may notice that Undopherras, Spalurmas, and Abal-
gasas are not Greek names, and therefore we ought not to look for
the Bactrian Pali equivalents of the Greek letters used in expressing
their names; but we should reverse the process, and seek for the
Grecian equivalents of the native characters: for the Greek names
vary on many of the coins of these later princes, while the native
names are always the same; and this is more especially the case with
the coins of Spalurmas, which exhibit the different Greek versions of
Spalurion, Spalumon, and’ Palurman ; the last being found on an un-
published_coin belonging to Captain Hutton, which wants only the
initial S’ to make the name perfect. The same letter which is found
initial in Agathoclea and in Undopherras, is here found medial; and
by my discovery of its true value, I am able to correct the various cor-
rupted Greek versions by the native name, which remains always the
same. The characters are five, U 1% 4%; of which the first is an evi-
dent compound of ™ and Por sp; the second letter is 7; the fourth 7 ;
and the last m; wherefore the third letter can only be wu, used as the
initial of the latter half of the name, and thus the whole name becomes
clearly Spal-urma, or with the Grecian termination Spalurmas, of which
the genitive would be Spalurmon ; and this last we may easily disco-
ver with but slight alterations in the different Greek versions.

The turn at the foot of the initial letter in the name of Undopherras,
I suppose to represent », making the initial syllable YN, for one foot _
turn to the left is exactly the same as that which is found at the foot
of the initial letter in the names of Antimachus and Antialcidas, where
it unquestionably represents 7.

2nd. The second and fourth letters of the name of Undopherras are
the same, one of them being merely inflected. To this letter Mr.
Prinsep assigned the value of 7, which is correct : but I am prepared
to show that it has also another value, and that it represents the cere-
bral Sd of the Sanskrit, which is commonly pronounced ‘7 As
an equivalent of d it is found on al/ the large round copper coins of
Apollodotus ; and also in the name of Diomedes, where it is initial and
inflected with the vowel 7, thus f Di, rendering the name of Diome-
des very satisfactorily as Diyamédasa P1wASs ; hence we learn that

1840. | Lieut. Cunningham on Bactrian coins. : 889

the second syllable of the name of Undopherras is do, the sloping
stroke to the left downwards being the vowel o, with which the d is
inflected ; and precisely the same mark which is found to represent o
in the name of Zdilus.

To the second letter therefore in the name of Undopherras, I have
assigned the value of d, but as this letter occurs again as the repre-
sentative of the Greek double PP, it must have another value, and be
equivalent to an aspirated or double 7 ; and this indeed is the precise
sound which the Sanskrit cerebral @ d frequently has, as ¢ 7. Here
then we find that by giving to this letter s, the value of the cerebral ©
d of the Sanskrit, it completely fulfils all the conditions in which it is
found upon the coins ; thus most satisfactorily establishing the correct-
ness of the value which I have assigned to it, and at the same time
leading to the discovery that the third letter of the Bactrian Pali name
of Undopherras can be no other than pA, thus rendering the whole

four characters literally Andophara.
ALEXANDER CUNNINGHAM.

(To be continued. )

Notes of a March from Brimhan Ghat on the Nerbudda, to Umurkuntuk, the
Source of that River. By G. Spruspury, Esa.

In the Asiatic Journal, for August 1834, appear some notes of mine from
Tendookherie, across the valley of the Nerbudda south to the table land
of the Puchmuree, or Mahadeo hills. In the following paper I propose to
give the result of my observations from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk, the
holy source of the Nerbudda river. The notes will comprise three dif-
ferent routes, and I have some hope that by the aid of the accompanying
map, and the specimens forwarded for presentation to the Museum, that I
shall have added a mite to the Geographical and Geological knowledge
of this as yet little travelled portion of Central India,

In the construction of the map, for which I am indebted to the able
pencil of Captain Reynolds, Madras Army, I have to remark that its correct-
ness depends on the places written in Capitals, which are laid down from
the map of these territories, furnished from the Surveyor General’s office,
on a scale of eight miles to an inch. The notes commence at Brimhan
Ghat near Chawurputhur; on leaving which we struck off in a S.S.W.
direction, crossing the valley of the Nerbudda, which yields but little
variety to the geologist, being a fine rich black soil of decomposed trap,
intermixed at the banks of most of the Nullas with calcareous tuffa.

890 March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. (No. 105.

At Beerkherie, the Shair river is crossed, its bed compact basalt, and the
road lies through rich black soil up to Burheyta, where it changes to sand-
stone. This now insignificant village has been the site of a large city, and
extensive vestiges of a fort, palace, temples, buolies, tanks, and gardens,
are yet to be traced. The temples are generally Boudhist, or belonging to
that zra, and five large images of compact basalt, three of which are stand-
ing, and two in a sitting posture, have been ignorantly assigned by the na-
tives of this place to the five Pandoo brothers—Dhurum, Bheem, Urjoon,
Sahdes, and Nukool.

Low sandstone hills, varying from a few feet to a couple of hundred, co-
vered with thin jungle, is the characteristic of the country, with vallies of
more or less extent of decomposed trap ; about three miles east, near Nan-
deea, is a hill of quartzose pebbles ; about 100 feet up is a deposit of steatite
No. 1, called by the natives Gora Pan, and largely exported; in contact with
it lie the specimens Nos. 2 and 3.

At Sreenuggur, the Omar nuddee, the bed of which is composed of the
schist No. 4 and 5, and from a hill adjacent the limestone No. 6 is procur-
ed. The next five miles is a similar siliceous formation as that from Bur-
heyta to Sreenuggur, when you come to trap boulders, making the road
more or less stony and unpleasant. About three miles short of Dhooma, the
road winds up a steep ghatee of compact basalt, at the top of which is an
undulated table land of considerable extent. From this to Jhiria, where
this table land is again descended, the country is of the uniform character
found in trap formation; at Kuhanee, jasper and quartz No. 7, amygda-
loid No. 8, and travertin No. 9. The beds of the Nullas are compact basalt;
the only exception seen was at Pindraee, where the Thanwur Nulla (a fee-
der of the Wyn Gunga and Godavery,) is crossed, at which the limestone
No. 10, crops out on its left bank.

At the bottom of the Jhiria Ghattee, the descent of which is neither
so long or so steep as that ascending to Dhooma, boulders of indurated
red clay, No. 11, are met with. The remainder up to Mundlah is a well
cultivated plain. The ford of the Nerbudda is compact basalt, No. 14,
-and this specimen is a type of the formation wherever found in these
‘territories.

Mundlah has been a place of note, but since General Marshall dis-
mantled the Fort in 1818, the town has gone to decay, and is now
but an insignificant village. The river being full here from bank to
bank, 326 yards, and totally unfordable from hence to Ramnuggur, (a
distance of twelve miles) has a very picturesque appearance, aided much
by the ghats and temples along its right bank, and the mouldering
battlements and bastions of the fort. From this we proceeded along

1840. | March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. 391

the right bank, all trap formation, road stony from boulders; about
six miles crossed the Putwara nulla, where veins of wacke with feldspar
No. 12 and feldspar No. 13 occur; after this the road is undulated, a
series of ascents and descents through rather a dense tree jungle until
you again approach and recross the river, the bed of which is trap, in-
tersected in some places with veins of calcareous spar wacke No. 15, 16.

Ramnuggur in the days of the Gound Rajas, was a place of note.
There is still an old palace of four stories, built by Hirdee Sah some
200 years ago, and half a mile off one by his Dewan, little of which re-
mains beyond the walls, but of the palace, situated on the bank of the
river, and looking up a long reach of it, little decay has taken place beyond
what is to be expected from neglect and desertion.

The general feature is a square with an inner court, in the centre of
which was a Tanka* (from whence I presume we got our tank) and
garden. The whole of the rooms, especially of the lower floor, are occu-
pied by the villagers, and a considerable number of families have found
habitations therein. The village is now insignificant, and there are but
very few remains of its former state, when kings held their court. In
the village, and at the eastern side of the court of an old temple of
Mahadeo is the stone on which, in Sanscrit characters, is graven the
list of the sovereigns from Jadoo Rae, Sumbut 415, as detailed by Major
Sleeman in the Asiatic Journal for August 1837. On leaving Ramnuggur
we had to make a detour to the south, in order to get again into the .
direct road from Mundlah. The road is bad and stony; we passed up a
defile, and crossed over a hill called Doondooh of trap formation. The ascent
Was easy, but the descent steep and stony, on which you emerge into an
open and extensive plain; at the bottom of the Ghatee cross a small
nulla, in which is found granite No. 17; a mile or two further is the Datta
nulla, near the village of Lutooa. From this the specimens of limestone
No. 18, 19, were procured, and from this locality lime for the buildings at
Ramnuggur was made; about 6, cross the Mutyaree river, rather a large
stream, which some way down joins the Banjur, which flows into the
Nerbudda immediately opposite the Fort at Mundlah.

The ford of this nulla is composed of granite No. 20 and 21, but about two or
three hundred yards further up the river a ridge of compact basalt crosses
it, after this the soil changes to a sandy one, the general rock being No.
21, also intermixed with gneiss? No. 22, 23, and 24, syenite. At this
place, Unjoneea (and where we regained the direct road from Mundlah)

* I first heard this word used by a native in Betool district ; on asking him if at the top of Bower-
gurh there was any spring, he said no, but there was a Tanka or place made of pukka, stones and

cement, for holding water,
5X

892 March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. [No. 105.

was shot by Captain Tebbs, 33rd Regiment of Native Infantry, a pair
of the horn-bills (first seen in the dense jungle on the banks of the river
near Ramnuggur,) and designated in Cuvier’s Animal Kingdom, as Buceros
Malabaricus; the bird was also seen at Umerkuntuk, but I am not aware
of its being met with in any other part of these territories.

Our next march was near Bichia to the Khoolar nulla, fourteen miles,
the first two miles being the same primitive formation, granite and mas-
sive quartz, when we ascended a small ghatee of trap boulders, passing
over a plain, little jungle, and scarcely any cultivation; about 9 a gradual
descent to the Mutyaree nulla, the bed compact basalt; leaving a village,
Oomurwaree, to the right; more cultivation about. From here to the
Khoolar nulla small trap hills are crossed of the same formation.

The next was Motee nulla, 16 miles; up to the Dutla nulla the forma-
tion was the same basaltic one, but in the bed of this nulla granite same as
No. 21, at Unjoonea. The soil now changes to a siliceous one, with large
masses of white quartz jutting out on a bleak open plain, singularly devoid
of the traces of man in the shape of cultivation or habitation. About eight
miles a fine pebbly stream with well wooded banks is passed. The Hul-
lown, (which joins the Boornerh near the village of Ghooghree, on the di-
rect road from Mundlah to Ramgurh,) about five miles more, over grass
plains approach the gorge of hills, and the jungle becomes more dense ; as-
cend a small ghatee, the Jogeegoopha, the hills on each side rising above,
the formation is limestone No. 25 capped with trap. On descending to-
wards the Motee nulla, it again becomes massive quartz. In this nulla we
first observed the laterite No. 26, 27, 28, 29 (so extensive a component of
the Mikul hills) iron ore No. 29, chert No. 30, indurated iron clay No. 31,
sandstone No. 32, indurated clay and calcedony No. 33.

In this and the preceding march, the sal tree, in large clumps, gives the
country a very peculiar appearance, and trees of any other kind are not
general.

Rajadhar 14 miles, road good, undulated country, grass plains with cum
of the sal, formation laterite, with conical hills of trap up to Munglee,
about which are some small Goandee villages, and cultivation. Soon after
this the road lies between hills thickly wooded, and high grass; pass
through a defile, the Sukra ghatee, in which is limestone No. 34, intersected
by veins nearly vertical, No. 35, 36, 37, 38, 39. On emerging from this,
there is a considerable open space up to Rajadhar on the Phene nulla,
which is situated at the edge of a very dense jungle and hills. The bed of
this nulla is chiefly large boulders of laterite, and a greenstone No. 40.

Boorla, about 15 miles by the footpath, and about 19 by the road
which the cattle and baggage went.

1840. | March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. 893

On leaving Rajadhar the road lies between hills of laterite, close dense
jungle, over a trap hill to Bunder Motee, spring and ghat, where limestone
No. 41, and at the bottom of the descent steatite No. 42, and that with
argillaceous veins No. 43; from this the descent is rough and stony, and
just before reaching the stream Brinjuree, or Murrum Joree, the syenite
No. 44, and in the bed of it granite No. 45, 46; intermixed are boulders of
No. 40. On arriving at the nulla, bamboos are again observed, and the sal
disappears. From this the road winds up a hill not very steep or long,
pass along a flat, when a long steep stony descent commences, the chief
rock being No. 45, 46; at the bottom emerge into a small level plain, the
hills approaching on both sides ; about two miles on the Puraha nulla is cross-
ed, and again a mile or so on, when the road is more open, and the jungle
by no means dense; in front are a range of small conical shaped hills of no
great height, the ridge of one of which is passed, the first ascent of which is
sandstone No. 47, next in strata running nearly north and south of clay-
slate No. 48, and further on No. 49 of the same formation ; after this the
: hills are entirely cleared, and the country is a very extensive open plain
bounded to the north by the low conical bills which we-have passed over,
| nearly bare or only stunted jungle, and behind, towering above, the line
of the Mekul range. On leaving Rajadhur all the springs and nullas are
feeders of the Mahanuddee. At Boorla is a small circular hill, evideatly
a similar formation to the hills last passed over, specimen No. 50.

Pando Tulao, eight miles, a march in the plain; the villages are more
_ numerous and cultivation is extensive, much of it rice; a spur ofthe hills
| comes down close on this place, the formation of which is limestone No. 51,
and in a small rivulet close to our camp, rocks were projecting at an angle
_of 45°, running east and west, and the strata so disposed, as to have
-much the appearance, at a short distance, of the scales on the back of the
Manis; they were limestone No. 52.

Purureea nearly seven miles; the same plain. In this march a fine
| stream, the Hamph nulla, the bed of which is a reddish limestone No. 53.
| Purureea itself is a large village for this part of the country, the houses
with one single exception (that of the Zemindar’s, who was building a brick
edifice) are all built of split bamboos, plastered for the walls, and grass
| chuppers.*
| Umuldeha, nine miles; the same open cultivated country. About three
b iitles on, cross a small nulla from the hills, skirting our left, the bed of

which is limestone No. 54, 55, as also a small circular eminence No. 56;
|

}

* The cheapness of food here. was as unexpected as agreeable to our people.
Incamp 15 Ata 38 in the village.
Seers per Rupee. { Ditto, 12 Gram 52 ditto.
Ditto, 14 Rice 50 ditto.

894 March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. [No. 105. :
d

at the next stream, close to the village of Kurpee, the same limestone forms
the bed as at the Kamp nulla No. 53. |

Khoorea, nineand three quarter miles. On leaving camp the Agur nulla, the —
bed of which is rolled pebbles and sand, is crossed, and the first two milesis —
over the plain we have had since Boorla, after which we entered jungle —
gradually increasing until it becomes a dense tree (among them the sal
again) and grass forest, all the way to the Munyuree nulla, the bed of
which is granite (with rolled pebbles and sand) as per specimens No 57, —
58, 59, 60, 61; a little to the left of the ford is the steatite No. 62, strata ©
running nearly east and west, diagonally crossing the bed of the stream, —
also parallel the quartz No 63, 64, in thin laminz. At this place was shot —
by Lt. Clement Browne a beautiful squirrel, which Colonel. Sykes named —
Sciurus Elphinstonii (As. Jour. vol. i. p. 165); they are also found in the ~
Mahadeo hills. q

Kutamee, nine and three quarter miles. This march skirts the Munyarie —
nulla, and is thick tree and grass jungle, but good road, and slightly ascen-
ding the whole way; the formation is granite and massive quartz, with —
exception of the bed of a small nulla which was basalt. At the village ‘
the bed of the Munyarie had ledges of compact basalt running across, and :
close to that gneiss No. 65, and higher up hornblende with feldspar No. 66; i
beyond and below, granite No. 67 and 68. F

Lumnee, nine and a quarter miles. This is a bad and difficult march for. *
cattle and baggage, the road being very stony. We crossed the Munyarie a
immediately on leaving camp, and two miles on a bad stony descent to ale
small stream, and the ascent not much better; pass through a dense forest, —
the diameter of many of the sal trees was very great. On reaching a —
stream about three miles from our camp the road begins to wind up a very .
long, and in places steep ghatee. The jungle exceedingly thick, from the i
summit of which is an extensive view over the plains we have feft. The
formation is primitive rock, at the top mica schist No. 69, and gneiss No.
70, 71. On attaining the summit, bamboos were very luxuriant and dense
for a mile or so, a feature in the scenery not observed in the forest below.
The road now winds along the crests of hills which brings ‘you to a des-
cent of about half a mile (neither so steep or stony as the ascent) into the
plain of Lumnee; a few huts constitute the village. 4

Umurkuntuk, the source of the Nerbudda, eleven miles. The bed of the eS
nulla is trap No 72, and about a mile further a nulla cuts through a hill a
of micaceous schist No. 73, and bed of the nulla No. 74. The road now is" ne
a series of ascents and descents covered with jungle; formation granite
No. 75, mixed with sienite No. 76, 77, 78, 79. At the Bhereeghur nulla, —
compact feldspar No. 80, and granite No. 81, compose its bed.

1840. | March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuniuk. 895

The remainder to Putpura nulla, seven miles, primary rocks, the jungle
very thick and dense; the bed of this nulla is composed of rolled laterite and
‘trap boulders, lying on granite and quartz, where the rock shows itself ;
half a mile on the Sampghur nulla is crossed twice, a fine stream, and water
most excellent. From it the specimen No. 82 quartz, mica, and feldspar.

On crossing this stream the second time, the ascent of the Jogee ghatee
commences ; formation trap boulders. The ascent is about a mile, in places
steep, but very good for all laden cattle, baring its steepness, there being no
rocky steps or ledges in it; the whole very dense tree, bamboo, and grass
jungle. To the left, and on the banks of the nulla, tokens of a former site
of a village, evinced by the plantain and mango trees; with exception of
No. 83 marl, and No. 84 lateritish clay, the whole of the upper part of
the hill is laterite, as specimens No. 85, 86, and the very summit No. 87.
On arriving at the top a fine open plain, with a few trees scattered about,
give a very park-like appearance to the scenery.

T shall now return, and trace the direct road to this holy spot from Ram-
nuggur.

Ramnuggur to Ghooghree thirteen miles ; for the first two miles the open
cultivated plain of the Nerbudda, when you approach hills and enter a
defile with a gradual ascent : about two miles further, you come to a pukka
boulee of the same style as the buildings at Ramnuggur. The road gradu-
ally closes into a few feet, and becomes steeper, the hills on each side ris-
ing up 100 feet above the road. The whole ghatee called Bidee is stony and
bad, with dense bamboo grass and tree jungle infested by tigers. The for-
mation is trap. On attaining the crest at six miles, the road opens out again,
and the hills recede right and left; the soil is siliceous with quartz (massive
and crystallized) and calcedony strewed about. From hence to Ghoogh-
ree the country is rather open, jungle thin, small hills about, with valleys
and streams, and here and there a Gound village, with patches of cultiva-
tion ; road very good from the crest. The village is rather large for this
part of the country, and on the banks of a very fine brawling stream 200
yards wide, the Boorhner. :

Sulwah, nine miles. A mile and half on, cross the Boorhner a short dis-
tance below its junction with the Hullown, these united streams are very
considerable feeders of the Nerbudda. The bed is rocky (basalt); on leaving
it there is a steep stony ascent of about half a mile, anda mile and a half fur-
ther another of about 100 yards, whichis a spur of the Patungurh hill, the
peak of which towers some seven or eight hundred feet above; on its sum-
mit there is said to bea spring of water, and many fine trees could be seen.
The crest has some appearance of a fort, and the natives declare it to have
been made by the Deotas; on passing this hill there is rather an extensive

896 March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. (No. 105.

plain to the south, with a few villages and some cultivation; the last two
miles the hills gradually close in, and a defile with a gentle ascent is passed
through, to the Tola of Sulwah, the village itself being off to the south-east
about a mile.

Ramgurh, thirteen miles. The first five and a half miles is chiefly over a
bare open undulated plain, crossed by a great number of little rivulets with
a slight ghatee to descend; the road is then through a defile, along which
flows the Kookrar and Bhurkindee nullas with lofty hills on each side, covered
with dense jungle grass, bamboos, and trees, a distance of about three miles,
when the Tendoo Ghatee, some 400 yards, is ascended; pass along table
land, a mile or so when the hills recede, and an extensive valley running
about north and south, not very broad, presents itself, through which rather
a large stream, the Khurmer, flows; and at the east side and left bank ona
small hill, is Ramgurh, the capital of a rajah, now lord of some 1400 villages;
with exception of a pukka house, his residence, the village is entirely
bamboo wattling and thatch.

Sumnapoor, nine miles. A good road up the valley of the Khurmer ;
several villages, and much more cultivation of rubbee than we have seen
since leaving the valley of the Nerbudda.

Burbuspoor, six and a half miles. The road is the same as the preceding
for the first two and a half miles, when we enter the hills on our left, and
ascend a trifling ghatee called the Ghooghurwahee ghatee of about 400 yards,
by no means steep, on attaining the crest of which, the aspect and appear-
ance of the country is totally changed, partly from the predominance of the
sal tree, and partly from the greenness of the grass; pass through a defile
200 yards wide, when the hills recede, and there is an open extensive plain
with the Muchrar flowing through the village on its right bank.

Chukrar nulla, ten miles. Road lies across the valley of the Muchrar,
through cultivation, about two miles, when the hills close in, and the Lud-
wanee ghatee is ascended, not long or steep, but stony; the descent is consi-
derably steeper, but by no means bad for any cattle. On reaching the foot,
skirt the hills on the right, plain level road, there being a large grass plain
to the north; the last two miles bad and stony trap boulders.

Seeoonee nulla, ten and a half miles. On leaving the nullasmall trap hills —
are skirted for the first three miles, when you enter a thick jungle and ascend
the Mohtura ghatee, of easy ascent, the descent being steeper, but by no
means difficult; the road then opens out into an extensive grass plain; it
is to these grass plains that the thousands of cattle resort from the coun-
try below the ghats during the hot months; remainder open, constantly
intersected with little streams, and no where did the water appear to be
above a couple of feet below the surface. |

1840. ] March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. 897

Kurunjeea, eleven miles. The first part skirts and passes over some low trap
hills up to the village Bukree, when the country opens out into a very large
grass plain ; the Nerbudda north, distant three or four miles ; cross a stream,
the Toorar, and up to the shoulder of a lofty hill with a conspicuous peak
overlooking the village of Ramnuggur ; remainder open ; Umurkuntuk nine
and half miles. The road lies through a small valley, in which flows the Kur-
mundal with lofty hills on each side, gradually closing in to the entrance of
the pass, which becomes a dense jungle ; the ascent is about a mile, and pretty
steep, but not very bad for cattle; pass along a ridge where there is a small
grass valley in which is a pool of water, called Hathee Dabur, and on des-
cending a ridge, a spring issues from the head of a ravine, said to be the
source of the Kurmundal nulla. There is a Chabootra, and many plantain
trees at the spot, known by the name of Kurbeer Chabootra; after this two
ridges are crossed, when you attain the table land, and about half a mile
before reaching the Koond join in with the road from the Jogee ghatee, by
which we ascended in the former march.

I have said but little on the geological formation of this route, for the
reason that it is so simple, and affords so little variety; the first ghatee,
which is the same range as the Doondoo ghatee, is unvaried basalt, and
so continues the whole way the same formation, the hills and peaks
from Patungurh being capped with laterite, and all the beds of nullas
basalt; little laterite is seen in the plains until the Tendoo ghatee is
ascended, when the soil is more or less of a reddish colour, and after
ascending Ghooghurwahee ghatee the soil is entirely so; about Sulwah
and Patun fossil shells, same as those from eighteen miles east of Jabul-
poor, imbedded in indurated clay, are met with, and on the east side of the
Mohtura ghatee is a small conical hill, containing similar shell breccia.
In the latter are found the shell delineated in the Asiatic Journal for
September 1839, plate. — fig. A. 11. originally found on the Pureyl ghat,
which is on the first plateau on the Mekul hills overlooking the plains
of Soohagpoor; a few bivalves also have been met with in this locality.
Travertin was found near the summit of the Mohtura ghatee, and a red-
dish sandstone formed the bed of the Seeoonee nulla, a mile or so before
its junction with the Nerbudda. With these exceptions laterite resting
on basalt is the characteristic of the country.

The table land of Umurkuntuk constitutes the second plateau of the Me-
kul hills, and is but of small extent, six miles either way would bring you
to a precipitous descent.

East from the Koond, less than a mile, is a bluff rock of basalt, over
which a very small stream trickles with a fall of 252 perpendicular feet, and

898 March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. [No. 105.

which the Bramins assure you is the Son Bhuder, whereas the latter rises
from a swamp near Pindraee, and the former joins the Arup, one of the feed-
ers of the Mahanuddee. West from the Koond, four and a half miles, is the
first fal of the Nerbudda, 90 feet, over compact basalt No. 90, and called
Kupildhar, after the celebrated Moonee of that name; ffom the summit of
the hill at Jogee ghat south to the crest of the descent at the Punkhee
ghat north will be under six miles, and from the Kookre Moorghee ghat
(or Ramgurh) to the Amanara ghat, is less, and thesé points give the
extent of the table land at Umurkuntuk.

The spring at and about which the temples are built, is by no means the
highest spot of the plateau, but I conjecture that where the Koond (which ~
is a pukka irregular square basin, with steps leading down on every side)
is, it was found that a spring ran all the year round, whereas from the
upper points they generally dried up, as they nearly were when we visited
the spot. The Brahmins have also added legends to these sources; that
from the east is termed the Sonbhudr, and that from the north the Johilla,
and you are gravely assured by these priests that the streams are running
up the hill, to protect themselves from the fury of Nermada Mae. At the
place are some 60 temples of sizes; that in which the image of Johilla the
Nain (said to be iron, of which I have strong doubts) is a picturesque one, —
and so is another adjoining, of a totally different style to the generality,
but in miniature like those built at Oodeypore and Putharee in Scindea’s
country ; the whole of them are built of laterite with which the table land
is capped. Of its height above the level of the sea, Mr. Jenkins the Resi-
dent of Nagpore in his report of that country states it at 3464 feet; but
Lieut. Waugh and Rennie, who visited it in 1833 en route from Chunar to
Jubulpore, I understand make it near 5000. There is a peculiarity of this
elevation, which I may notice here; viz. that we were assured by the resi-
dents of the place that it rains throughout the year every third or fourth day.
I have only to say that in two visits made to it, that such was undoubtedly
‘the case as far as our observation went; now allowing its height to be that
stated by the engineer officers, on what principle is this humidity to be
accounted for? The peaks of the Mahadeo hills, Chowradeo, Jutta Shunkur,
Dobghur rising out of the plain of Puchmurree, have an equal altitude,
and nothing of the kind occurs there. Has the geological formation any
thing to say to this meteorological difference? The Mahadeo hills are
sandstone with rolled quartz pebbles, Umurkuntuk entirely laterite rest-
ing on basalt. <A register of a thermometer kept by a native in an open
verandah ofa temple, from the 12th of April to the 24th June gave the follow-
ing results; unfortunately no attempt was made to note the prevailing winds,
clouds, or rain.

1840.] ° March From Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. 899

The Min of 18 days of April gave 58 and the Max 90—med. 74.
Ditto all May » 62. ditto ditto 94—med. 78.
Ditto 24 days June a ute Lot MeattOwke “ditto 95=“medsV'Ss-
Near the temple in which is the goddess of this river, is a Beejuck, but so
defaced and broken that little of it could be decyphered by the most zealous
antiquary ; on the floor of an open temple is a small image, which the
pundits assured me was that of Rewa Naick, a Bunjara, to whom
the goddess appeared in a dream, and directed him to clear the site of the
present Koond, then a dense mass of bamboo jungle; the date Sumbut 922*
is very plain, and is within ten years of the period of the copper plate dug up at
Koombhee, and forwarded by me (Asiatic Journal, for 1839). The animals
met with on the Mekul hills are wild buffaloes, Gour, Sciurus Elphinstonii,
Buceros Malabaricus, and on the table land of Umurkuntuk the solitary
snipe, none of which are generally found in the valley of the Nerbudda
east of Mundlah. I shall now proceed with the notes of the march into
the Sohagpoor plains.

Hurree Tola, nine and a quarter miles. The road from the Koond at Umur-
kuntuk lies in a northerly direction, crossing a ridge of jungle and grass into
a small valley, in which flows the Burat nulla, and at six miles is the crest of
the ghat called the Punkhee ghat ; itis long, but no where steep or difficult,
the whole formation laterite, resting on basalt. On reaching the bottom
you are in an extensive grass plain, with peaks of the Mekul Hills rising
in the distance ; the village a few huts, with the Johilla river flowing through
the plain at the distance of a mile. The jungle on this side of the hills is
not near so dense, or the trees so large, as on the Jogee ghat side ; the sal
trees fewer and smaller.

To Lukhora, thirteen miles. This distance is of one uniform feature, an ex-
tensive undulated grass plain, intersected by streams and springs in every di-
rection, with the Johilla flowing through it, into which all the others run.
The soil laterite, and all the beds of the nullas compact basalt.

Pureye, fourteen miles. The first 7 miles the country of the same nature as
that on descending from the table land, if any thing rather more unduiated;
about seven and a half miles cross the Johilla, a fine stream, the bed is basalt
mixed with some limestone No. 91. At Bouraha village about 9, the grassy
plain may be said to terminate, as the road now becomes a constant series
of bad stony ascents and descents of trap boulders, dense tree and grass jungle;
at thirteen and a halfthe Backan nulla is passed, its bed of compact basalt, and
lying about boulders of indurated green clay No. 92, and shell breccia No.
93, 94; about 50 or 60 yards to the right the nulla passed over a ledge of

* T enclose a transcript made by Captain Wheatly and myself, the explanation given by a pundit
afterwards by no means agreeing with the oral communication on the spot.

900 March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. [No. 105.

some 40 or 50 feet, the sides of which had hexagonal basaltic columns ;
from this nulla to camp the whole distance was strewed with the shell
breccia in indurated clay No. 95, 96. The village small, and a dirty looking
tank; it is situated immediately on the verge of the range.

Kyrrha, seven miles. The ghat commences on passing the tank, and is a
very bad, steep, stony descent for about a mile, all large trap boulders,
mixed with some travertin No. 97, after which the real difficulty of the
ghatee is passed; then follows an inclined plane all limestone No. 98, and
a descent of the same formation, when the level plain is attained ; from the
tank to this is about 3 miles, the road good, strewed with boulders of shell
breccia No. 99; cross the Bysaha nulla, sandstone No. 100, and the bed of
the next, the Bygun, was limestone No. 101 ; the village of Kyrrha is ona
sandstone eminence No. 102, 103, 104, 105; with No. 104, chukies (stone
hand-mills) are made here.

Singpoor, six and a half miles. On leaving camp the Surpa nulla is crossed,
the bed of which is a white very friable sandstone, the road good, some tri-
fling nullas passed, all sandstone similar to that of the Surpa. In one or
two places trap was seen overlying the sandstone; shortly before getting
to our ground, the sandstone deepens much in colour, specimens No. 105,
106 being reddish. At this village are seen some fine sculpture brought,
we were told, from Urjollee, a kos or two distant; the temple from which
they were procured must have been a magnificent one. There are the
remains of an old palace here, the pillars of which came from that place.

Sohagpoor, nine and a halfmiles. A good road the whole way, sandstone, no
village seen, chiefly sal forest, but never very thick or the trees large, as
you approach, more open; the fort a small ghurree, town small, but there
are remains of former size and grandeur by the numerous tanks, remains
of temples, buildings, &c. One old temple is finely sculptured in the style
of the Oodeypoor one north of Bhilsa; adjoining is a square Koond sacred
to Mahadeo, and at the distance of aquarter ofa mile an eminence on which
lie very extensive ruins ofa temple; a large image of Boudh was almost the
only distinguishable piece of sculpture left. The natives assigned the name
of some Rakhshus to this giant, which I have forgotten.

Putpura nulla, eleven miles; good road, but a very uninteresting coun- -

try, few villages or signs of cultivation ; the soil is sandstone, beds of the

Nullas as at Kyrrha No. 105; passed the shoulder of a hill trap, when the

hills close in, the great Mekul range to the south, and alow range in front,
and to the right water very near the surface.

Palee, ten miles. On leaving camp enter rather thick jungle, ‘road hilly
and stony, cross a ridge called Moorcha Pahar, sandstone No. 108, so
named from having the appearance of an entrenchment, then hilly ground

. ¥ TS, af yp. 4 “
1 DRT a ie a UE reeled

ae:

1840. | March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. 901

for four or five miles, when the road lies between two conical hills, Kimrae,
No. 109, basalt, and so at the nulla of the same name No. 110, when
the country is more open, trees chiefly sal, and some of good size. Ghoo-
raree nulla sandstone No. 111, more compact than that at Khyrra Palee,
all sandstone, and near a small tank adjoining the village there are ruins of
a very large temple; the only image taken care of is that of Doorga slaying
the giant Mahekhasoor, which is housed under a small hut, and from oil and
attention is in fine preservation ; in a westerly direction, about one and a half
miles, we came to the Johilla river again, which was crossed, before above
the ghat, and in its bed were traces of coal as per specimens No. 112; 113
is the sandstone forming the banks of the river. The bed, chiefly trap
boulders, among which are those of syenite No. 115, large masses of a soft
sandstone, with pyrites imbedded No. 116, sandstone and shale No. 117, and
anthracite No. 118. On the top of the bank were boulders of shell
breccia No. 119. Goohparoo 103 miles, road good all the way; about
three and a half cross the Johilla river, a considerable stream, rather stony
and bad ; cross the Goorchut nulla, a sandstone conglomerate No. 120, after
which a dreary plain up to Goohparoo, a very conspicuous peak ; the circuit
(W. N. W. two or three miles) to round which, and another two marches on,
causes us to make so much northing of west.

Oomureea, eight miles. The first part of this march is jungly and stony,
leading over a small ridge, about the middle of which is the Putpuree
nulla (limestone No. 121,) and the boundary of our and the Rewah state;
some distance on large blocks of limestone rise up in very irregular shapes,
which are called Baynsa Dadur, No. 122, from thence a slight descent into
a plain with small conical hills of basalt as at Kerantal, No. 123; the beds
of the nullas are sandstone, as at Khyrra. Rather a large stream, the
Oomrar, divides the villages of Gomureea and Khulesur, all sandstone. In
a small nulla about two miles off, called the Manhunha, which runs into
the Oomrar, traces of coal are found, as per specimen No. 124, sandstone
125. The bed of the nulla here is called Debee Koond, slate 126, from the
circumstance of some forty years ago afire having sprung out and consumed
a Semul tree, and which spot has continued at intervals of every four or
five years to emit a flame; I have no doubt that some similar trick as that
described by Captain Kittoe is played off by the Bramins on discovering
that the stone would burn.

Koureea, thirteen and a half miles. The road for the first four miles is hilly
and stony, thin jungle, all sandstone, then an open cultivated plain up to
some low hills of primitive formation, syenite No. 127, 128; cross the Nursaha
nulla, the bed of which is granite No. 129, 130, winding through low hills
round the shoulder of a small hill at the Sunreha nulla which and the bed

902 March from Brimhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. [{No. 105.

are sandstone No. 131; soon after cross the Muchrar nulla (?) No. 132, and
pass between two conspicuous conical hills of trap to the Kirchola nulla, to
the right or north of which is a Koond, where an annual fair is held; it
derives its sanctity from the austerities practised by Purutkal, a son of
Brahma. In days of yore the village is said to have been a very considerable
one. Our ground was distant about a mile, on a sandstone eminence,
with a large tank, the village a good sized one; this and the last march
both in the Rewah territory.

About two miles in a northerly direction crossing a ridge of— ? No.
133; there is an extremely picturesque cascade of the Muchrar nulla over
a sandstone rock, with veins on the upper part of indurated clay, as per
specimens No. 134, 135, 136, 137. ;

Khuntera, near the Mahanuddee river, eight miles. The course of this
march lay considerably to the south of west; as at Koureea a very conspi-
cuous peak called Bhangraj is rounded, road good, and chiefly through culti-
‘vation; about six miles crossed the Mahanuddee a considerable river, its
banks are sandstone No. 138, and its bed rolled boulders of trap. The
soil was decomposed trap, and the small hills about the same.

Dheemurkherie, thirteen miles. The road on passing Khuntera lies through
jungle not very thick, and chiefly between two low ranges, the formation of
which is limestone No. 139. The Kirha nulla is crossed three or four times,
after which a ridge of the hills called Chiraebhar is passed over, of the same
formation, and so continues up to the Kukraha nulla. From thence the road
is fine cultivated plain of black soil, with trap hills about; Khoombhee
about nine miles. Road through fine cultivated land, with large villages up
to the ravines, and small hills on the banks of the Heron which are laterite ;
at this point terminates my notes on the marches.

Before concluding, I may make some general remarks on the geological
features of the Mekul hills, three sides of which we had an opportunity of
examining.

On passing along the south face, after descending the Rajadhar ghat, we
find that limestone is the predominant rock, all the beds of the nullas
and the lower part of the range up to Kuttame being so, and from thence
to the foot of the Jogee ghat, granite, syenite, and gneiss, characterized
also by an extreme dense forest jungle, the trees of which, especially
sal, are many of them magnificent. On the other, or northern face, with
exception of some limestone at the last descent of the Purey ghat, the
prevailing rock of the Sohagpoor plains is sandstone, some trap occa-
sionally shewing itself in beds of nullas, and small conical hills rising out
of the plain. The jungle on this side is never dense, and the trees com-
paratively stunted. The upper part of the range is uniformly basalt, capped

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1840. | March from Brinhan Ghat to Umurkuntuk. 903

with laterite; a good view is afforded at the eastern point of the bluff rock
at Umurkuntuk overlooking the country towards Ruttunpoor, and again at
the fall of Kupildhar, where the Nerbudda cuts through the laterite, ex-
posing the compact basalt.

Fossil shells were found under Patungurh, east of the Mohtura ghat,
and just above the Purey ghat.

In addition to the traces of coal noted in the route as found in the bed of
the Johilla river near Palee, and in a small nulla near Khulesar Omareea
of Rewah, Mr. Fraser had intelligence from natives of coal being found
across the Soan in two small nullas called the Hewye and Buroona nullas,
near the village of Sonhegaon in Sohagpoor district, specimens of which
accompany the present series.

In conclusion, I beg to forward the route from Umurkuntuk to Jubulpore,
as received from Lieutenants Waugh and Rennie, who in 1833 came across
the country from Chunar to this.

M. F.
Kurrunjeeah,... 9 0 Nulla, Bad ghat, road good, village small.
Kudjurwar, ... 8 4 Tank, Road good, village fair.
Kunjunpoor, ... 12 6 Nulla, Road bad.
Jhilmilla, ... 70 Ditto, Road fair, stony.

Beedaipoor, ... 12 3 Ditto, Ditto.
Saipoor, .. 80 Tank, A ghat, village pretty fair or large.
Oodhar nulla,.. 9 0 Nulla, Road fair, village small.
Burgaon, ... 10 0 Ditto, Road bad, village fair.
Shaipoora, ... 36 Tank, Road good, large village (a tacoor.)
Serwae on the , |

Mahanuddee, 11 3 Stream, Road not good, village small.

Koondum, ... 12 0 Tank, Road good (from this tank rises the Heron)
Unyher, ... 16 4 Well, Road very good, village small.
Jubulpoor, ... 12 0 Road good.

Total, 132 2
JuBuLPore, 5th October, 1840.

Notr.—The inscription copied by Dr. Spilsbury is not of consequence,
being, it would appear, a mere record of the name of the decorator of the
place, a private person. I have not published a translation of it, as my
Pundit was by no means confident of his rendering, the original not being

correct. py

904

Notice of Amulets in use by the Trans-Himalayan Boodhists.— By
W. E. Carrs, Esa.

Nors.—The kindness of W. E. Carte, Esq. (Surgeon 69th Regiment N. I.)
enables me to lay before my readers the accompanying lithographs, with
a note of explanation by our Librarian. Mr. Carte’s ingenious interpreta-
tion of the effigies on the scrolls, was necessarily limited by his not having
the means of interpreting the writing which accompanied them: I have
therefore omitted it. I owe to his contribution a singular discovery
connected with the rings, to which Mr. Carte alludes. The reference made
by him, induced me to examine them more closely with reference to
their relation to emblems in use with Tartar nations, and the result goes
T think to establish fair grounds for believing that they are no other
than specimens of an ancient Chinese currency, brought doubtless by
the Boodhist pilgrims from China into Afghanistan. I hope to submit a
further paper shortly on the gems and antiques from the late Capt. Conelly’s
collection, when I shall be able to state my impressions more at length.

(Ty

* Almora, 31st August, 1840.

“The accompanying scrolls were obtained by me at Rampoor (near
Kotghur) in 1888, from some of the nomadic Tartars who visit that
place for the purpose of traffic. The scrolls were enclosed in small
copper cylindrical cases, with rings attached, and by means of a string
worn round the neck, perhaps as amulets. I have in vain endeavour-
ed to have the printed, or written parts, decyphered. The Brahmins at
this place avre, that they are in the Sanscrit language, though Tibetan
character; and as Boodic mysteries, were regarded by them with so
much superstitious aversion, not to say horror, that they would not
assist in expounding such heterodox symbols.

‘“‘ T am now induced to forward them to you, from the similarity which
some of the figures delineated in them bear to those on the copper
ring, described in No. 14, Plate 2, Fig. 17, of the Journal Asiatic
Society, as you will I think immediately perceive on comparison. The

hand in Fig. 10, Plate 1, is also conspicuous, and perhaps further —

coincidences may occur to a more experienced eye than mine.”

1840. ] Trans-Himalayan Boodhist Amulets. 905

Remarks on the above. By Csoma ve Koros, Esq. Librarian to the
Asiatic Society.

With reference to the two scrolls which were sent to you from
Almora, and which you had left with me, together with a letter from
Mr. W. E. Carte, on the 17th ultimo, I beg leave to inform you that both
contain abstracts of some larger Tantrika works, or religious treatises,
in Tibetan, interspersed with mantras in Sanscrit. The first paper,
eight feet five inches long, of which the figures take two feet five
inches, and the text six feet, contains 244 lines (two and a half inches
long each) in printed Tibetan character. I cannot exactly tell you
what the figures may represent, but I think the first is the regent, or
ruler of the year, figured by a victorious king. The second is a tortoise,
with nine spots on the belly, representing the lucky and unlucky periods,
accordingly as the moon is affected by the planets and constellations,
during her daily progress in her path. Then come the twelve animals,
after which the years of the cycle of twelve years are called, opposite
one to another, thus: the rat or mouse and ox; tiger and hare; dragon
and serpent; horse and sheep, or ram; ape and bird; the dog and hog.
Then the amphora and pices, for the twelve zodiacal signs ;—signs of
four planets, as the sun and moon, for all the rest. Then representations
of the four, eight, and ten corners of the world. A king, his minister,
horse, elephant, soldier, sun, moon, eye, ass, &c. Afterwards, from the
head of a bird downwards, in. two lines, there are Chinese symbolical
figures, or characters, having perhaps the same meaning as the figures
above designed. These symbolical characters were used 200 years
before Jesus Christ, under the Han dynasty ; the Tibetans now also use
them on large square seals.

There are on this paper five different abridged Tantrika works, or
sfitras, under distinct titles, the Sanscrit being generally erroneously
written.

1. Contents of the first sitra. The salutation, only in Sanscrit,
thus: Namo Shri Kalachakrayé (which should be thus: Namas Shri
Kalachakraya. English : “ Salutation to the circle of Time.” The year,
month, day, and hour, are figured by a prince, minister, soldier, and
weapon. All the regents of the year, month, day, and hour; those of
the planets, constellations, stars, Nagas, and imps are requested to
look on these symbolical figures, and be favourable to the person who

906 Trans-Himalayan Boodhist Amulets. [No. 105.

wears or carries with him these symbols and mystical prayers, that
he may succeed in every undertaking. Many particular businesses or
works (religious, sacrificial, civil, and economical) are here enumerated,
and all classes of divinity are requested not to hinder him in any of
his occupations, but to assist him, that he may increase in prosperity,
and see all his works accomplished. Here also occur some mantras ;
that, at the end being thus: Om/ Supratishtha Vajrayé-Swahd,
Mangalam. . ;

2. The second work contains in Sanscrit, short addresses to Shakya
Muni, to Vagishwari, to Manipadme, to Vajra Pani, and to Vajra Guru,
Padma Siddhi.

3. The third contains one sloka and a half, in Tibetan, with a mystical
formula in Sanscrit, on the melodious recital of the several attributes of
Manju Shri, (in Tibetan, Jém-pdl) the god of wisdom.—It is pretended
that this short siatra, taught by Shakya himself, and buried under
ground in the country of Lho-brag, in Tibet, by Padma Sambhava
in the 9th century after Jesus Christ, was taken out and divulged by
Guru Chos-kyi d, Vang phyug.

4. This is called the venerable stitra, dispelling the darkness of the ten
corners of the world. The salutation is especially addressed to Jém-
pal (Manju Shri, in Sans.) and to the ten Buddhas in the ten corners
of the world. In each of the ten corners of the world (four cardinal,
four intermediate, the Zenith and Nadir) fancifully is named a Buddha
province, with a fancied Buddha in it. To each of them successively
is addressed a set form of salutation, with a short request, thus:
“Tf I go towards that corner, after having obtained my aim, grant
that I may quickly return home.” Again a request to those Buddhas,
that he who carries with him this sitra, may obtain, together with his
family, similar blessings to those granted to a handsome faced youth
by Shakya, when he first taught him this sitra. Then follow some man-
tras. Lastly, is stated by whom, and in what part of Tibet this sutra,
was found, and taken out from under-ground.

5. This is styled the ‘“ Satra of eight lights.” The salutation is ad-
dressed to Buddha, religion, and holy priests, &c. There are several
mantras, or physical formule in Sanscrit, to avert any unlucky
year, month, day, and hour, the influence of any malignant planet or
star. Other mantras for preventing any unlucky accident before and

Llate/” Prided Pell

| RAGAN Asnane \ ok SNS

ey, : $ ’ pe ' : : q oa “2 i ad
Trane Tica A diastole

hale omee

Se |

ate aku ee
% he a P: +

‘es

i Oe yes

+ > ae Sa aee
Ana. Za ES Ee: SN

, + 4
irs ee

“

S
S
~
<
a
x
<
————
Rh Bo
Ss)
Si
y

S
S
SS
SN
S
S
&
SS
=
®
Any

Plato

MMS IATL

MIMS phe

Keer te bith: Prete Ballin bcs

oY eS

é
ae

x
by
-
x

1840. ] Trans-Himalayan Boodhist Amulets. 907

after noon. ‘Then follow several other mystical prayers for averting
any evil or calamity, intended by Tshangs-pa (Sans. Brahma) by the
great god (Sans. Mahé Déva). Then follows a prayer, that by the re-
petition of the mantras all evil spirits may be driven away, all hostile
troops defeated, and that every wish may be accomplished. State-
ment of the place where this Sitra was found under the ground. The
conclusion is with this mantra: “ Om / Vayra Chan'da Mahé Roshana
Him, Phat. Namas Chan’da Vajra Krodhaya, Hulu Hulu, Tishtha
Tishtha, Bandha Bandha, Hana Hana, Armati Him, Phat,
Mangalm.” | ;

The second paper (four feet eight inches long, together with the figures
of the twelve animals, after which the years in the cycle of twelve years
are denominated) contains, in 121 lines three inches long each, a
manuscript copy of the two last numbers of the former paper, also a
rough sketch of the nine spots on the belly of a tortoise, in a square;
and afterwards, successively downwards, the figures of the twelve
animals of the cycle of twelve years. The writing may easily be read,
but the orthography is bad, and the Sanscrit titles and mantras have been
erroneously transcribed. |

This is the sum of the general contents of the two scrolls worn by
the Tibetans as amulets for obtaining the favour of particular divinities,
and for averting all kinds of evil spirits.

Report on the Country between Kurrachee, Tatia, and Sehwan, Scinde.
By Capt. E. P. De a Hoste, Assistant Quarter-Master General.

This portion of Scinde contains a space of 6,934 square miles; the
position of the above places being as follows—

Latitude. Longitude.
Kurrachee, DOA OT Cio Oat”
Tatta, 24° 45’ 0" 67° 59 0"
Sehwan, Ope ye OL O8°7 aa:

The soil may be considered as generally light clay, although in some
Soil and Inhabitants. places there is a good deal of sand, and in others
sandstones and pebbles, mixed with the soil. The former is in general
the formation of the lower parts, whilst of the latter, the hilly tracts
are composed. Where irrigated and manured, this soil is very productive,

but except in the vicinity of the river Indus there is little or no cul-
| DZ

908 Report on the Country between [No. 105.

tivation in the whole of the country under description. Indeed, with —
exception of the large towns above mentioned, and those permanent
villages along the right bank of the Indus from Tatta to Sehwan, with
Gharra and Gooja, there are no fixed villages within the limits; the in-
habitants are consequently few, and are chiefly employed in tending large
flocks of sheep and goats, camels, and buffaloes, in which their wealth
consists. Their habitations are as rude as their appearance, being com-
posed of a kind of matting or tattie, made from a reed called puk or
punkah; these resemble the huts seen in many parts of India, in the
outskirts of villages, in which Wanggries and Kolatnees reside ; the reed
there is called sozlkee ; when properly made their tatties keep out the
rain and dust in a wonderful manner. The puk or punkah used in ©
Scinde is of a much larger size, and of a dark brown colour; it is
easily rolled up when the shepherds require to move, which they do
according as the grass and water become expended. These people, (it
will be remembered I speak of the wandering tribes,) are Belooches, —
Jokias, and Soomries.
The Belooches occupy a portion of the country which would be des- )
cribed by aline being drawn from the end of the Jutteel Hills to Tatta. —
The Jokias, the country between Tatta and Kurrachee. And the Soom- ©
ries the remaining part of the district.

The former are insolent and thievishly inclined, being Scindian j
Belooches, and patronised by the rulers of the country. ‘

The Jokias are well disposed; and the Soomries a quiet, inoffensive t
race, in this part of the country, whatever they may be elsewhere. .

From the inquiries I have instituted, I do not believe that the
amount of population in this part of Scinde (the large permanent
villages and towns not included) exceeds 5 or 6000. Their food
is chiefly meat; grain is little used, a substitute is found for it by dry-
ing and pounding a berry called decr, which is mixed with water, and
packed away in pots; this with sour milk as a beverage, is what they
exist on. They derive some profit from the coarse nummuds made
from the wool of their goats and sheep; as also, since our arrival, from
the quantity of the puk tattas* and mats that have been disposed
of by them.

* These Tattas are not made by the Soomries, but by the Seks and Lubannas.—
E.P.D. ;

| 1840. | Kurrachee, Tatta, and Sehwan, Scinde. 909

The Revenue derived from this part of Scinde by the Ameers is re-
Revenue. alised chiefly at Kurrachee, which alone pays yearly one
lac of Rupees, out of which the following sums are paid—

Saduk Shah Newaub, ... ... oe er ae 180 0 O
14 Beloochee (Jukia) Sepoys, ats wit vein LOO SOL na)
4 Golundauze, oe < ae Hi fis 20 0 O
1 Jemedar and 20 Sepoys, As a nscie 2, OMe
Naqua Jemadar of Kelafsees, su ae ae Lis o
Alla Rukka Jemadar, se i ae Nae 30). (0) 3G
Tukchund, ... tas ue. slave nee: ‘is 30.0 0
Abbasali. Shaw, ee ck seit ae se 23 OO
Kurrumchund, ne oa hs ee se 31. 00
2 Moonshees, aa ‘e ut ‘Seis ea 24 0 O
Inferior Ditto, se ae : os om o- 720
2 Peons for collecting taxes on the Marais (fisher-
men) a as sia 58 16 0 O
Writers and Ronee. for the Port ih 19.0. 0
2 Durwans (door-keepers at Mitta and Pee Gates, ) EY O,, 0
2 Attendants at principal Police station, iO. .0
Peon over Moochees, ... 4 0 0
Paymaster (Receiver) se ai Le 5 (ire: Pom 0)
Stationary, Hileege SIN)
OS a aek Be Sis 0
3 Syyuds, Pensioners, sae ee N: Sue 24: 8 0)
12s" 724 SG
Annual Expenditure, se 5 se naeig (O}OGe OaO

Expenses allowed annually in Fort Munoora, formerly, 1,344 0 O
-Sepoys (20) at 5 Rupees, 100

Water for above, 12
19 ae one
10,038 0 O
Annual Gift to Muggar Peer, ae aa doe AOE Ae

10,145 0 O

910 Report on the Country between (No. 105.

The amount thus realised from Kurrachee is the produce of the land
and sea customs, there being little or no revenue derived from the
soil.

I can form no idea here of what the revenue of Tatta and Sehwan
may be; the tax on the “ Mahamios,” or fishermen on the Indus, is a
considerable source of wealth to the rulers of the country.*

The only Rivers of any note in this tract are the Hubb, (which rises

Rivers. near Zehrey, and enters the sea, west of Cape Monge)
and the Barran; the others, consisting of the Mulleere Hurchee, Leaeer,
Kowranee, Rooah, Peepree, Goorban, Murraie, Pokun, Warkees, Kay-
jooree, and Doombeh, are all mountain streams, dry the greater part of
the year, but water always found by digging a few feet in their
beds. I am led to believe that a sufficient quantity might be
readily obtained (by excavating large pools in the rivers) for irri-
gation, were the excessive taxation abolished, and greater protec-
tion afforded the cultivators. This is a matter of serious consideration
on the route from hence to Sehwan direct, as the great difficulty
now to be overcome, is the want of supplies on the line of route.
In the Pokun Kayjooree, or Doobee (the same rivers, only at different
points, so called from halting places) water would not be found
probably without great labour, but were holes or pits made, the
water would remain in them. Their beds are rocky, the others sandy.

The Hubb has been traced from the Pubb hill to the sea, a distance

Hubb. of fourteen and a half miles, throughout which a depth
of water of eight inches in the month of September was found,
and in some places deep pools, abounding with fish and alligators. The
river is said never to fall even in the driest seasons, and is the chief
resort of the Soomries and Belooches. This does not appear to be ~
the description of a fine river, but in this part of Scinde a running 4
stream (except after rain) is seldom met with. :

The Hubb enters the sea west of Cape Monge (Mooaree) and be-
tween it and the island of Churna or Churn. It rises near Zehrie, and
has been traced from near Hoja Jamote, in the route to which place
a description of it is given.

The Barran rises in a mountain called Kirter, north-west of §

Barran. Humlanee thirty coss, and joins the Indus two and a |

* In preparation—E.P.D.

1840. | Kurrachee, Tatta, and Sehwan, Scinde. 911

half furlongs south of Kotree ; for one mile from its junction with the
great river it contains a good deal of water. It is laid down on the
route from Kurrachee to Hyderabad direct.

The streams are frequently called after the tribes that are in the
habit of residing on their banks, and indeed the villages or camps also
derive their names from the same source ; “ Hoja Jamote,” “ Hoja,” the
chief of that party, and ‘‘ Jamote,” the name of the tribe, ‘“‘ Shah tra Gote,”
**Muhumud Khan ke Tando,” are of this derivation.

Hills are numerous in the northern and north-east portion of this

Hills. tract, and it will be easy to trace them by reference to the map.

The ranges are—

1. The nearest to Kurrachee, ending in Cape Monge.

2, The Pubb range, of which that mountain is the highest point.

3. The Sahkan Hill; the Morethe ; and Har More Pubb.

4. Jutteel Lukki, Karra, and a number of other detached hills, which
bear the names given them in the map. It will be seen that the Lu-
kki mountains do not hold the place assigned them in most of the maps.
They run from the Jutteel range nearly south-west towards Hydera-
bad, and from the Lukki pass (the town of Lukki near the pass pro-
_ bably, gives it the name of Lukki) by projecting into the Indus. This
pass is now nearly destroyed by the force of the current of the river,
and probably next year will not exist. In these hills hot springs
are found, also alum and sulphur. The fort of Runnei, which I shall
have occasion to describe hereafter, is situated hereabouts.

The Jutteel run nearly south-west from Sehwan, are very lofty and

Jutteel. steep; they extend to Dooba, or Domba, sixty-six miles,
and the road direct from Kurrachee to Sehwan runs between them
and another range, equally high.

It may be said that the tract of country from Soameanee to Sehwan,
and from.thence to Kurrachee, contains scarcely any thing but hills
and mountain streams. Lead, antimony, alum, sulphur, and copper, are
found in these hills.

The forts are Munoora, Runnie, near the Indus; Bamboor, near

Forts. Gharra, Killa Kote, near Tatta; the old castle called Kaffer
Killa, near Sehwan.

Munoora will be found described in the report by Captain Harris

Munoora, and myself on Kurrachee. :

912 Report on the Country between — [ No. 105.

Runnie ka Kote is situated two and a half coss from Sunn, a town of
Runnie. about 100 houses, on the right bank of the Indus. It

was built by Meer Kurrum Ali, and his brother Meer Morad Ali
twenty-seven years ago, cost twelve lacs of rupees, and has never
been inhabited in consequence of there being a scarcity of water in
and near it. That so large a fort should have been constructed with-
out its having been ascertained beforehand that an article so indis-
pensably requisite, not only for the use of man, but even for the con-
struction of the walls, was wanting, seems most extraordinary ; but I am
told that this is the sole reason for its having been abandoned. A
rapid stream in the rains runs past it and joins the Indus, and by a
deviation from its course, part of the walls of this fort have been de-
stroyed. The hill on the north face is the steepest, and from the in-
telligence I received, must be at least 800 or 1000 feet high; the op-
posite hill is of considerable height, and the east and west walls are
built on level ground, and join those constructed on the hills ; the whole
is of stone and chunam, forming an irregular pentagon, and enclosing
a space capable of containing 2000 men.

The course of the river (which I believe to be that described by me
in the account of Scinde, written in 1832 as Sunn river) ran formerly
round the base of the north face, but about twelve years ago it changed
its course, and destroyed part of the north-west wall, the distance
from that wall to the river being about 400 yards; the bed of the
river (original course) is described as rocky; if so, nothing could
be more easy than to deepen it at the point where it has taken a turn,
and construct a tunnel from thence to the fort, and below the wall
(which must be rebuilt on arches) an excavation made inside, to receive
the water, and a supply would be secured. It is not surprising however
that this idea has not occurred to those who originally built the place,
without considering from whence water was to be obtained. The fort is
thirty-eight coss from Kurrachee. I have a survey of the route to

within twenty-seven coss of it, and shall endeavour to get a rough survey

of the fort, as it might be of use as a station for our troops. The

Ameers, I am told, would gladly give it up, considering it of no value

from the cause stated. 4
Bambour is in the Gharra creek ; it is scarcely distinguishable now, and
Bambour. is reported to have been the site of a Kaffir city and fort.

oe ee

1840. | Kurrachee, Tatta, and Sehwan, Scinde. 913

Killa ka Kote is three miles south of Tatta (built by the Newabs

Killa ka Kote. from Delhi, it is said.)

There are several traditions respecting it; I take the following

Kaffir Killa. account and sketch of it from my Journal, kept during
the Scinde Mission, April 14, 18382.

“ This evening we landed near the town of Sehwan, and after visiting
a ruined Eadgah, which at a distance we mistook for the fort built by
Alexander, or rather said to have been built by him, we discovered
by the aid of two Scindians that the mound was north-west of the town,
through a part of which we walked and ascended the fort. It is an
artificial mound, eighty or ninety paces high; on the top, a space of 1500
feet by 800 surrounded by a broken wall; we examined the remains
of several old towers of brick, and I took a hasty sketch of the gateway,
which is remarkably lofty. The mound is evidently artificial, and the
remains of several towers visible. The brickwork seems to extend to
the bottom of the mound, or at any rate to a considerable depth, as we
. could see down the parts washed away by the rains. A well filled up,
was observed. We were told that coins and medals were frequently found
on and near the place, but we were not so fortunate as to obtain any.”

I regret now having had so little time to devote to the examination
of this fort, but think the period of its construction is not of so an-
cient a date as is ascribed to it.

The resources of the country, as far as grain, cloth, &c. are concerned,

Resources. are drawn from the large towns near the river, and its vici-.
nity. Cattle, sheep, goats, and camels, are abundant in the desert tract.

Grain is brought from Tatta and Sehwan; bajary, wheat, and rice,
principally brought from Larkhanna. Grass is abundant along the
river, and in the hills N. E. of Kurrachee. A supply should be cut
and stacked in September and October, for the Scindians merely bring
in the daily supply.

At Tatta—cloth, loongies, and carpets; at Sehwan, carpets, and the

Manufactures. Caps worn by the Scindians at Kurrachee. Iam in-
formed many articles of the same sort are made.

Skins and hides, raw and tanned, are exported to Arabia and Bom-
bay. The report on Kurrachee includes this subject.

The only one near Kurrachee is the Peer Munjah Musjeia, and

Curiosities. hot springs, 9 miles N.E. of Kurrachee. The hot

914 Report on the Country between [No. 105.

springs abound with alligators, and a most disgusting sight they are;
there are, it is said, upwards of 200 of them, in a small space scarcely
120 yards in circumference, some very large ; their appearance basking
in the sun is not unlike a dried date tree. This place has been well
described by Lieutenant Carloss, Indian Navy.

The climate of Lower Scinde, out of the influence of the sea breeze,

Climate. is bad during the months of August, September, October,
and November; fevers are then very prevalent, and of a very dan-
gerous and obstinate nature. The fact of the whole of the 26th
regiment having suffered from fever, (2 Officers and one Havildar only
excepted), 3 European Officers, and nearly 100 men having died this
season, is sufficient proof of the unhealthiness of the climate in these
months, within the influence of the malaria arising from the inundated
lands. Sehwan is not better I fear, for, from its situation it is equally
open to miasma from the marshes S. W. of it, and the inundated
country N. and N. E.; most of our people who have been there have
been attacked with fever.

Kurrachee has been healthy, and the climate mild and temperate; the
cold bracing, but not severe hitherto, (16th December), a point which
may be of importance in fixing the site of the cantonment for the
troops remaining in Scinde.

The roads in this part of Scinde are, as in most others, mere foot

Routes. paths, wheeled carriages being unknown; better are scarcely
necessary. Surveys have been made of the following :—

Kurrachee to Tatta ;

to Sehwan ;

to Kotree ;

to Hubb River, and along its bank to the sea;
to Fort Munoora by land ;

to Hoja Jamote ;

es to Mujjah Veer ;

i to Gisiey Creek ;

these have been performed by two guides, Oree Sing and Essoo
Rama, and my private guide, Kenkaya Mahadavia ; and a survey of our
camp, and the country near it, by Capt. Boyd, who acted for me
during my absence on sick certificate.

1840. | Kurrachee, Tatta, and Sehwan, Scinde. 915

The following remarks were drawn up by me in transmitting copies
of the routes to Bombay :—

The routes forwarded by this day’s post, December 1 5th, are of consi-
derable importance, since they shew the present state of the country on
the right bank of the Indus, from Sehwan to the sea; from which it will
be observed, that in a line of road extending in one instance 140 miles,
and. in another 96, not one single permanent village has been met with,
although no scarcity of water exists; various causes are assigned for
this desolation. The revenue of the country is reduced to that realized
at Kurrachee, which averages one lac of Rupees.

The route from hence to Hyderabad vid Kotree has been lately
travelled by Lieutenant and Mrs. Travers, and by Lieutenant Franklin,
2nd Grenadiers, and his detachment of 60 rank and file. No difficulty
has been experienced; supplies of grain and food were taken from hence ;
sheep, and goats are procurable on the line of route. The country is
quiet, and the few people met with civil and inoffensive; water is found
in the beds of the rivers by digging a few feet.

The above remarks are equally applicable to the route from hence
to Sehwan, which is however of greater importance than the former,
since it opens a direct communication with the interior of Scinde.

To the merchants the discovery of this route is of the greatest value,
since, by pursuing it, they avoid the delay and danger of entering and
tracking up the Indus to Sehwan, a journey of at least one month;
which can be performed in ten days from Kurrachee. The water com-
munication from Sehwan to Larkana, and to the Indus by the Arul and
Narra, is highly advantageous, since the rapid current is avoided, which
is an obstacle in the Indus.

The route from Kurrachee to Hoja Jamote, in the vicinity of Kanaraj
river, has proved the existence there of lead and antimony. The in-
formation I have obtained in consequence, of the existence of copper
near Beyla, is also of importance; and may hereafter be turned to
account..

It remains only for me to speak of the boats and boatmen, the

Boats and Boatmen. harbour of Kurrachee having been described in
a former report. The boatmen are all Mahomedans, and called Moanas.
They are respectable and hardy fellows, and not of the same description
as the Mohannas of Upper Scinde, and on the river. The wives of the

916 Report on the Country between Kurrachee, &c. (No. 105.

latter are called Kod/ee, and are not remarkable for their fidelity, a point
which causes their husbands to be looked down on.

The tonnage for boats on. the river is calculated by a measure called
Kharar,* which in the measurement of boats is equal to three Bombay
candies, making the Kharar — lbs. English.

But at Kurrachee the tonnage is calculated in candies. The follow- ,

ing measures are in use at Kurrachee. Four Chotallo, one Pattee; six-
teen Pattee, one Kassa; sixty Kassa one Kharar; one Kharar, ninety
Bombay maunds.

Tn measuring grain the Kharar varies in size, thus ; bajery and wheat
three and a half candies one kharar; rice, three and a three-quarter
candies one kharar.

Description of Boats belonging to the harbour of Kurrachee.

Kotia.—The Kotia resembles botells used in India, it has a flat stern
and round bottom, and does not fall over much, when ground.

Dinjee.—The Dinjee is sharp bowed, bottom, and stern, and must
be supported by props when aground, like the pallymar used in India,
excepting having a high stem or poop.

The former are heavy sailers, the latter speedy.

Camp KurracHEE,
December 26th, 1839.

Narrative of facts attending the Wreck of the Transport “ Indian Oak”
on the Loochoo Islands ; communicated from the Political Secrata-
riat Office, Government of India.

To C. B. Greenzaw, Esa.,
Secretary to the Marine Board, Calcutta.

Sir,

The last letter I had the honor to forward to your address, was from ~
Singapore, dated 23rd June; on the following day I sailed for Macao in. ~
the transport ‘“ Hooghly,” taking with me the transport “ Clifton,” as —
directed by His Excellency the Admiral and Commander-in-Chief ; and —
arrived with the above ships at Macao on the 12th July, where I received _
further instructions to proceed with the ships under my orders to Chu- 4

* « Khur waw ”’ literally.

oo ee ere >

1840. | Wreck of the Transport ** Indian” Oak. 917

san, and arrived at the latter port on the 28th July, where I joined the
Admiral and fleet. His Excellency the Admiral directed me to return
to Singapore, and assume the duties of Resident Agent for transports
at that port; in pursuance of which, I was directed by Commodore Sir
J. J. G. Bremer to join the transport “Indian Oak” for a passage to the
latter place. We sailed from Chusan on the 10th of August, and on
the 14th instant following, I regret to say, were wrecked on the Great
Loochoo Island, in lat. 26° 21’ 46’ N., about 10 miles to the north-
ward of the principal place, Napakiang ; and longitude by the “ Indian
Oak’s” chronometer 127° 12’ 45" K., which now proved to have been full
thirty miles too far west. For particulars, I cannot do better than refer
you to the enclosed copy of a letter addressed to Commodore Sir J. J. G.
Bremer, forwarded through the chief officer, Mr. Field, who succeeded
in making Chusan in the launch, and returned to our relief with H. M’s.
ships ‘“‘ Nimrod” and “ Cruizer” on the 16th September. As the junk
mentioned in my letter to the Commodore had been built, and nearly
completed, in which it was our intention to have proceeded to Singapore,
Captain Barlow, senior officer, was of opinion, that she might be useful to
the force at Chusan, and determined on sending the ‘‘ Cruizer” back
with the mails and despatches on the following day, and remain to ac-
company the junk. When all being completed, and the stores and
crew of the “ Indian Oak” embarked on the junk, I, with Mr. Payne my
writer, embarked on the “ Nimrod,” and sailed on the 29th of September
for Chusan, where H. M’s. ship “ Nimrod,” with the junk ‘ Loochoo,”
arrived on the Sth instant.

I should not do justice to my own feelings, or to those kind Islanders,
the Loochooers, were I to omit stating, and bringing to the notice of
government, the very great kindness and hospitality received from
the moment of our landing to the date of our departure, which was
uniform from the first to the last, with the exception that we were not
allowed to pass into the interior, or exceed the limits of our compound
beyond the wreck; our own contrymen could not have been kinder.
They not only built a vessel of 150 to 180 tons burthen, but gave us
a plentiful supply of provisions during our stay of forty-six days on the
island, and one month’s provision for every person in the junk ; they
also furnished H. M’s. ships with water and fresh supplies during
their stay, declining to receive any thing in the shape of payment

918 Wreck of the Transport “ Indian Oak.” [No. 105.

in return; stating they neither wanted gold or silver, but in the event
of any of their own vessels falling on the coasts of any of our settle-
ments in distress, that we would treat their people with the same

kindness, and send them back to their country. The only return

they accepted was a telescope from myself, and one presented by
Captain Barlow, with twelve copies of the Saturday and Penny Maga- ~
zines, a small print, and a looking glass in the name of Her Britannic ~
Majesty. |
In conclusion, I can only regret my inability to do full justice —
to those kind, hospitable, and good people. In my letter to Sir J. J. |
Gordon Bremer, I stated the latitude of the wreck to have been 26° 11’,
which is wrong, and which mistake was occasioned by an error in the 1
sextant, that I did not discover until after the departure of the long q
boat ; the true latitude however is 26° 21’ 46” N. both by double alti- —
tudes and altitudes of the Pole Star, all taken on a false horizon, at the —
village of Peekoo. “a
As I have kept a journal of occurrences during our stay in Loochoo, |
should it be requisite, I shall be able to furnish full particulars of every 1
occurrence, winds, weather, &c., that took place until my departure :
in H. M’s. “ship Nimrod.” His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief —
has directed, that I should hold myself in readiness to proceed to ~
Manilla, with two or three transports, in which sick troops are to be
embarked for a change of air and fresh supplies. On receiving further
instructions, I shall not fail to apprise you of my movements by ©
the first opportunity. ‘
H. Co’s. Transport, Futty Salam, ( Signed) J.J. R. Bowman,
Cuusan HaRrBour. Agt. for T: ransports, Eastern Expedition.
19th, October, 1840. 4
To Sm J. J. G. Bremer, K.C.B. & K.C.H.
Commodore of the \st Class.
Sir,
It is with sincere and deep regret, that I have to report the loss —
of H. M’s. transport, “Indian Oak,” R. Grainger, Master, on one of the _
Loochoo Islands, on the 14th instant, about 11 a.m. The following heads z
of occurrences will I hope afford you all the information I am at 3
present able to give, on this most unfortunate event. "a

1840. ] Wreck of the Transport * Indian Oak.’’ 919

Monday, 10th August. Parted company with H. M’s. ship ‘ Alli-
gator,” off Keeto Point, Chusan, and passed out, between the Buffalo’s
Nose and the Quesan Islands.

_At9vp.m. the S. Easternmost Island, Pata-hecock, bore EbN. 4 to
5 miles, blowing a fresh breeze from the northward, steered SEbE.

Noon, Tuesday 11th.—In Lat. by Obs. 28° 26’ 17"; Long. Ch. 123°
24’ 15" E. departure taken from Chusan said to be in 122° 6’ E,
of Greenwich ; at this time blowing a hard gale from NNE. with a
high sea ; the ship was reduced to close-reefed topsails, and topgallant
yards sent down on deck. Bar. 29° 63’.

Midnight. Severe gale and high sea, Bar. 29° 50’.

Noon, Wednesday 12th.—Lat. Obs. 27° 13’ 22” N. ; Long. Ch. 124°
55' 45” E.; Bar. 29° 40’; ship’s main rigging very slack, and in great
danger of losing the main-mast ; sent down the gallant mast, and swifted
the rigging in. Furled the fore and mizen-topsails, and hove to under
close-reefed main-topsails.

Midnight. Gale very severe from the northward, blowing in gusts,
with rain and a very high sea. Bar. 29° 35’.

Noon, Thursday 13th.—Lat. Obs. 26° 29’, N.; Long. Ch. 124° 51’ E.;
Bar. 29° 35’, P.M. 3, somewhat more moderate, set the fore-topsail
and steered EbS.

6 p.m. Set fore-sail, and at 10 P.M. set the main-sail. Midnight strong
gales and hard squalls.

Friday, 14th.—10 a.m. course per log, from noon of yesterday,
allowing one point lee-way for the heave of the sea, placed the
ship in as follows :—Course per log 166° 30' E. 121 miles. Lat. D. R.
26° 51’ N.; Long. R. R. 127° 2', from which Capt. Grainger consi-
dered himself well to the SW. of the Loochoo Group, when in the
act of working up the above reckoning, discoloured water was reported
by the officer of the watch, and the ship immediately hauled up SSW.
the wind previously having hauled to the NW. in a very severe squall,
shifted to the westward of the ship, broke off the SSE. ; land and breakers
were now seen on our lee quarter, extending to SSW. on our weather
bow; wore ship and stood to the northward, at this time the fore-top-
mast staysail, fore-topsail, and foresail, were blown out of the bolt

ropes ; found ourselves unable to weather the north point of the Island,

: off which was a long extent of heavy breakers, and a very high sea
|

920 Wreck of the Transport “ Indian Oak.” {No. 105. .

running; the weather being so very thick, the land was scarcely
discernible, although not more than three miles off. Finding ourselves
embayed, and no possibility of saving the ship, wore with the hope of
saving the lives of the crew, and stood to the southward for what
appeared an opening, but which proved only a small inlet or bay, full —
of breakers. The heavy sea and the want of sail, setting us fast on the
shore, between 10-30, and 11 a. ™M. struck on an extensive rocky
ledge, extending about two miles from the shore, with numerous rocky
‘patches, just a-wash. The sea now made a clean breach over the ship ;
she shortly after fell over on her beam-ends, and broke her back about
the chess tree, the fore part falling in deep water. Cut away the
main mast, and some time after the mizen mast. All hands now col-
lected aft, under the poop, and on the weather quarter and mizen
chains. On the ship’s falling over, lost the larboard quarter boat
which was washed on shore, by which we observed the tide to
be falling. .

The gale now increasing to a severe hurricane, with heavy rain, our
only remaining hope was in getting a rope on shore. The first attempt
to carry a line on shore was made by William Bagburn (seaman sent
from the Blenham) but owing to the strong drawback, failed, and
was with some risk hauled in; a second attempt with the lead line
was made by a lascar, who succeeded in reaching the shore (greatly
exhausted and cut by the rocks) but lost the line. About this time
a number of natives came down and motioned us to land. An x
attempt was now made to get the jolly boat out, which was stowed
on the launch, but in doing so, she was stove to pieces. Several
attempts were now made with hatches, gratings, and oars, all of 4
which failed, owing to the line fouling the rocks; two more attempts — |
were made, by two lascars, to carry the log line on shore, one of —
whom succeeded, and the end of the deep sea lead line got on § .
shore, but which also fouled the rocks, and was thereby rendered use- a
less. The tide coming in, all the Islanders with our two men left —
the reef; our only remaining hope being in the strength of the ship, Ea
and the after part holding together. As the tide came in, the wind —
and sea increased; the latter making a complete breach over all,
fore and aft, and throwing pieces of sheathing and copper over the
vessel in all directions. Finding it impossible to hold on longer on

1840. | Wreck of the Transport “ Indian Oak.” 921

the outside, all hands got under the poop, with the ship on her beam
ends and deck nearly perpendicular.

As the tide came in, the sea gradually hove the vessel higher on the
reef until she lodged on a small ledge of rocks. Our rudder was torn
off with part of the counter shortly after striking, through which the sea
rushed into the poop and lower cabins. Each sea that struck the vessel.
Shook her very frame. Closely huddled together under the poop, were
the commander, officers, passengers, and crew, drenched by every sea,
and shivering with cold, most of us having thrown off all clothes,
as it was likely to impede swimming. We remained in this state until
about 4 past 11 p.m., when the tide having receded, and the weather
considerably moderated, we found ourselves much nearer the shore, and
comparatively smooth under the lee. Sounded on the lee side, and found
only from five to six feet water ; immediately piped all hands on shore,
the mizen mast, yards, and gaff forming a raft. All hands got on shore,
including the sick, in safety, with exception of a few cuts and bruises
from the rocks. All the crew and passengers having got on shore,
myself, the commander and officers followed, and after walking about
a mile over a rocky ledge, towards some lights at high water mark,
were met by a party of the Islanders, and greeted with kind hospitality,
hot tea and rice being served out to every man. Nothing can show
their hospitality in a stronger light than the following :—I had nothing
on but a shirt and drawers, drenched to the skin; one of the prin-
cipal men noticing my situation, took off his outer jacket or coat,
and insisted on my putting it on. After resting on the beach a short
time, we were conducted to a comfortable dwelling, or court house,
where dry clothing was given to all who stood in need, and we were again
regaled with warm tea, rice, eggs, and fowls. Words are not adequate
to express the kindness, attention, and hospitality we have received
from the first moment of landing to the present time, from these
kind and good people; their honesty is beyond praise,—articles of
silver, gold, and wearing apparel strewed in every direction to dry,
but not an article touched.

_. Most of our wearing apparel has been saved, but all more or less
damaged from being drenched for several days in the sea. Several
dozens of the Commander’s wine and beer have also been saved,
but I regret to say little of the ship’s provisions. We are entirely

|
|

922 Wreck of the Transport “ Indian Oak.’ — [No. 105.

dependant on these good people, who have up to the present time sup-
plied us abundantly. |
For all further particulars, I refer you to the bearer, Mr. Field, first
officer of the late ship ‘‘ Indian Oak,” whose conduct throughout this
trying occasion has been most meritorious ; and in nothing more so, than
at present, in volunteering to proceed in the launch to Chusan, as the
bearer of intelligence most unfortunate, and I fear of serious disap-
pointment and loss to the expedition generally, which no one can
feel more than myself. I can give you no description of the place,
as we are not allowed to go beyond the limits of our dwelling, except to
the wreck. |
From altitudes taken in a false horizon for the Chronometer, and
several altitudes of the Pole Star, I make the geographical position of
our dwelling, about two miles east of the wreck, as follows :—
By a meridian altitude of the sun from Sed 26° 1]! 34" N.
wreck, about 14 miles horizon,
By several altitudes of the Pole Star taken} 26° 11! 29" ,,
in an artificial horizon, a
Long. by Chronometer, ... ... ... «197° 12! 45” E. :
from which I conclude we are on one of the small Islands to the west- _
ward of the Great Loochoo; but the natives whenever questioned, say
we are on the larger Island, but jealous of our gaining any know-
ledge of their Island, invariably evade the question ; they however have j
promised to build a vessel to take us to Singapore, of the following —
dimensions, which they say shall be ready in two months, viz.
65 feet long, 23 ditto broad, 71 ditto hold. :
I trust however Mr. Field will succeed in reaching Chusan in safety, —
from whence I feel assured speedy relief will be sent, with this hope,
and full confidence in a good God,

I am, &e.
Loocuoo Istanps, \ (Signed) J. J.R. Bowman,
28th August, 1840. Agent for Transports, Eeastern Expedition:

P.S.—Since writing the above, I have been assured by one of the —
principal men, that we are on the Great Loochoo; this from what I ~
can see of the land from the wreck, is my opinion, also ; judging from 2
Captain Hall’s description of Napaking Harbour, the wreck lays a little —
to the southward of Abbey Point, in the above place. If I am right, 4

1840. ] Wreck of the Transport “ Indian Oak? 923

and what the islanders state is correct, the longitude shown by the “ In-
dian Oak’s” chronometer, must be twenty-five miles too far west. I
have had no opportunity of getting a lunar as yet, but shall endeavour
to do so by the first opportunity. 1 have also to add, that every cir-
cumstance relating to Chusan and the fleet, has been kept a secret from
the Islanders, fearing it might operate against us, as they are tributary
to China, and now fitting out two junks for Amoy. I trust however
we shall be relieved from our present painful situation before these or
other vessels return. Mr. Field, the bearer, I hope leaves to-morrow.
[ have the pleasure to state the dispatches and letters are saved, but
more or less wet with sea-water.

( Signed) J. J. R. B.

we eee

Note.—I lose no time in publishing the above interesting narrative.
The natives of the Loochoo Islands seem to preserve unimpared the
kindness of disposition, which distinguished them when Basil Hall visited
that distant archipelago, although some greater degree of caution and
strictness as respects intercourse with the interior, on the part of foreigners,
seems now to obtain among them, than was the case when Englishmen
first became intimately acquainted with them. Of Captain Beechey’s sub-
sequent visit, there exists I believe no published account; and although Mr.
radescant Lay, the naturalist, who accompanied that officer, has published
a notice of the Bonin Islands, he has not included (I speak from memory)
in his work any detailed mention of the Loochoooans. A narrative of the
Russian Captain Creiisensturn’s voyage to Loochoo has I believe appeared
on the continent, but I have never seen the book. The accidental sojourn
of Captain Bowman and his party among these kindly islanders, is an
occurrence of much interest; and it is to be hoped that no Englishman
will ever abuse their hospitality, nor fail to requite it, when the occasion
may offer of returning it in kind. py

924

Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. By the late Capt. Enwarn Conoxty.

The country of the Eusofzyes' is naturally, and by themselves, divided
into the Sum, (a Pushtoo word signifying a plain) and the Kohistan or
hilly districts, comprising the valleys of Chumla, Booneer, Swat, &c. and the
physical characteristics of the two divisions are hardly more opposed to
each other, than are the manners and condition of their respective in-
habitants. The present memoir will treat chiefly of the Sum, with a few :
exceptions (to be hereafter mentioned) ; the whole of this tract is peopled
by that great branch of the Eusofzyes, called the Munder.? Scattered over a
perfectly level plain, every where practicable for guns, in villages which
mutual jealousy prevents them from fortifying even with walls, the Mun- —
ders have always been exposed to the inroad of foreign invaders, and
seem in consequence to have early sought the protection of, and willingly
to have submitted to, some one chief of their own clan; though their peculiar
democratic institutions prevented their acknowledging obedience to any
minor authority, if we except that capricious and limited deference which
custom has accorded to the petty Mulliks. The Mullikzyes, a powerful and
numerous tribe, whose principal seat is Yar Hossein, the largest village in
the Sum, are said formerly to have given a Khan to the Munders;? but
the chieftainship has been in the family of Punjtar since the days of
Aurungzebe, whose letters patent it still possesses. Though in the confusion —
consequent on the dismemberment of the monarchy, several chiefs have _
risen to limited authority in the Sum, all of them acknowledge as their —
rightful head—if they have ceased to pay obedience to the descendants of— ~
Bagho Khan, the founder of that family, and these alone possess the power —
of life and death, the Beri Kheil (that of Bagho) being regarded with a
respect hardly inferior to that paid by the Dauranees to their Sudozyes.4

Futteh Khan, sixth in descent from Bagho, died a few days before I left ~

Peshawer. The high character he supported during a period of peculiar

difficulty, and the light which his history throws on the present condition —
of the Eusofzyes, require that a slight sketch of his career should be given.
It was during the short, but brilliant reign of Syud Ahmed,> whose prin-
cipal supporter he was, and to whom he may be said to have given the —
crown, that Futteh Khan obtained his greatest power; not only the —

Munders, but the Eusofs of Swat and Booneer seem to have acknowledged _
him as their head and leader at this period, but on the defeat and death
of the Syud Badshah, the consequence of Futteh Khan became daily less
and less. The Sikhs flushed with victory, poured large armies and large
treasures into the plain, and by bribing some, and intimidating others, con-
trived, if they could not get possession of the country, to weaken it by
exciting jealousies and divisions among the petty tribes, and by substitu-
ting numerous small lordships in the place of one common interest. The

1840. | Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan, 925

people of the hills, particularly those of Booneer, who had been the
principal supporters of the Sum against its foreign enemies, disheartened
by their losses at Noushera,* contented themselves with brooding over their
disgrace, and rarely ventured to leave their fastnesses; and it seemed
likely that, in spite of the difficulties opposed by the differences of their
religions, the disunited Munders would shortly fall an easy prey to the
victorious and one-minded Sikhs. One man alone prevented this. As his
physical resources and apparent means of resistance grew less, the courage,
the moral influence, and it may almost be said, the actual strength of
Futteh Khan increased. Punjtar is a cluster of five small villages, not
containing altogether 500 houses, situated at the upper extremity of a
valley, which opensinto the Sum. It is a place of no strength whatever,
not even being surrounded by a wall, and the road to it is open and prac-
ticable for guns; but such was the terror inspired by the name of its chief,
that for many years it remained the bugbear of the Sikhs, and their largest
armies never ventured to approach it. At last a force of, itis said, 15,000
men with guns, and under an European officer, ascended the valley. The in-
habitants were amused with proposals for an accommodation, and during
the night, guns having secretly been conveyed to the top of a hill which
commands the place, an attack was made on the unfortified little villages.
Of the few Punjtaris thus taken by surprize, the greater number hastened
to place their families out of reach of the fury of the Sikhs; but all those
not encumbered with wives and children, some 2 or 300 only, with Futteh
Khan and the Moullas at their head, unappalled by the overpowering masses
of the enemy, made a stand, and maintained an unequal fight for many
hours. Futteh Khan himself swore not to retreat, and was at last carried
off the field by force in the arms of his soldiers. The Sikhs destroyed the
principal village and mosque, but retreated the next day, lest the Booneeris
should be down upon them; nor have they since revisited Punjtar. Futteh
Khan made a vow to pray in the open air till he had burned some house
of images, and shortly afterwards with a few followers, in pursuance of his
vow, he crossed the river, attacked a Sikh town, and levelled its Dhurmsalla
with the ground.

Ruujeit Singh was fully aware of the importance of conciliating an
enemy so spirited and implacable. He offered Futteh Khan a jageer of
three lacs, and to support him as Khan of all the Eusofzyes, if he would
only nominally acknowledge himself his subject, by sending him a hawk
or two, or a horse as a tribute. Most of the Khan’s friends, and even the
-Moullas recommended not that he should degrade himself into a pensioner
of the infidel, but that he should send a horse to the Maharaja as an
exemption from the annoyances and anxieties to which the vicinity of the
Sikh troops exposed them; but the Khan was inflexible : with his character,

926 Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. [No. 105.

he would have lost his power. ‘ Horses and hawks,’ he wrote back, “are
to be found with rich nobles at the courts of kings; I a poor Zemindar
have nothing of the kind, but I can send you a fat cow if you please.”

Futteh Khan left several childern, but the three eldest (who are by one
mother) alone claim notice.

The first, Mokurrib Khan, the present chief, will be described in another
place. He was on bad terms with his father, and for eight years before
the death of the latter had lived apart from him.

The second, Alum Khan, isa good looking, well disposed, intelligent lad,
under twenty years of age, and was the favourite of his father, who, a little
before his death, sounded his friends as to the possibility of setting aside
in his favour the claims of Mokurrib Khan to the succession. He was
checked by the honest bluntness of his Cazi, who exclaimed before them
all, ‘‘ Death to your house !—would you murder both your children?”

The history of the third son, Mudduh Khan, gives a curious picture of
the state of society among the Eusofzyes. He is now about fourteen years
old; at the age of eleven he drew his sword on his tutor, who had struck him,
and ran away from his father’s house, to which he could never be induced
to come back. He found refuge with Mokurrib Khan, who resided indepen-
dent of Futteh Khan in a fort some eight miles from Punjtar, and having
(in the manner related of Nadir Shah,) formed into a band several children
of his own age, he carried on a sort of war with his father, plundering his
sugar-canes, and otherwise annoying him. Futteh Khan would never allow
the name of the boy to be pronounced in his presence. A few hours
before his death, when he was distributing his property among his children,
the Cazi ventured to remind him of Mudduh Khan: ‘ Who names that
infidel?” said the dying man, “he is no child of mine.”

Of the minor chiefs of the Sum, who deserve notice here, the principal ;
is Arsilla Khan of Zaideb, who, having been on bad terms with his neigh- —
bours of Punjtar, was in a manner forced to save himself from ruin by
seeking the protection of the Sikhs, strengthened by whom, he is now the
most powerful of the chiefs of the plain. The Komalzyes have two chiefs ;
of influence, Khadir Khan of Gooroo Mejar, and Ahmed Khan of Hatti
Murdan; of the latter, mention is made in the narrative.

Mir Khan of Sudoom, known generally by the name of the Mir, j
is the most powerful of the Amazyes. His experience, firmness, and —
courage have gained him much respect, and enable him to rule with a ~
stricter hand than the Eusofzyes will in general submit to. The Muchehi ~
family (mentioned in the narrative) have however scarcely less influence —
among the Amazyes. Besides these, there are a few chiefs, who will be
mentioned in the sequel, who have lately been turned out of their posses- —
sions by the Sikhs and Arsilla Khan.

1840.] Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. 927

It is easier to learn the general character of the chiefs above named,
than to form a just conception of their power and resources. Mokurrib
Khan’s influence, for example, may be said to extend over a great part
of the Sum, but his actual authority is limited to about seventy villages,
(in these the smaller ones called “‘ Bandas” are not included) from most,
if not all of which he draws the “ Aoshr” or tithe, with this, and the
produce of his lands (the return from which is however but trifling) the
“‘ Jizeea,” or tax on the Hindoos, the tax on the fakeers (or villains) and
now and then some plunder from the Sikhs, he is able to maintain an
efficient body of 1,500, or perhaps 2,000 foot men; and 5,000 of his tribe
will rally round him on emergency. To his soldiers he gives but three
rupees a month; but living is very cheap in this frugal country, where
flesh is rarely eaten, and a fowl is a luxury. Mokurrib Khan has but
few horsemen; he was endeavouring to raise a corps when I left him.
His father is said to have left about 30,000 rupees in cash, besides valu-
able property in shawls, &c. the accumulated plunder of years. Arsilla
Khan keeps up more horses than any other chief of the plain, but if the
Sikhs left the country, he would sink into insignificance, and would be
obliged to make terms with Mokurrib. Ahmed Khan and others are
well inclined towards him, (for he is a liberal man, and bears a fair
character) and would not permit him to be altogether crushed by the
Punjtaris. |

Of the military strength of the other chiefs, it is not worth speaking ;
each of them keeps up from two to six hundred followers, horse and foot,
chiefly the latter, and they have the power of raising their clans, and
have much influence in the “ Jeergas,” or public meetings, which assemble,
to discuss all the more important questions.

The Eusofzyes, as before remarked, are not the only inhabitants of the
Sum. Leaving for the present the original possessors of the country, who
are now reduced to the condition of Helots; the other tribes are the
Gudoons, the Khuttuks, the Baeezyes, and the Mamunzyes (the Maho-
medzyes of Elphinstone); but these last may be considered as separate
from the Sum, and will not be further mentioned here.

The Gudoons, called also Gudans, and east of the Indus, Judoons, are a
Kaukur tribe, who migrated into these parts, perhaps two centuries ago.
They are divided into two great branches, Salar and Munsoor, of whom
the first are settled to the east of Punjtar, and the rest in Drumtour.
The Salars are said to have 64 villages, and to muster 6,000 matchlocks ;
their government is a democracy, more rigid than that even of the Eusofzyes.
I was nearly causing a quarrel at Grenduf, their chief town, by inadvertently
asking who was their head Mullik. We were much struck by the appearance
of wealth and comfort of their villages, which are large and populous,

928 Notes.on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. [No. 105.

and the Hindoos seemed to be more numerous and thriving amongst them,
than in any part of the country we visited.

The Khuttuks occupy the left bank of the Sundi,’ from below Noushera
to Jehangiri. They have not more than fifteen or twenty villages ; and
their position has forced them to pay obedience to the Sikhs.

The Baeezyes, whose numbers I have heard rated at 12,000 fighting men,
are also Khuttuks, but they have for a long time been a separate and dis-
tinct tribe. Of their history I know nothing. They are always spoken of.as
the richest people in the country, and many of the Hindoos settled amongst
them are said to possess great wealth. This is not improbable, as one
of the principal roads from the north to Peshawar runs through their
territory, and an active commerce is carried on, on either side of them,
in salt, cloths, &c. .

Like the Gudoons, the Baeezyes are governed by petty Mulliks, and
have always preserved their independence against all foreign enemies.
Of the population of the Sum, I can only form a guess of the probable
amount, some data I had collected on the subject having been carried off
by the Khyberees, but it may not perhaps be very inaccurately rated at
one lac of fighting men. All the tribes above mentioned have the same
manners and customs, and (including the Eusofs) may, without hesitation,
be pronounced the best irregular soldiers in Afghanistan. Their cavalry,
which are so few in number as scarcely to deserve notice, are from their
mode of training and equipment rather Hindostanee than Afghan. The
mass and strength of the Eusofzyes is infantry. Most of the soldiers, and —
every man is a soldier, are armed with heavy matchlocks ; others have long ;
spears, which they use with singular dexterity, either on horse or foot;
a few are clothed in chain armour; and some use even bows and arrows ~
of formidable size. They generally avoid close fighting, though if forced —
to it, they have the character of being excellent swordsmen. _

It is said, that they have some idea of opposing cavalry by forming into /
close masses, or ‘‘ Goles,”’ with their spears extended ; but this I have never —
seen, and am inclined to doubt. At whatever time of the day or night the ©
“ Nakara,” or drum is beat in a particular measure, every man able to bear
arm ssnatches them up, and hurries, ready for action, to his particular —
“ Hoojra,” or public meeting room, of which there are from eight to twenty —
in every village; and from thence, in distinct parties, under separate flags, F
they proceed to the scene of action, and despising the protection of walls,
advance singly into the plain. <A total want of discipline and order now q
distinguishes them. They have no head; each party, or “ Hoojra,”actsinde-
pendently ; and even those under one flag, will not always obey one leader. |

_ We have here the strength, and weakness of the Eusofzyes: their num-
ber and alertness, their courage, sharpened by incessant fighting, and ex-

1840.| Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. 929

pertness in the use of their weapons, render them formidable to the irre-
gular troops, but their peculiar mode of warfare incapacitates them
from contending against a regular army. It is evident that a body
of disciplined cavalry could, with the greatest facility, put to rout and
cut up a herd of men scattered here and there over a level plain,
totally ignorant of tactics, and without unanimity. We need no further
proof of their incompetence to contend on the plain with even semi-
disciplined troops, than is afforded us by the battle of Noushera, in which
though stimulated to the utmost by religious enthusiasm, they were
defeated by less than a third of their numbers.

Of the Kohistan, my information, is, I must confess, very imperfect,
and will be here limited to nearly a barren detail of names.

The tribes of Booneer and the neighbouring hills, may be said to have
no chiefs of any importance, the only individuals possessing influence
being a family of Syuds, the descendant of Peer Baba, a celebrated saint,
who lived in the time of the Emperor Humaioon.

Of this family, there are three principal branches amongst the Eusofs.
The representatives of the elder and most influential branch are, Syud Azim
and Syud Meeah of Tukhtabund, the capital of Booneer, who may be
compared to the Abbot Boniface and Subfriar Eustace of the novel; Syud
Azim, the elder, a good-natured, indolent character, having willingly
resigned his authority to his more active and talented brother. The
second branch is Syud Akber Meeah, of Sitana on the Indus; and the
third, Syud Russool of Chumla.

Chumla, only separated from Booneer by a low range of hills, is near-
ly in the power of the latter; however, unless when some popular ques-
tion is agitated, it is able to maintain its independence. It is divided
among three proprietors. A colony of Komalzyes occupy the west portion ;
Noagee the chief town is the property of Syud Rusool ; and the rest belongs
to Mahomed Khan, a relation of the Punjtar family, on which indeed he is
in some degree dependent.

The tribes of Swat differ from those of Booneer in paying more obedience
to their Khans, and being less under the direction of their Syuds. Their
most influential, religious character, is Mooreed Sahebzadeh of Oochoond,
near Thanneh ; but the respect paid him is variable and unequal.

In Upper Swat there are four principal chiefs. The most northerly is
Pshuh Khan of Sundi, of whom I only know the name; next to him in
position is Mudar Khan of Mingoweer, below whom are Kashun Khan, the
son of Arsilla Khan of Bandeh (whose family were at one time of much
consequence among the Eusofs) and Khadir Khan of Hodigram.

Lower Swat has but two chiefs who deserve mention. One is Zydoollah
Khan, who was originally in joint power with Passund Khan at Thanneh,

930 Notes onthe Kusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. [No. 105.

but the latter has lately been turned out and reduced to insignificance by
his elder brother; the other chief is Khyroollah Khan of Alla Dund. He
has only lately succeeded his cousin Euayutoollah Khan, who submitted to
the Sikhs, and went to Lahore to pay his respects. The indignant tribe,
deposed him in favour of his son, but the son has also been turned out by
Khyroollah.®

Of all the Eusofzyes, the most powerful is Ghazan Khan of Deer®, but he
is perfectly aware of the delicate tenor on which he holds his authority,
and in consequence is anxious to form connections: with any power which
may strengthen him in his rule. He intrigues with this view with the
Douranees and with the Sikhs, and he is fast friends with the Bajore chief,
and with the rulers of Cashgar and Chitrane. But the two first he would
willingly betray, and the last he plunders whenever he gets an opportunity.

There is one chief who, though not an Eusofzye, yet from his position
in the midst of, and intimate connection with, the Eusofzyes, and his sin-
gular history and character, must not be omitted in a description of the
Eusofzye country.

Paieendah Khan, of Tanawul, is a Mogul of the Birlas tribe, the same
from which the Ameer Timoor was descended. All record of the first

settlement in Tanawul of his family is lost, and it has long ago broken off

all connection with the other branches of the Birlas, which are still to be
found in Turkestan.

The Tanawulees, who from their dialect, a corrupt Hindoostani, seem
to be of eastern origin, are divided into two “ tuppahs,” the principal of
which is Pulal, the other Hindowal, and these two divisions are, or were,
respectively governed by two branches of the Birlas family.

Paieendah Khan is descended from the junior branch, the Khans of the
Hindowal, who had little power till the time of Nawab Khan, (father of
Paieendah) whose father having been killed by the chief of the Pulals, set
himself up against them. Nawab Khan had the advantage of possessing the
Douranee road, and enriched himself by a toll on all who travelled his way.
The Douranees were constantly passing and repassing to and from Cashmeer,
and their pride, as may well be conceived, could ill brook paying tribute to
a petty tribe like the Tanawulees; much quarrelling and-heart burning was
the consequence. The celebrated Noorjehan, more commonly known by the

name of Adé, or the mother, the Baumizye mother of Futteh Khan vuzeer,

was en route to Cashmeer, on a visit to Mahomed Azeem Khan, the governor.
Toll was as usual demanded, not of her however or her party, who out of
respect were to pass free, but of some people who followed her camp for
protection. At this even the haughty lady took umbrage, and other causes
of offence not being wanting, an army was sent under Jubar Khan to punish
Nawab Khan. That chief had no option but to give himself up. He was re-

' “
‘ j
Re ee OS eh Se ee a (ar ee

ert
a. ee

1840. | Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. 931

ceived courteously, promises of favour and protection were showered on
him, and he was requested to send for his family, when a maintenance
and a place of residence would be fixed for them.

This last request opened the eyes of the prisoner to the intentions of
his captors; he pretended compliance, however, with their wishes, and re-
quested only that “‘ Jam pans” (litters) might be sent with his son Paieendah
Khan (then a lad, 17 years old) to bring the ladies. As the cortege was start-
ing, Nawab Khan took his son aside, and whispered in his ear, “Take care
of yourself, consider me as a dead man, and give me your prayers.” When
the party reached the Tanawul territory, Paieendah Khan broke the fine
“ Jam pans,” and stripping the servants of Azeem Khan, sent them back to
their master with the message—“ My father is in your hands—do what
you please with him; me, you will never get into your clutches again.”

A heavy stone was tied to Nawab Khan, and he was thrown into the river.
From this time, Paieendah Khan has been a sort of wild man, at war with
all around him. Driven from his home, east of the Indus, by the Afghans,
the Sikhs, and the Pulals, who had partially submitted to Runjeit Singh,
and whose chief, Surbulund Khan, is now at Lahore, Paieendah Khan took
possession of Am, on the right bank of the Indus, which originally belonged
to the Pulals, and from thence, for twenty six years, has never ceased to
carry on a series of depredations on the Sikhs and all who submitted to
them. He boasts that he has four different times raised an army of Ghazis,
who have all fallen martyrs in the cause. Of his first band only three men
are alive, and they are literally one mass of wounds. Am is a small nook -

of land, only a few hundred yards square, shut in between the deep and
rapid Indus, and the lofty chain of the Mabeen'® hills, which close in
upon it in a crescent.

The only road to it from the south, is over a difficult path cut in the face
of the rocks which over hang the river. This and a somewhat similar
spot higher up, called Chutter bai (where his son resides), and a few villages
on the left bank of the Indus, are all the lands of which Paieendah Khan
can now boast. The aggregate return from them is said not to exceed two
thousand rupees a year, but by his forays on the Sikhs, he is able to
maintain 1,000 paid soldiers; and he is openly and secretly assisted by
3,000 or 4,000 of the Tanawulees.

He seizes Hindoos, from the wealthy of whom he extorts money ; some
he forces to labour in chains; others he compels to become Mussulmans, and
if they are refractory, he ties a stone round their necks, and flings them
into the river;—no oaths or ties bind him. He takes money from a village
as exemption from plunder one day, and plunders it the next. His own bro-
ther even he has stripped of every thing. The Sikhs have numerous forts

_on the opposite bank of the river; they dare not leave them; his very grass-
Oe

932 Notes on the Eusofzye tribes of Afghanistan. (No. 105.

cutters insult them every day with impunity. One of these forts commands
that in which Paeen Khan himself resides. I pointed this out to him;
‘¢ Would you like to see me take it,”’ said he, “I will do so in half an hour.”

In fact the Sikhs are only there by his sufferance; he derives a revenue
from them; they paying, that their supplies may not be intercepted; as his
band passes under their forts on a plundering expedition, the Sikh soldiers
salute him from the walls, and wish him good luck.

The Sikhs some years ago bought off his forays by a jageer; but his
cruelty and exactions were such, that the whole country rose, and Runjeit
Sing was obliged to send word to him that he would give him the amount
of his jageer, but must resume the land itself. Paieendah only answered by
levelling with the ground the nearest Sikh village, and retiring again to his
fastness. Since Runjeit Singh’s death, Paieendah Khan has been more
active than ever, and his excursions would certainly extend to the Jhelum, —
but that his neighbour the Syud of Sitana is his enemy, and the Eusofzyes 4
and Chogurzyes, who inhabit the hills above him, threaten his family,
whenever he is known to have left them for more than a few days.

Were there any revolution in the Punjab, to distract the attention of
the Sikhs, I should not be surprized at hearing that he had ventured on
Cashmeer. He is well acquainted with the road, which is not difficult, and
the petty Mussulman chiefs between Tanawul and the valley, would =
rather inclined to favour him, than to offer him any opposition.

Having thus given a sketch of the principal political features of the —
country I traversed, the narrative, to which I now proceed, will be more
readily understood."

Nots.—It will be seen from the conclusion of the above paper, that it
was but the intended commencement of a series. My poor friend Conolly —
sent it me with the heading “ Part I. Introductory,” his object being to fol- —
low it up with a Narrative of his Journey in the Eusofzyes country, in
January 1840. I was awaiting the completion of the papers to publish 3
them in serial order, when I heard of his death. The information however —
contained in this paper alone, is of itself not unimportant; andI therefore —
give it publication as it stands.

It is much to be regretted that we have lost the aid in Afghanistan of so _ ;
intelligent an observer as the author of this short notice: the similar fate __

which befel Mr. Lord has deprived us of the result of that gentleman’s —
intimate acquaintance with the character and habits of the Oosbeks, an
unfinished narrative of his residence with Meer Morad Beg of Koondooz, —
written for this Journal, having been found among his papers. Willno
one consent to supply what they have left incomplete? ¥

Notes to Capt. Conolly’s Eusofzye tribes. 933

1840.]

Tammy) Jo poouyew Aq Weald 3734 & uaeq aavy oO} posoddns Woaq svy iI pue—, vuryzieg ,, Woy
FF PALIOP SISUIIQ © “OSL 2g “sueI} s,A[fouoD { $9 ‘d sojou pue ‘gg aded ‘t y1eg sueySyy s,ui0g aes « 000} Yx0og ,, Jo uondnas0o ueipuy ue A[q
-eqoid st 3] ‘uejstueysyy ut qseay 38 “Guasoid ye UMouY Atuoredde you ST YOIyM ‘pIOM sty} Jo UsAIS ueaq BABY SUOTJVALIAp [elsAag [e]

‘Japunyr ‘jasn X (Jesax poweuins) “opunyy
———_~,-——_— —~\~———_—— =
| |
‘jasn X ‘1eUgO ‘1uevay sar) ‘Tmaepoyang
SSS ee eae rr ey — ee)
)
eh
“pnoy
|
( ‘weapoordy yy ‘a ‘t) (‘aeepoojtsayg ‘a -1)
unqysieyy : ‘unqyyreys
a
‘asnysinysy Tuyeq wie

ee Ee a
[e] ( ‘ueqind paweuins) ‘peoysny joopqy
| (‘1007NA s,uowO0T0Og)
Sy JISV
|
“erm ergyleg

————_~,- —~

‘LOOTVIL

ce HRLOC-NUIvaN,, Jo UoEIsUeN s.uI0q Wor peSueae st I $ aqra} ay} Jo uISt10 posoddns oy} urerdxe [TIM afqey, pourol
“qns ayy, “saXzjosngq ay} Jo suotyerStm9 ey} Jo Ax0js1y Suryjsaraqut a4} parsayap ST WOIsed90 yUaLEYIp © OF —"| a70Ar

(No. 105.

Notes to Capt. Conolly’s Eusofzye tribes.

934

—

(‘jatyo ‘ysad) ‘aedoy,

jo ‘ueqy [Zey “yoko ‘orns “0100
a ___——./-__—4
‘yy ‘suey Tv — ‘opng : -
ee ee eee
‘ueulyiO | ‘aeuIsG
Oly “y owepy OU WAN
es es
se ¥ peice Ea
"JF OOpmsy 7, oouLe AL ‘INZny “7, jewoy ‘ghzuetly
ae i ac)
‘lapun],
: eae) ‘osng

*ArjyUNOD 9q}

JO SUOISIATp Teor}t[od yuasead oy} S[qISI[[aIUI Sul1epuar UI [NJosn st “aA0] eorsojeoues 11043 Jo phoid are woYyM Jo Aueut

‘soXzjosnyy a4} ULOAT 900A BATA payoaT[oo ‘otqey, Surmoyjoy oy, “(utoq Aq pojonb ‘qefuern yessefoyy) ..403 yosue'y
qnoge poyengis , “YoeMUETT ,, POT[eo st ULISIOg Ul YOIYA ‘YeuUleg Ul sapiset UOIyEU JopuNyy ofoyM oy], ,,—"S ION

935

‘Joyo yuesoid ‘1eyfung Jo

‘Jaryo “ysad punopy Jo “yatyo ysad ‘Yaprez Jo
‘ueyy loolly ‘ueyy, ple

|
‘ueyy enqe yl ‘ueyy jyeisy

‘ueyy punrng “ueyy Jey]
eee 2 a oe)

“ynaIsn NY

|
|

‘Inulg ‘eqqy
|

Notes to Capt. Conolly’s Eusofzye tribes.

1840.1

‘uey yy quan yoy
|
‘Tey 4990

‘ueqy SIV

‘UeY yy 1epule jy

‘aeqy NUYyey

‘ueyy Usepooud7
|

(‘sajou ‘9zq ased ‘usoqy) soXzyIyeyW 94} are SJUepUSISap ssoym ‘pomyY HIN
jo 1oyyejpueis oy} ‘usepog fey, xIey suorjueut yorqm ce CeSURTL) JessefoyYy ,, oy} Aq pawayuoo st sty L—'? 970N

‘Joryo uasaid -qng Ye[[ry jo
‘ue y [Teulsy

‘ueyy Jaqnyow "y uemeg
(‘oqezsueiny | |
jo ow) ‘uey yy a ‘oqAH
M-‘Teq -yzepyy yy fpnyy "Y woog
pe ae
(‘s1eyj0 F pue) ‘uemIG ‘meq “yf “euny "MH IV
ese
Ge) A) 0 “MH pemyy aN >| ee:

Ne!
a)
—
S
Zz
ae

Notes to Capt. Conolly’s Eusofzye tribes.

936

‘janbas aq] Ur ‘WAATS aq [ITM Goays @ ‘A1OysTY asSOUM JO—'G IZ0AT

ay} ut seXzjosnq ay} Jo sivads Jo soe] oUlU ay} Jo JaIyo oy} sem oym) ‘nfeqy ueqy
"Yeys s90yg Jo amy] ;
‘ee Vy IV
nnn pom
‘ ‘pemyy JA ‘pomoye yl ‘eqyv. ‘rezk ‘pezyeq
NOs < Bite phe hale Sa eS ee er

ai
‘yo ‘euey “ey. “opng
; Cn nn, pent tl
‘aeMyy ‘eqy ‘jeuley
ee ee

‘nuUre fy ‘imfny ‘IapIqy ‘muey
pnd
WAaNnoOw

‘sakZopng ay} Jo A[rurey JuaJaytp ev 0} paudisse st drysueqy of} yorAr Ul LopUNyA] Vos syuadsep Jo a[qey, SurMo][Oy
aq} SOAIS TUeYsTy Maze ,, WJ, .,seXzopng ,, ayqey, oy) Aq woes aq []IM Se “OsTe ore [LOY Y We ea ],—'p 970N

1840. | Notes to Capt. Conolly’s Eusofzye tribes. 937

Note 6.—The Booneeries (or Booneer wal, as they are more generally called) were the
principal sufferers at that battle. Blinded by religious fury, and an undue estimate of
their own strength, their only desire was to cut off the retreat of the Sikhs. They are
said to have fought rather like devils than men. Moullas, boys, and unveiled women,
mingled promiscuously in the fight. For days before, the whole Sum had been a
moving mass of men, hastening from the upper country to join in the great struggle
which was to vindicate the honour of Islam. Each man Carried ten days’ provision.
No correct estimate has ever been formed of the number of the ‘‘ Ghazis,’? which
name, in anticipation of victory, they had assumed; the greater part only shared in
the flight. Had they delayed one day more, they would have been joined by the Swat
army, which never reached the field. But it was impossible to hold them back. The
Booneeries, distinguished by their black turbans with a bright yellow border from the
rest of the Eusofzyes, who are generally clothed in white, first rushed forward, and by
thus precipitating the contest, lost the day their courage deserved to gain. But their
reckless valour was of no avail. Their scanty stock of ammunition soon expended,
they fought with arrows, spears, swords, stones; one man scrambled up behind the ele-
phant of Phoolra Sing, the real leader of the Sikhs, and cut down that chief with his
‘*silaweh,’’ or long knife. Repeatedly driven back by the steady fire of the Sikhs,
they were as often rallied to the charge by the shrieks and curses of the women, and the
‘Allah ho Akbars’’ of the maddened Moullas. At last, but not till they were decima-
ted, and every house in Booneer had to mourn its martyr, they broke and fled, cutting
through the Sikhs whom they had wished to intercept, and from that time, broken-
hearted, they have scarcely ventured to leave their valley. After the battle, dead
Booneeries were found lying on dead Sikhs, their teeth still clutching the throats of
their adversaries. Though seventeen years have elapsed since the fatal day, so
deeply do they still feel their loss, that when unusual merriment has by chance pre-
vailed in a ‘‘ hoojra,’’ awhite-beard has been known to check them with—‘‘Is this a
time for laughing, when the bones of your brothers are whitening Noushera?’’—
Noushera is the common topic of conversation among the Eusofzyes, and the favourite
theme of their songs. I was particularly struck with one which commenced,

«* Ah Mahomed Azeem, where is the blood of our children you sold at Noushera?”’
Chorus, between every line,

*“Wae! Wae! Wae!”’ [b]

Note 7.—The Cabul river, between Peshawer, and the Aba sin, or Indus.

Note 8.—Since this was written, Evayut Oollah has returned from the Punjab, and is
struggling to regain his authority. Having money, which his rival has not, he has
succeeded in bringing over half his tribe to his side, and a furious civil war is raging.
This trip to Lahore has been most disastrous to him. It cost him not only his country,
but his eye-sight ; a clumsy doctor at the Durbar having under pretence of couching,
blinded him.

Note 9.—The history of the father of this chief will be found in Elphinstone.

Note 10.—In the name ‘‘ Mabun,”’ we have evidently a corruption of ‘* Mea Maha
Bun,” or the great forest; a title sufficiently appropriate, on account of the pines
which cover the mountain.

Note 11.—Of the map which accompanies this memoir, all that can be said, is, that
it is better than any one hitherto published of the same country; butour every motion
was so watched and misconstrued that we could only take a bearing by stealth, and
some important bearings were lost in the Khyber Pass.

[b] I have taken some liberty with the chorus, which is really ‘‘ wee wee,” and which, however
melancholy it may sound when chaunted in a low solemn tone by the Afghans, could only ap-
pear ridiculous in English characters. It is the most usual chorus of the songs of the eastern Af-
ghans. Mahomed Azeem it is well known (see Conolly and Burnes) shamefully deserted his friends
at the battle of Noushera,

938

Extract from Proceedings of the Numismatic Society of London, 1837-38.

“A Lecture, by Mr. Williams, onthe mode of taking casts in sulphur, from coins,
medals, and Oriental cylinders, illustrated experimentally.

‘‘ The following is the process, as ingeniously described by Mr. Williams :—

‘A number of slips of paper, about an inch in width, and of a length sufficient to go
somewhat more than once round the coin, or medal, should be first prepared; and also
a number of slips of card, not quite half the width of those of paper. The coin is then,
to be oiled with a piece of cotton wool, dipped in sweet oil, and as much of the oil as
possible wiped off with another piece of wool. The edge of the coin should next be
placed about half way at one end of the slip of paper, and the paper rolled round it, a
little stiff paste being previously put upon the opposite end of the slip. This will
cause it to adhere firmly, and thus form a hoop round the coin, which will be suspend-
ed about midway by the edge, and must be retained in that situation by means of one
of the slips of card, bent round, and placed beneath it, within the hoop of paper. The
object of this arrangement is to cause the opposite sides of the mould to be as nearly as
possible of the same size. A little water is then to be poured into a cup, or other
vessel, and a sufficient quantity of the finest plaster of Paris lightly sprinkled into the
water, leaving sufficient of the latter to cover it. A slight effervescence will take
place as soon as the bubbles have ceased rising. The superabundant water is then to
be poured off, and the mixture stirred with aspoon. ‘The plaster is now ready for use.
A thin coating of plaster is then to be laid on with a small brush, having moderately
stiff hairs, over the face of the coin, and the mould filled up to the rim with the spoon.
The use of the brush is to prevent bubbles from forming upon the surface of the coin,
as these would entirely spoil the mould; and, in order to prevent the accumulation of
bubbles in the plaster, which is afterwards poured in, it is advisable to raise the hoop
with the coin and plaster in it, about an inch, and let it drop upon the table two or
three times. This, of course, must be done immediately after the pouring in of the
plaster. The whole is now to be left until the plaster is set, which will usually be in
about twenty minutes.

‘* When this is effected, the under side is to be turned up, the strip of card removed,
and any plaster that may have found its way between the edge of the coin and hoop
of paper cleared away. The operation of mixing and applying the plaster, must now be
repeated; and in about half an hour the plaster will be sufficiently set to allow of the
moulds being separated from the coin. The paper must be removed, and great care

taken in pulling off the moulds; as, unless thev are taken off perfectly straight, they |

will be injured, in consequence of some of the deeper parts being broken off by the
twisting of the mould. Should the mould not yield readily, the bottom of it may be
dipped into water, when it usually will very easily come off. Should this however fail,

heating the bottom of the mould before the fire, after having wetted it, will frequently ,

have the desired effect. These precautions are necessary, as a gentle force being suf-
ficient to remove the mould, some adhesion may be suspected where more than that ap-
pears to be required, which the methods pointed out will usually remove. Any super-
fluous plaster about the mould must be carefully removed, avoiding all injury to its
surface.

‘* When these moulds are used for making a cast, the bottom must be placed in water
so shallow as not to cover the face of the mould. They will imbibe a considerable

a 7»

1840. } Mode of taking casts from coins, &c. 939

quantity, and when they appear to be uniformly damp, they are ready for use. They
must now be evenly placed at the proper distance, and in their right position, with a
strip of paper passing rather more than three parts round, and held firmly in the
fingers, the marks on the mould, made by the end of the hoop of paper in which they
were formed, being the guide for their right position. The sulphur having been melted
in a proper vessel (theone used by Mr. Williams being a pastry-cook’s pattie-pan,
with a handle, and a kind of spout made to it,) is now to be poured between the two
sides of the mould, by means of the aperture left in consequence of the paper not com-
ing completely round. As the sulphur cools, which is very soon, it shrinks; and the
vacancy thus left must be immediately filled up,—this being repeated until the edge
is perfectly solid. The moulds are to be removed with the same precautions as when
they were taken from the coin, and the edge of the cast carefully pared, and then
rendered smooth by being rubbed with a piece of fine sand-paper. Should they be
required nearly of the colour of the sulphur, nothing further is requisite, except a
slight polishing with a piece of cotton wool, or a soft brush. For his own casts, Mr.
Williams has considered it advisable to use an artificial colour, which is given by
applying black lead in powder to the casts, with a soft brush, and then covering them
with a varnish composed of a solution of dragon’s blood in spirits of wine, which gives
them a fine dark, bronze appearance.

**Some precautions are necessary to be observed in using the sulphur. When
melted, this substance is at first very fluid; as it gets hotter it becomes thick and ropey,
and a still greater degree of heat renders it again comparatively fluid. It is, however,
fit for casting in the first of these states only, and if employed in the other cases,
usually either destroys the mould, or produces a bad cast. The best criterion is to
observe when the sulphur begins to solidify round the edges of the vessel in which it
has been melted ; it may then be used with safety. It also often happens that the first
cast taken after the mould has been moistened is a bad one, in consequence of there
being too much water upon its surface. A second cast taken immediately, without
wetting the mould again, will usually be a good one; and not more than three should
be taken without repeating the moistening ; for, should the mould be too dry, it cannot
be separated from the sulphur without injury. It is also a good plan to place the
wetted moulds upon blotting-paper, as it quickly absorbs the superfluous moisture ;
but this requires some experience, as the mould often gets too dry to be used without
subsequent wetting; and the other method is perhaps the safest for beginners, It is
often necessary only to dip the fingers in water, and apply it to the back of the mould,
to give it the necessary degree of dampness. These are matters, however, for which a
little practice and experience are the best guides.

‘In the casts made from moulds formed in this manner, it is obvious that the thick-
ness depends upon the resembrance, or the fancy of the caster. Should the exact
thickness be required, the following method of making the mould may be resorted
to :—

“ Here, the coin having been oiled, as in the former case, must be placed with the
side which is least raised upon a flat surface, such as a piece of glass, or a slate,
which has also been previously oiled. he plaster is applied to the upper surface of
the coin with the brush, as before, and the whole is then to be covered with as much
of the plaster as may be required. When set, this will separate from the surface upon
which it has been placed, and exhibit the coin embedded in the mass. It must be

940 Mode of taking casts from coins, &c. [No. 105.

carefully cleared of the superfluous plaster, leaving a slightly shelving depression
round the edge of the coin; and hollows must be made in the flat surface of the sur-
rounding plaster with the point of a knife. This must now be covered with soap-suds,
the coin being carefully retained in its place. The operation is now to be repeated
upon this surface, as in the first instance, the liquid plaster being poured over the
whole of the flat surface of the surrounding plaster. When set, the two parts of the
mould will be easily separated, the soap preventing the surface from adhering; and,
the coin being taken out, a channel must be cut to the outer edge of the mould, for
the passage of the sulphur. When prepared by moistening, as in the former instance,
and put together, the raised knobs corresponding with the small hollows made with the .
point of the knife, will keep all steady; and, the sulphur being poured into the mould
through the channel cut for it, a cast of the coin will be produced, exhibiting an exact
facsimile of the original.

‘‘From this process, it is not difficult to perceive how casts of small objects of
different kinds may be taken; for example, moulds of the cylinders from Babylon or
Persepolis. These require to be taken in at least three parts. Having oiled the
cylinder, it is to be surrounded with a wide strip of paper, and the portion enclosed
taken, say one-third. Having removed this, and carefully trimmed the edges, made
hollow in the sides, as in the coin-mould, and soaped them, it is to be replacea upon the
cylinder, and another portion taken, say another third, by hooping with paper, &c.
as before. This after being separated from the first portion, trimmed, &c. as before,
is once more, with the first portion, to be applied to the cylinder hooped with paper, and
the third portion taken. When used for casting, after moistening and putting together, ©
a piece of doubled paper may be applied to one end, which may be kept in its place by ©
a finger placed beneath it, and the sulphur poured in at the other end, until the hollow :
left by the contraction of the sulphur disappears. When cool, the mould is to be
removed, and the cast trimmed, cleared of the marks of the junction of the mould, —
and, if thought fit, black leaded and varnished, as in the case of the coins. |

‘“Mr. Williams concluded with a few words respecting the purchase of plaster of —
Paris. Of this article there are several qualities ; that procured at the oil-shops being f
the commonest. That which is known by the name of Super is the only kind which i
should be used for moulds; and it is not generally to be obtained except from the —
actual manufacturers. The best he has met with is prepared by Grande and Sons, Bed-
ford Street, Liquorpond Street; and sold at the rate of one shilling and sixpence per
bag of fourteen pounds; or wholesale at seven shillings per cwt. A bag of seven
pounds may, however, be procured. ry

Nors.—I have extracted and published this, in the belief that the account ;

of the process may be useful to coin collectors in this country.

941

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.

( Wednesday Evening, 13th January, 1841.)

The Honorable H. T. Prinsep in the Chair.

The following gentlemen were proposed as Members :—

Capt. R. Firzceravp, of Engineers, by the Officiating Secretary, seconded by

Lieut A. Brooms of Artillery.

C. B. Trevor, Esq., C.S. by T. S. Torrens, Esq., seconded by the Officiating

Secretary.

Rasa Kuan Benapoor, Khan of Gyah, by the Honorable H. T. Prinszp,

seconded by the Officiating Secretary.

The following gentlemen, have been elected Office-bearers for the current year—

President :
The Honorable Sir Epwarp Ryan,

Vice-Presidents :
The Honorable Sir J. P. GRanr,
Sir H. Seton,
——— H. T. PRInsEp,
-——— W.W. Birp.

Committee of Papers :

Major W.N. Forsss, C. HurFnaGte, Esq.,

EK. Stiruine, Esq., Lieut. A. Broome,

N. Watticu, Esq., M. D. Dr. J. J. HEeBERLIN,

H. H. Spry, Esq., M. D. Baboo ProsoonocoMAR TAGORE.

Professor W. B. O‘SHAUGHNESSY,

Library and Museum.

The following books were presented :-—

Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia—England; vol. 10th, .. .. «2. «2 «2 o-

Ditto ditto—Greece, vol. 7th, .. .. «. «oe of « 5 LOT

Madras Journal of Literature and Science, No. 27 pe une, 1840. ee Ais

Edinburgh New Philosophical Journal, by Professor Jameson, No. 57 aot
MEER Ch a 5. wf 2's) nie Pavel iia \i'eip, thie Bene) meth esos

London, Edinburgh, and Dublin, Philosophical Migwing and Journal of
Science, 3rd series, vol. 17th, No. 108, August, 1840. .. .. ..

Joarna! des Savants, Juin, 1840, SON Beh a : eat Teen asd

The Calcutta Monthly Journal, 3rd series, No. 71. “Geen 1840, eines

Descriptive Catalogue of the Chinese Collection in Philadelphia, 1839, 8vo.

Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, vol. 6th, pt. 3rd; New
Peereme bate pis, | 1839) 3%) i vore (ine), we bee sles wiles /\ Sa), wer papel) tele

Laws and Regulations of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia,
RPMs ens on. Sie. pe sluhie aie bap wale wie Uae 50 Maia ee

Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society, vol. Ist. Nos. 7, 8, 9, 10,
AAO! 7s hea ee Us hee Winsh: Weld gia. ede melimer | Get baty bie

a en)

942 Asiatic Society. [No. 105.

Fransactions of the Geological Society,of London, 2nd series, vol 5th, pt.
3rd, London, 1840/4to. a. ee ee <a
Memoir of a Geological Map of England, by G. B. Giemeceeen London,
1840, 2nd Edition, .. Be DEE Cate el Gia aan Ag
Geological Map of England oti Wales, by G. B. Panleicaiipicl ond Edition,
Agulhal Light Fund, .. .. . ee ap hieleh + satpas Spo, Seely isn eee
Oriental Christian Spectator, vol. it, No. 10, 2nd series, October 1840, os
Map shewing the Routes from Jubbulpore to Umurkuntuk, by P. A Reynolds,
Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia—Taxidermy, .. .. «. «.

eee ee OS

se ee ee ee

Archeologia, or Miscellaneous Tracts relating to Adige London, 1840, vol.
AS tte 40.) Fes ae Leen ae ir ae he eee ee ARETE
Report of the British Associ tlatir ie the retetantet of Science for 1839, 8vo.
Wilson’s Translation of Vishnu Purana, a System of Hindu Mythology, Lon-
don, 1840, 4to. (two copies.) .. «2 «. Riser. ae ata eet renee
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and aeee) London,

—

1839; No: 10, Sel ¢ pas Ate Oe - es ie
Edinburgh New Philoaoplianl sara ioe Bvecee lone 1839 ae

1840, Nos. 54 and 55, 8vo... .. .. A aioe 2
Transactions of bia Medical ype Physical fhe of ‘Boneae 1840, ae 3.

8vo. mie peetuets Pee Se ye te ia 1
The Caleutta Monthly j ournal a RABE of ce ee Seeker 1840,

Nos. 62 to G6:and 72, Bv0l..-\scis ves fee ae rin gels shee a
Magazine of Natural History, New series, No. 38, ous 1840, ay os
The Atheneum, London, 1839, pt. 144. oi ile IR ape orey

- Annals of Natural History, or Magazine of meee pee aa Geology, Bi.

August and September 1840, Nos. 33 and 34, .. .. .. Silat» 2a
London and Edinburgh Philosophical Magazine and Journal of Science, 3d. .

series, July and September 1840, No. 106, vol. 16th, and Nos. 107 and 109, }

Ol ANT tha, icc esi igria ae cesihealia cs RAPES 3

Proceedings of the Gedo Society of Last; 1839 snl 1810, Nos. 66, aan Ny
$d, and No. 65,.vol 4th, esis, bez : Sikes we
Proceedings of the Numismatic Séciety), Noidoe: 1837-38. sese cose ... da

History of British Birds, by W. Yarrel, London, 1840, pt. 20th. .. .. .. ig
Figures of Indian Plants, or ‘‘Icones Plantarum Indie Orientalis,’’ by R. 5%)
Wight, Madras, 1840, Nos. 17 to 21, (stitched together, ) 4to. rh
Annales de Chimie etde Physique par MM. Gay, Lussac et AraGo, Table des, re: :

Tomes 31, 4 60, Paris, 1840, BYO." F265 ee
Journal des Savants, Mai et Juillet, 1840, Paris, .. .. .. a ae 20
Korte Beschrijving van het Zuid-oostelijk Schiereiland van Celebes, &e. Door

J. N. Vosmakr, 8vo. eee iM ae Oyo oo) 6 ee
Gelehrte Anzeigen, No. 170, August 1839, (2 éopida):.: BP IS cab. = 2 > oe am
Gelehrte Anzeigen Herausgegeben von Milgliedern der K. Barer. Aladeinte a |

der Wissenschaften, Munchen, 1835 to 1839, 4to. os... ee es ee oe 9
Uber die indischen Verwandtschaften im ASgyptischen, Von O. Frank... «. | Be
Verhandelingen van het Bataviasche Genootshap, Batavia, 1838, vol. 17th,

pis."3dto Sih, eS eee ee CLS A
Ueber die iidligelien Verwandtschaften in Augyptischen, &c., Von O. FRANK. Ou |

1840. | Asiatic Society. 943

Ueber das Bild des Weltbaumeisters, Visvakarman, in einem der Felsentem- 1
pel bey Illora in Indien. Von O. Frank. .. . bie aera te
Molliiscorum species, &c. Resensuit, Dr. J. R. hoe Disvertatie Inaugu-
ralis. Monachii, 1839, (presented by the author.) sroreauisra a et ct
one raiaivadipika, (in Sanskyit.) so ee) oe aie wel lee ss ew ap we
The Officiating Curator submitted his Report for the month of December, 1840, from
which the following is an extract :—

** Osteological Department.—We have here added two skeletons (Pelican and
Flamingo), and we shall I hope soon be provided with almirahs for the smaller
skeletons.

** Mammalogical Department.—Nothing new.

‘* Ornithological Department.—A pair of Flamingoes, a Pelican, and a Pigeon have
been added. ;

‘“« Reptiles, Fishes &c.—Nothing new.

** The total of additions to the Museum this month have been—

“1. A bat Vespertilio (Murinus?) Presented by D. GLEGa, Esq.—preserved in
spirits.

«2. A Pigeon (Columba ?) Mr. F. M. Boucnrez—stuffed and mounted.

*« 3. A small tortoise, (Emys?) Mr. Nicotas; skeleton—mounted.

‘**4. Two Pelicans, (Pelicanus onocrotalus,)—purchased. 1 skeleton, 1 stuffed—
both mounted.

‘¢5. Three Flamingoes, Pheenicopteros (Indicus?) purchased. 1 stuffed,—1 skele-
ton, mounted.

“In conclusion, I beg to recommend to the Committee, that the printing of the nine
‘‘ Catalogues, occupying the 4U pages of the book herewith sent, be commenced ; pre-
‘‘ facing this series of our Museum books with an introduction, somewhat after the pro-
‘posed one annexed, for correction to this report. We shall thus, as we are framing,
** and placing collections, be proceeding with the Catalogues, and every series so ar-
‘‘ranged is then available to the student; and is placed, as far as human care can ex-
*¢ tend, beyond the risk of oblivion and loss.”’

The proposition contained in the Report was concurred in, the Honorable the Pre-
sident, remarking on it —

“The Report of our acting Curator shews great attention to the duties entrusted to
him, and I quite approve of his proposal to print the Catalogue sent round with his
Report.”’

The Officiating Curator reported that a considerable number of duplicate specimens,
principally of Birds, &c. were available for transmission to Europe; and he moved, that
as many specimens of great interest to naturalists might be collected, prepared, and
sent to England at a small expense, it was worthy the attention of the Society whether
such might not be prepared, and sent tothe Honorable the Court of Directors, as due
to them, from the Society.

The Officiating Curator was instructed to prepare the duplicate Ornithological Spe-

944 Asiatic Society. [No. 105.

cimens and Reptiles; as also the duplicates of Capt. Hurron’s Spiti Valley Geologi-
cal collections, for transmission to the Honorable the Court of Directors, through the
Government.

The Officiating Secretary read to the Meeting, the following note from Mr. John
James MippLeton, who had undertaken to furnish notes on Major E. PotTiNGEr’s
Astrolabe.

‘I have much pleasure in returning Major Potrincer’s Astrolabe, and your very
valuable book.* It may be gratifying to you to know, that from the observations of
Ulug Begh, I have without difficulty ascertained the forty-two stars, given on the face
of the Astrolabe.

‘¢T have not yet succeeded in getting the plates finished, but they will soon be so. [
have had them all done three times, and yetnot quite to my mind; the lithographers wid?
think for themselves, instead of confining themselves to mere imitation of my drawings,
and you may imagine the consequence. I send you the drawing of the back of the
instrument, which is the best I have got ; yet it has some defects, on account of which
_it must be redone. I expect them all to be completed in the course of a week how-
ever; andas all the materials for my notes are ready, you may expect the whole soon.”’

Read a letter from Dr. OrHMAN Frank, Professor of the University of Munich, re-
commending to the notice of the Society, Dr. Rorn, whose intention to visit India
is to enrich his natural knowledge; and presenting to the Society the following Treatises

of his own, viz.—
J. On the image of Visvakarman.
2. On the image of Hari-hara.
3. On the relations of India to Egypt.

Read a letter from M. C. Visscuer, Secretary to the Batavian Society of Arts and ~
Sciences, forwarding for presentation to the Socitey, the 3rd, 4th, Sth, 6th, 7th, and 8th
parts of the 17th vol. of Dissertations, published by the Batavian Society, accompanied
by a Chart and 15 Illustrations.

Read the following paper on the Mythological connection between Artemis and Nana,

by Dr. W. E. Carte, 6lst Regiment N. I.

‘*On the Mythological connection between Artemis and Nana.

“NANA NANA PAO. This deity has been identified as the Grecian Artemis,
the Ceres or Diana of the Latins, but as the analogy is as yet incomplete, an endeavour
will be made to establish it; with this view, each of the words (Artemis and Nana) will
be considered separately as to their etymology, in the hope of arriving at some degree
of certainty, on so difficult a subject.

‘First then, as to APTEMIS. The commonly received etymology of this wordis;

anp-TEuvw, the air cleaving, but as the Greek adjective agpoTouog exists, had

* The tables of Ulugh Beg, with Latin translation.

1840. | Asiatic Society. 945

her name been derived from this source, it would have been written agooTpa, and not
Aoreue, for this reason probably Donnegan, in his Lexicon, omits this derivation
altogether, nor does he supply another. ‘The coin of the Emperor Commodus
(see Brewster’s Edinburgh, Encyclopedia, Art. Numismatology, Fig. 7. Pl. 423.)
gives a delineation of the Artemis of Ephesus, where her principal temple was situated.
She is here represented in a cereal character, as the producer of food, in fact the words
of Virgil—

: Vos 6 clarissima mundi

Lumina, labentum czlo qui ducitis annum,

Liber et alma Ceres,’
prove, that the Moon and Ceres were one and the same ; further, to show the influ-
ence the moon was supposed to possess over the vegetation process, the same author
has— :

‘ [psa dies atias alio dedit ordine Luna,

Felices operum.’
and again
‘Ipse Pater statuit quid menstrua Luna moneret,’

«‘ And Horace addresses her as—‘ Prosperam Frugum.’
‘*But to return to the coin; as before remarked, the Moon, under the name of
Artemis, is represented on it in her cereal capacity ; the lower part of her body is im-

mersed in the aoroOnkn or panarium, or receptacle for bread. She has many
breasts, * betokening her fecund influence; her hands are expanded to denote libera-

lity, and her head is surmounted by the Modius, or grain measure, and a harrow
(possibly the symbol on the Nana coins) is attached to her by chains. All these
are undoubtedly cereal diagnostics, and do not all assimilate with Artemis as de-
rived from anp-TEuvw 4 but if the words Aproc food, bread, and tnt to send
forth, produce, be taken, a compound word will be formed, which exactly coincides
with her functions, Apreute, the producer of food; a parallel etymology is afforded
in the word Av@euc¢ (from Av8oc) a plant remarkable for the profusion of its
flowers.—The star on the coin is probably Arcturus, from its supposed influence in
causing rain and storms, and the stags were assigned to draw her chariot.

«9—-NANA—Nan, ws in the Persian language signifies bread ; and Nan-i-

khur-chung Sin > Bs) the Moon; + khurchung taken as one word, means a tortoise,
from the shell of which animal the Lyre was originally formed, but if divided into two
separate words, viz. Khur-chung, the signification will in that case be ‘ Sovereign (of
the) Lyre.’ Nan-i-khur-chung will therefore be ‘Nan, Sovereign of the Lyre.’
Here then is NAN in a cereal capacity, and also connected with the Lyre, which
instrument frequently accompanied representations of Diana as sister of Apollo.—The
name of the Latin goddess may therefore be Dea Nana, or Diana, instead of origina-
ting from Dies-dianus, (an adjective which has no existence in the Latin, except in

combination, ) as is commonly conjectured.

* As these supposed breasts are without nipples, they may represent the cakes of bread men-

tioned when treating of Nana, further on.

$ Wilkins’ Richardson’s Dictionary word ihe

946 Asiatic Society. -[No. 105.

‘¢ To the above, it may be added, that on several of the Nana coins, the figure on the
obverse bears a stalk and ear of corn in one hand, and what appears to be. one of
maize in the other, while in front and under it, occur round symbols representing pro-
bably cakes of bread. See J. A.S. vol. v. plate 3. figs. 2, 3, and 5, also plate 36 (same
vol.) figs. 1, 2, 3, and 5.

‘*In the Hindu Mythology, there is also a goddess named ‘Anna Purna Devi,’
(vide J. A. S. page 345, No. 54, for June 1836,) whose name is deduced from the
Sanscrit words ‘an’ food or grain; and Purna (pronounced poorna) to fill or cause
to abound, being synonymous with Artemis; this goddess is merely an alias of
Luchmi, the Hindu Ceres. The similarity of Nan and An, is also obvious.

‘‘ From what has been above brought forward, it will not perhaps be thought unrea-
sonable toconclude, that Artemis, Nana Rao, and Anna Poorna Devi, were identical, as
well in name as in office ; PAO being a Sanscrit word (meaning sovereign) and not
being easily resolved by its adopters into a feminine termination, may account for its
retaining the masculine one,

Read a letter from Lieut. R. Picovu of Engineers, communicating through Col. D.
Macteop an account of the Topes of Darounta, and Caves of Bahrabad, of which the

following is a copy.

‘¢ T have the pleasure, herewith, to forward two boxes and some coins taken from
the Jullalabad Topes; the third box I had previously promised to Dr. Atkinson, to
whom it is now made over; it was similar in shape to the box No. 1, but not quite
solarge. LIregret that the small gold box, with its contents, has been stolen, as it was
the greatest curiosity of all; but the precious metal excited the cupidity of my servants,
who have made away with it. The marble slab is too heavy to send down by Dak,
and I have not got it with me; indeed I am not sure that it has not been lost, but it is
possible that it may have been left in my hut at Jullalabad. I also send youa rough
sketch of the Bahrabad Caves, which will give an idea of the place; I am sorry I have
not time to make a more elaborate drawing, but must forward it rough, just as it was
sketched. Want of time must also plead my excuse for the bareness of the few remarks
I have penned, but no doubt your talented Secretary will be able to draw up a paper
on the subject, should he deem it worth while.”

The boxes with their contents, coins, and a small piece of rock crystal perforated

were shown to the Society, and Lieut. Picou’s paper upon his discoveries read to the |

meeting. Lithographs of the boxes with Lieut. Picov’s paper will be, the Officiating
Secretary informed the meeting, published in an early number of the Journal, in con-
nection with a paper by Mr. Brrp on the Kanari Topes opened by him.

For the presentations and contributions the thanks of the Society were accorded.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Extracts from the Journal of an Expedition into the Naga Hills on the
Assam Frontier. By Lieut. Graner, Assistant Political Agent,
undertaken by order of Government in the beginning of 1840, (taken
by permission from the records of the Political Secretariat under the
Government of India. )

Leaving Nowgong, agreeably to instructions, on the 3rd of December
1839, I proceeded to Dhoboka, which I reached on the 5th of the same
month. The country to that point being well known, requires no fur-
ther description.

I left Dhoboka on the 6th of December, at about 7 a.M., and arrived
at Oopur Jumonah, at about 11 o’clock. First crossing the Jumonah
river about half a mile above the Dhoboka village, we entered Tularam
Senaputtee’s boundary line. The route lay through a forest, called
Rungaghora, from whence most of the villages on the banks of the Ju-
monah procure their fuel. There has been an attempt at a clearance
in the forest, but much difficulty is experienced by the Ryots, from the
great number of wild animals which infest this part of the country ; viz.
elephants, tigers, rhinoceroses, buffaloes, and hogs. The path the whole
way is tolerably good. Oopur Jumonah is a hamlet of about twenty or
thirty houses, scattered along the banks of the Jumonah river ; it is fast
decreasing in number, in consequence of the people having suffered
much from the destruction of their crops by the wild animals in the
neighbourhood. é

7th December.—Marching at about 7 a.m., I reached the Cacharee
village of Nermolea, the distance being about ten miles. One hour’s

No. 106. New Serizs, No. 22. 6 E

948 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [No. 106.

marching brought us to the Ha,our Ghaut, which we crossed to the
Cacharee village of the same name in the Nowgong district. The Jumo-
nah river is navigable for small boats at all seasons of the year
to this village. The crops between Ha,our and Nermolea had suffered
much from the high rise of the river Jumonah, which overflows its
banks nearly the whole length of its course.

8th.—Departing from Nermolea, and passing considerable cotton
tracts, we reached the village of Bokolea, four miles distant, where I
found some of the lime burnt by Mr. Martin for Government, in store.
The country along the banks of the river between this village and
Ramsa (a small village six miles west of Mohong) is uninhabited, and
is composed of large grass wastes with patches of forest at intervals ;
the greater part of the low lands below the falls of the river, are liable
to inundation. Passing through Bokolea, we continued on till we came
to the huts erected for us, on the Tutra river, a small stream, which
issues from the Mikeer Hills. To this point most of the Kyahs and
other traders trafficing in cotton come in the cold season; there is
high ground about it for a Haut (or fair), and there is a Mikeer village
two miles inland. A short way above is the Oogeroo Chokey, establish-
ed by Tularam, who exacts a toll from all his Ryots who frequent the
Tutra mart.

9th.—Leaving the Tutra encampment, and passing through forest
and grass jungle, we came to some low, undulating, grassy hills, from
whence a tolerable view of the surrounding country is obtained, which
became more overspread with hills, chequered by the ancient cotton
cultivations of the Mikeers. These migratory agriculturists seldom
remain longer than two years in one locality, and only very fine land
induces them to determine on a three years’ residence; by which time a
deep rooted grass springs up, which drives them to fell more forest for
their staple crop, not being able to use the ploughshare to eradicate
the roots, on account of the nature of the ground. Passing over these
hills, we gradually came on the rumbling of the cataracts, which in-
creased, as we approached, into a stunning din; the river at this part
is confined by low hills on both sides, and the quantity of water that
rushes over the falls in the rainy season, must be very considerable ; the
height I was shown as that of the ordinary rise, cannot be less than
100 or 150 feet. Two paths lead over the hills on either side, and all

1840. | Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hillis. 949

cotton boats are obliged to be unladen at this point, and a change of
boats takes place. Above the fall, on the right bank of the river, is a
stratum of chalk. Proceeding by the path on the right side of the
river, we came to a small rivulet at the base of the hill, in the bed of
which, I was shown the stratum of coal that had been excavated. I
was informed by Lieut. Brodie that it lay to the right of the path, and
was comprised in a space of about fifteen or twenty feet long, up to
the junction of the streamlet with the river Jumonah. The water is
about two or three inches deep, and the coal bed is visible six or eight
inches above the surface of the water; the superficial part of the
seam is composed of a soft black substance, which on being cut
away produced shale, or black slate, and further excavations showed
servicable coal. Above the coal formation lies a thin stratum of
red sandstone’, above this is a greyish soil, two feet deep, the surface
of which produces the forest and underwood usually found in the
vicinity of hills in Assam. The bed of the rivulet is about six or
seven feet broad, by four or five deep; on either side of the coal-
bed I found chalk. The only difficulty in working this seam would
be the rise of the streamlet in the rains, and the expense that it would
take to carry the coals to below the falls. The former difficulty might
however be removed by leaving a wall of the coal itself, and opening
the vein a few yards inland. A short way further on are two more
rivulets, in both of which I found chalk rocks; one description con-
tained small globular, dark grey substances, resembling decayed peb-
bles. The distance from this locality to Ramsa is about one mile.
The rock from which the lime was cut for Government, is situated in
a small river below the falls called Mayong Deesa, in Tularam
Senaputtee’s country. The coal found by Ram Doss Mohurer is a
short way from Ramsa (half an hour’s march) in a N.W. direction ;
it is in a small streamlet called Bongrong, which is almost dry in the
cold weather.

10¢h.—Left Ramsa, and marched through fine open forest ; three miles
distant crossed the Jumonah into Tularam’s country ; one mile further
on recrossed it, and in half a mile reached Mohong.

11th.—The Nagas of the village of Gafaga came in, and gave me the
following account of themselves:—They formerly belonged tothe tribe of
Nagas called by them Chokannew, and by the Cacharees Dewansa, living

950 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. | No. 106.

south of the Sumoogoding range, and on account of the frequent quarrels
and oppression they had been subjected to from their own tribe, they had
been obliged to emigrate: they first took possession of the high hills on
which the present village of Tokopbe is situated, but even there, not
being free from the attacks of their persecutors, they again fled to the
lower hills upon which they are now. The following is the information
I have been able to pick up regarding the wild tribes here about. The
villagers of Gafaga, Mezattee, Badolasong, Kola, Muzals, Tooroofen
and Gesinga, are all of one tribe, and have separated into a number of
villages in consequence of quarrels amongst themselves; not acknow-
ledging any regular chiefs, and every man being his own master,
his passions and inclinations are ruled by his share of brute force, his
dexterity with the spear, to which arm they have immediate resort for
the adjustment of the slightest quarrel, and in consequence, villages are
continually at feud. In addition to this, the Tokophen Nagas, who are of
a different tribe, and speak another dialect, in league with the Nagas
about the Sumoogoding range, pay them occasional maurauding visits,
and take advantage of their flight on their appearing, to pillage
their villages. The Nagas of the village of Gesinga, or as it is called by
some Rengma, are at feud with those Nagas on the eastern bank of
the Dhunsiri, in the Jorhat division, called by the Assamese, Lotah.
The former village is under charge of an half Assamese and half Naga,
Gesinga Phokun, who exercises some rule over the village. The
latter tribe, from the different accounts I have heard of them, ap-
pear to be of a more civilized character than the Nagas on the west
bank of the Dhunsiri, having regular chiefs, whose orders they re-
gard, and trading largely with the Assamese at Cacharee haut. The
Tokophen Nagas came in, and declared that they had no evil inclinations
towards the Majuttee and Gafaga Nagas, but that they had heard
that the Dewansas intended making an excursion against themat the full
of the moon. I gave them clearly to understand, that if they persisted in
their present mode of life, and would not leave off their maurauding
habits, they would be punished severely, and not allowed to remain
in their present locality; and nothing more of the intended excur-
sion was heard. It is a common practice with Nagas, when they are
going to make an excursion against a village, to set reports afloat that
other villages or tribes intend an excursion against the same village,

1840. | Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. 951

‘which blinds the villagers of the place attacked as to who the real

- assailants are, as their excursions are generally performed at night.
The Nagas here about procure their brass ornaments from the village
of Gesinga, and their spears and daws from the Dewansa or Chokannew
Nagas. Their villages are of inconsiderable size, and they have but
few domestic animals ; some cows of the hill breed, pigs, and fowls, for
the purpose of sacrificing to their gods.

They acknowledge the power of three gods, viz.

ls¢. Zanghuthee, or Janthee, the most powerful, to whom they
sacrifice cows, bullocks, or bulls. His power prevails in all serious
illnesses, and can kill or cure.

2nd. Hyeong, to whom they sacrifice fowls only, his power is of
slighter extent.

3rd. Dherengana, to whom they offer hogs. |

The two latter are the tutelar gods of the village of Gafaga, each
village having different ones; some of them think it necessary to sac-
rifice at one time, for any great worship, a cow, or bullock, a hog, and
a chicken a few hours old; the former are eaten, but the latter is thrown
away. Zanghuthee is acknowledged by all of them. Goats are not
allowed as offerings. The physiognomy of the Nagas about here
partakes a good deal of that of the Cacharee, in consequence of the
admixture of the two tribes. I saw some Assamese who had been kid-
napped when young, and who had become so accustomed to the idle,
uncouth life of the Nagas, that they refused to leave them.

Matrimony amongst these Nagas is a eivil contract, unattended by
any religious ceremonies. The damsel is courted, and is presented with
fowls, dogs, and spirits, according to the fortune of the lover, and after
her consent and that of her parents (for they have the right of refusing)
is obtained, the accepted lover gives a feast to all her relatives. A day
being appointed for the union to take place, the whole of the villagers
are feasted; they in return are obliged to present the new married
couple with a new house in the village. Any breach of marriage vows
is punished by a fine of a cow or hog, by the counsel assembled for

, trial of the culprits. One of the most singular customs is, that after
the birth of the first child, the parents and relatives of the new married
couple are prohibited from touching any other villagers, or any other
villagers from touching them, for two or three days ; should a villager

952 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [ No. 106.

infringe the rule, he is obliged to remain two or three days in the house
of the parents and not to mix in society; but if the relatives of the
party are in fault, they are punished by a fine of a feast.

On the occurrence of a death, they howl their lamentations, feast, and
bury the corpse, placing the deceased’s spear in the grave, and his shield,
and a few small sticks like forks, with some eggs and gram, on the grave,
as an Offering to ensure them good crops. I could get no reasons from
them why their doing so would ensure them fertility of the soil.

They are not very martial at present, having been generally the party
attacked and subdued by the other Nagas. They have very little trade,
and not much inclination that way, being too fond of idleness to exert
themselves for their own improvement ; they cultivate small quantities of
cotton, and exchange it for salt. Many of them have taken refuge
in the Mikeer villages, and may in time adopt the industrious habits
of those cultivators, but their unruly, independent inclinations would be
a great obstacle to any attempt at improving them. Mohong Dejira
now consists of about 50 or 60 houses; in former days it enumerated
about 300. The emigrants have formed the villages of Bokolea and
Nerondlea, and many are gone to Dhurumpore. The cause of their
flight, it is stated, was owing to some Nagas a few years ago having
killed two of their tribe; that may be partly the reason, but the itine-
rant character of the Cacharee, may have influenced them greatly.
The Cacharees here, till within two years past, have been obliged to
pay tribute to the Nagas of Sumoogoding, to preserve peace. The tri-
bute consisted of a cow or bullock, and one maund of salt per annum.

The lands about here are of the finest description, some yielding very
rich crops of grain, and can be irrigated at pleasure by a small rivulet
which issues from the hills to the N., but the indolent disposition of the
villagers (who are an admixture of Assamese and Cacharees) prevents
their taking advantage of the fertility of the soil, large sheets of which
remain uncultivated, which were formerly well cropped; but since the
reduction of the village, and their union with the Assamese they have
become great opium-eaters, and merely cultivate sufficient rice, &c. to
afford them the means of subsistence. Some traders extend their traffic,
up to this village, and procure a tolerable supply of cotton from the
Dhejuah Cacharees. There are few Indian products that could not be
reared on the low lands around this part of the country, and the presence

1840.] Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. 958

of lime, coal, arid chalk about the vales, might prove of the utmost use
to any manufacture or plantation which might be established, as the
country becomes known and settled. Regarding the climate, I cannot
say much from experience ; but the diseases both amongst cattle and
men, which have proved so fatal to those attacked by them in the nor-
thern parts of the Nowgong division, have not been known here, and
this may allow one to conclude, that this part of the country is more
salubrious than other parts.

No grain having arrived till the 13th, I was unable to move forward;
when thirteen maunds having accumulated, I proceeded with half of the
Shan Detachment (leaving the remainder to follow when more grain

‘came up, as I expected its arrival every moment) to Dhemapore Nugger

to which place I had requested Tularam Rajah to cut a road, having heard
of the existence of the ruins of an old Cacharee fort on the Dhunsiri
on my return last year, which nobody (with exception perhaps of one or
two very old Cacharees belonging to Tularam) had seen. Crossing the
Jumonah a mile or two distant from Mohong, we reached the Dhealow
river, on which sheds had been erected for us, and were obliged to
encamp, as I was told the second sheds were too far for us to reach
that day, having started late, from the non-arrival of the coolies. The
Dhealow is about ten or fifteen yards broad, and like most hill streams,
shallow. The path was excellent, over a slightly undulating country; we
passed a few clearances which had been deserted several years back, on
account of the Naga feuds ; the distance to this is about six miles; the ap-
pearance of the country wavy, with small rich alluvial plains at intervals.

14th.—Passed through the same description of country as yesterday,
and was obliged to encamp at the second sheds, eight miles distant, on
the Pikrong Deesa, the distance including our present march from
this to Dhemapore, being too great for the coolies.

15¢h.—Passing over a small plain and some wavy ground, we found
the path excellent till we reached the Looree, a small river, in the
bed of which our route lay for three or four miles to within a league of
Dhemapore; when we left it, and got upon some high country, which
led us to the fine bund road skirting the walls of the ancient city.
I was very much astonished to find so fine an old place, totally lost
sight of by the Cacharees themselves, an oral tradition of which was
merely in existence ; but they attribute it to the fear they have always felt

954 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [No. 106.

of going into these forests, which since the desertion of the place, have
been overrun by wild beasts, and frequented only by plundering Nagas.

The remains of Dhemapore Nugger consist of some pillars of
various patterns, a gateway, the ruined tower, or palace wall, and
a small fort to the north, besides tanks both within and without the
walls. The fortification is surrounded on three sides by a dry ditch, of
about thirty feet broad, a bund, or camp, and a second ditch. The
gateway is in a tolerable state of preservation, but the inner passage,
or guard room, has given way, and lies a heap of ruins, on which
the Nagaser and other trees grow. The pillars are in three parallel
rows, two of which are of a circular form, and one square; there are ten
in each row of the former, and twenty in the single row of the latter ;
many of them have been split asunder by trees falling on them,
and shrubs growing from out of them ; in one spot a large banian tree
has entwined its roots over a fallen one; some of them have been
worn smooth by the wild animals (elephants, rhinoceroses, hogs, &c.)
rubbing themselves against them. One of the pillars appears as if
it had been an instrument for the punishment of criminals. It resem-
bles two long square pillars joined at the base, and gradually increasing
in distance from each other, from two inches at the bottom, to several
feet at the top. The form of the town, or palace enclosure, is an oblong
square, lengthways facing the river, which is about 200 yards off. It was
built by Chokradoz, 4th Rajah of Cachar,* but long subsequent to the erec-

*RAJAHS OF CACHAR.
1 Oodi Bhim ; the founder of the House ;
his son,
2 Kartrick Chundro;
his son,
3 Beerdurpo;
his son,
4 Chokradoz ;
his son,
3 Manik Chundro ;
his son,
6 Phalgoo Durpo ;
his son,
7 Hurrick Chundro ;
his son,
8 Narionee Chundro ;
. his son,
9 Madub Chundro ;
his son,

1840. | Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. 955

tion of Ghergong in the Jorhat district, the first residence of the Cachar
Rajahs. It is stated that after being driven from Ghergong by the

10 Oodok Narion ;

his son,
Tl Indra Bol;
his son, Nychinggra,
12 Moyurut Doz: his brother, his son,
his son, Krete Chundro,

13 Gooroorod Doz ;
his brother,
14 Ordoa Detee ;
his brother,
15 Mokorod Doz;
~ his brother,
16 Tamruz Doz;

his son,
17 Sooroo Durpo ;
End of regular line
18 Krete Chundro ;
his son,
19 Ram Chundro ; Hurree Chundro being an
his brother, infant at the death of his fa-
20 Lukee Chundro ; ther, Ram Chundro, his uncle,
his nephew, assumed the royal power.
21 Huree Chundro ;
his son,

22 Kishen Chundro ;
his brother,
23 Goovin Chundra, murdered in 1830.
Tularam claims descent from Soroodurpo, the 17th Raja of Cachar, thus
Soroodurpo—his brother—Ghumber Sing.

im
Hada, Dow,
Pa
; Racha Dow, Moodooram, Anundro Ram,
oO “
Kishen Churun, Doorga Ram, Seeb Ram, Govin Ram,
a eres
Tula Ram, Joy Ram,
Runget Ram,
aa or)
Nohal Ram, Bundoo Ram,

Notr.—Lieut. Grange does not inform us whence he derives his list of the Cachar Rajas. His
description of their ancient abode will not fail to interest the readers of the J ournal. It is curious
to note this instance of singular change in the political and social condition of the Naga country, in
connecticn with the discoveries lately made of the former existence of civilization in tracts now
among the wildest in India. It is only thus that the difficulties which beset the antiquary and the
historian in this country, can be appreciated. The materials are now in course of slow accumula~
tion, which will assist some future Gibbon in giving such a history of India, as must, | fear,
remain for years a desideratum in literature. ae

956 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [ No. 106.

Assamese, Chokradoz settled on the Dhunsiri river, and built Dhemapore,
but hearing of the approach of a famous Hindoostanee warrior, called
Kala Par, who had been converted from the Brahmin easte to the
Mahomedan faith, and had become a great destroyer of Hindoo ~
images, he fled with the image of the tutelar god of the house
of Cachar to Myhong, in the hills, where he built a fort. Kala Par
not finding his foe, pillaged the place, and withdrew to his country.
On his retirement the Ahoms,* or Assamese, came to take posses-
sion of Dhemapore, but Chokrodaz not fearing his new enemy came
down from his retreat in the hills, and meeting an Ahom Phokun,
inquired of him the reason of the Ahomean invasion, to which the Pho-
kun replied, that they had merely come to look at the country, and that
the army had withdrawn, which answer satisfied the Raja; when how- .
ever, in fancied security he and his people laid aside their arms and
proceeded to encamp and cook, they were attacked by the Assamese
who had been laying in ambush, and not being ready to receive
their treacherous foe, were put to immediate flight. The Rajah,
with the remainder of his men, succeeded in effecting his escape
to Myhong, where he remained, and Dhemapore was deserted. He
died at Myhong, as did several of his successors, and the court
was afterwards removed to Kaspore in the plains. The country round
Dhemapore has all the appearance of having been at a prior period
well populated. On the right bank of the river are three large
tanks, two of which were excavated by the Rajah and Ranee; they
are twenty cubits deep, and with the exception of a break in one
or two places in their banks, are quite perfect, and hardly a
weed is to be seen on their surfaces; they abound with fish. The
banks are heavily wooded, and I found several kinds of citron
growing on them. The wild elephants and rhinoceroses had taken up
their abode upon them, and use the tanks as their baths. The whole
country in the vicinity is covered with forest, containing very fine
timber of the following descriptions—Cham,! Tetachapa,? Ghunsiri,?
Rata, Toon,‘ Awal,°® Hullok,’ and Nagaser.’ I am informed by Tularam

* Rather the conquerors of the Assamese (vide Asiatic Society’s Journal No. 104)

these warriors devastated Assam simultaneously with the Musselmans. (oy

1 Artocarpus Chaplasha ? 2 Laurus? 3 Laurus Sassafras? 4 Cedrela Toona. 7 Mesua
ferrea,
No, 3 is I believe a species of Camphora.—{N. W.]

1840, | Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. 957

and others, that the Nagas west of the Doyang river derive their origin
from an union of the Cacharee and Naga tribes, and that in former days
the Nagas were far away beyond the Doyang river. The Nagas them-
selves acknowledge an origin from the Cacharee tribe, and on that ac-
count they used not to decapitate the Cacharee prisoners they made,
to obtain ransom (?) which they invariably did with the Nagas that
fell into their hands. Their unusual custom of not acknowledging any
regular chief amongst themselves, tends greatly to confirm that
statement, as the Lotah, Nimsang, and other Nagas on the east of the
Doyang river, I am informed, have regular chiefs, besides a chief over
a number of villages. The scantiness of the present Cacharee popula-
tion may therefore be accounted for by their having been partly
absorbed in the surrounding tribes, and their emigrations to all
parts of Assam.

The Cacharees attribute the desolation of their country to. (what
they call) their innocence and simplicity of character, and the superior
cunning of the Ahoms, of whose magic powers they have many tradi-
tional stories ; certain it is, that Dhemapore must have been the seat
of a considerable population in former days.

The appearance of the lands about, are of the richest description,
and they have been much extolled by all persons who have seen them.
The country is high, and not liable to be inundated by any rise of the
river, with undulations and small hillocke at different places ; there are
a few marshes and low lands on the banks of the river, which are very
rich, and well adapted to low land crops ; but the products most likely
to be suited to the higher growers, are tea, coffee, sugar, tobacco,
cotton, wheat, &c., and all kinds of vegetables. There are a great
number of animals of all descriptions about Dhemapore, and those
that came under my observation, were the elephant, rhinoceros, tiger,
buffalo, hog, and deer; there is also a great number of birds of many
varieties of plumage, and several kinds of lizards.

There is a Mora Dhunsiri a short way to the south-east, along which
we discovered by the cut twigs a wild animal’s track, used by the
Nagas, leading from Sumboogoding towards Tokophen, by which it is
evident that they have hitherto been in the habit of communicating
with that village, and no doubt have been one of the parties engaged
in annoying the Rengma Nagas. The latter complain both of the

958 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [No. 106.

Lotahs and Dewansas, but more particularly of the former, whom they —
call Chokannew, and the latter Choquennew. The Dhunsiri river con-
tains gold of a dark colour. I succeeded in procuring a few grains,
through means of agold-washer I took up with me, but the quantity
procured held out but little inducement for him to continue washing
on his own account. The depth of the river was not sufficient in the
cold season to admit of canoes reaching Dhemapore, though no doubt
they can do so at other seasons of the year. The breadth of the river
within its banks up there is 160 feet. There are many deep holes in
different parts of it, which contain many descriptions of very fine fish,
and the Cacharees kill great numbers of them with a poisoning creeper
they call “‘ Deo Bih,” which they bruise and wash in the waters.

Having received intimation that no grain had arrived at Mohong
since my leaving it, and the quantity I had brought on with me
not being sufficient to authorize my moving forward (only a day’s
grain being in camp), I returned to Mohong to urge on the large
quantity which had been despatched from Raha in November, but
which from unforeseen difficulties had been detained at Sil Dhurmpore.
I reached Mohong in two days, and returned to Dhemapore on the 17th,
and grain arriving on the 19th, I was enabled to start from Dhemapore
on the 21st, but not having a sufficient number of coolies to take
the whole of the party on, I was obliged to leave the Assam Militia
which had arrived from Jorhat behind, to follow me up when I sent
back the coolies for them. The distance from Dhemapore to Su-
moogoding I should say, in a straight line, would be about fifteen
miles, but by the route I followed, not less than twenty-two or twenty-
four miles, which I accomplished in 22 days,

Having built a stockade independent of the villagers, and part of
the Jorhat Militia having arrived under their Subadar, I left them in
post here to guard any grain that might come up, and quitting Sumoo-
goding on the 2nd February, reached Razapamah or Jykamee that day, —
the distance being but six miles. We did not pursue the route followed
by Captains Jenkins and Pemberton, but descended to the southern foot
of the Sumoogoding ridge, and went along the stony bed of the Desem
Unurue, or Kooki river, till we reached the eastern base of the low ridge
on which Razapamah or Jykamee is situated. As we reached the village
which stood about a quarter ofa mile from the river Keruhee, an influen-

1840. | Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. 959

tial chief came down with all his war accoutrements on ; upon my inquir-
ing the reason of his being thus equipped, he said, had we intended
any harm, they would have fought us. They had piled up stones on
their small circular towers, by the path side, to throw at us as we advan-
ced, which proves how ignorant they still are, some of them, of the
effects of fire-arms. He offered me his house, and several houses of his
party for the night. He informed me that the village was divided into
two parties, and that he could answer for the peaceful intentions of his own
party, but not for the other. He said he had suffered much since I had
last seen him, having quarrelled, fought, and found his match in a fellow
villager, who had burnt his house and grain, and made him almost a
beggar. In the evening, over a brisk fire, I succeeded in obtaining
some of their martial ideas ; bringing his shield, which was covered over
with the hair of the foes he had killed, and carefully unwrapping a
cloth off two pieces of ratan covered with the hair of his sisters, he
placed them on each side of his shield, and commenced springing about
with very great agility, spinning his spear round all the time. He then
showed me, with an air of very great pride, the two ratans covered with
hair, and said that they could only be worn by warriors who had killed
many of their enemies, and brought in their heads, who are then en-
titled to receive some locks of hair from each sister, tied on ratan,
which they are obliged to wear on their shield, in the manner above des-
cribed. They consider certain Nagas their natural enemy, over whom
gaining any advantage would be great honor. On my inquiring who
his enemies were, he very innocently replied, the Beren Nagas, and
those about Simkir ; his feud with the Beren Nagas having arisen from
a quarrel he had had with some of the Nagas of that village, at the salt
wells near Sumoogoding. On my telling him that I had come up on
purpose to suppress the aggressions committed in that quarter, he re-
plied that he was aware of it, and had not been out since I was last up
on their hills, and that he had assisted the Dak wal, who had foolishly
gone up after me. The latter case was true, but whether the former was,
or not, was impossible to say ; though as no aggressions from this quar-
ter have been heard of this year, it is probably true. Leaving Jykamee
on the 8rd, we followed the route by which Captains Jenkins and Pem-
berton came, for a short way, and then turning to the left, entered the
villagers’ cultivations, on which we found the tea tree growing in the

960 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [No. 106.

most luxuriant manner, uncared for, and unknown; in the rice fields
it springs up in all directions in fine bushes, from the roots of old trees
which had been cut down by the Nagas in clearing their lands for culti-
vation ; the leaves of the plants found in the rice fields were much broad-
er, and of a deeper green colour (some leaves tinged with yellow) than
those obtained in the forest. It grows in many places on the low hills
in this neighbourhood, and appears a very hardy tree. The greatest size
which the trees I saw attained, were from two or three inches in dia-
meter and fifteen or fifty feet high ; the jungle causing them to run up this
way to get at the air and light. The country it is found in, is very like
that about the environs of the falls of the Jumonah, where there is but
little doubt that tea would grow equally as well as it does on the
Naga hills. I am informed by a Burmese who was formerly on the
frontiers of China, that in the districts of Taongbine and Taongmah,
the Polong inhabitants cultivate nothing else but the tea tree, and that
from one description alone four varieties of tea are obtained, which he
described in the following manner—First kind, from the buds, called in
Burmese Shuabee. Second kind, when two leaves only have shot forth,
called Kugengoo. Third kind, when five and four leaves have shot forth,
called Kugeyenka. And the fourth kind when in five and six leaves,
called Kyeot. The latter is drank only by the common people. In ap-
pearance it is exactly the same as that found about Jykamee. The hills
on which the Polong people live, are much higher than those we disco-
vered the tea on in the Naga hills,

Passing over these low hills, we came to a small plain, on which we
found ginger growing wild. It was quickly dug up by the Shans for
medicinal purposes, who said it was to be found growing in the same
state, only in the Singhpo country. Crossing several feeders of the
Desem or Unurue river, we ascended to the village called by the
Munipoorees, Ookusuha, and by the Nagas about this part, Terriamah,
or by the Nagas on the Cachar hills, Umponglo. The villagers, as
they did last time I passed their village, offerred us no opposition, but
showed us a place to encamp upon, and assisted to clear away the
jungle for that purpose, for which I gave them presents. There is no
good ground near the village for encamping on, but before ascending
to it there is a small stream on which Captains Pemberton and
Jenkins formed their camp, which is a good place for halting at coming

1840. ] Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. 961

from Jykamee, and prior to crossing the great range. There is also
another spot beyond the ridge Terriamah is situated on, which is im-
mediately beneath the great range on the Desem or Unurue river.

4th. February. Ascended the great range by the path followed by
Captains Jenkins and Pemberton. The ascent was extremely steep
and harassing to the coolies, and we did not reach the small river
beneath the Haplongmee, till 3. rp. m. Haplongmee is called by the
Nagas about here Konomah, which is equivalent to the Sinpalo of the
Nagas about Beren, and the Cachar hills.

5th. We started from Haplongmee in search of the Muniporee
detachment, which was to have met us there, and encamped on the
Tobool or Tzupfoo river, in the fence erected by the Munipoorees on |
their return route; but my party only taking up one quarter of the

ground they did, I was obliged to make the fences much smaller. I

calculated the force of the Munipooree detachment at 400 men, judg-
ing from the extent of ground it covered. The Nagas after promis-
ing to show us the route to the place where we might find the Muni-
poorees, or at any rate to the next village, began to slip off one by one,
after we had moved a short way from their village.

6th. Passing a short way up the bed of the Toobool, or Tzupfoo
river, we turned to the right, and ascended a slight ridge. The country
about this is extremely rugged and repulsive in appearance, being
composed chiefly of high rocky ranges, with but little flat ground
at their bases. The sides of the ridges are covered with low bushes,
and small quantities of grass, and here and there a stunted fir or
two. I saw some apple trees which had been planted by the
Nagas ; also, in the vale in which we encamped, willows growing along
the ditches, as in parts of Europe. The climate I should say was good,
it was moderately warm in the day, and cold at night, with sharp hoar
frosts on the ranges. All the water in our mugs and pots was thickly
frozen during the night we remained at this place.

7th. Not thinking that I should find the Munipoorees by advancing
further, after the misrepresentations we had received, I turned to
retrace my steps to Konomah or Hoplongmee, hoping to be able to
make a detour and visit Ikare and Singpagee ; and proceeded down to
our former encamping ground on the Toobool, or Tzupfoo river. The
fences and huts had been destroyed by the Hoplongmee Nagas, but we
soon erected others.

962 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [ No. 106.

8th. Advanced to the heights before entering Hoplongmee. I
found some difficulty in procuring information regarding the customs
of the Nagas of these parts, on account of their suspicious character,
and fear of answering my questions, which they think might tend to
discover some of the exceeding cunning habits which they possess.
They are very fond of argument, and have recourse to it immediately
they become aware that they are not able to cope with their enemy
viet armis, aud do not scruple to resort to the most absurd falsehoods
to try and intimidate their opponents.

They are, like most mountaineers, very uncleanly, and their habi-
tations are seldom or ever cleared of the filth of ages. The houses
are large, and are generally divided into two apartments, in which they
live and keep their grain, animals, &c. One family only resides in one
house. When not obliged to work, the men are lazily inclined, and
spend their mornings generally in sipping a species of fermented
liquor, but when pushed to labour, they are very active, and work very
cheerfully to some merry song. Their reaping song in particular
struck me as being exceedingly wild and pretty. They form a line of
men, women and children, and advance together, singing in chorus and
cutting down the crop. They cultivate several kinds of vetches and
peas, and have four or five species of rice, some grown on the mountains,
and some in the vales. The latter are produced on lands that have
been shaped out in steps and are irrigated by the innumerable streams,
rivulets, &c. found at the base of nearly all the mountains. .

They breed cows, pigs, goats, fowls, and dogs, and eat of nearly every
living animal; in fact I do not know of a single exception, rats,
snakes, monkeys, tigers, elephants, being all equally tasteful to them.
I was informed that Konoma, or Hoplongmee, is composed of 300
houses, half of which are Angamee and half Dewan Nagas, but they
unite and join in all pillaging expeditions with the two Angamee
villages of Mozomah (Ikaree) and Khamona (Impagee), both of 500
houses strong. The three villages, to keep up their tie of alliance, are
required to give a united feast once a year, each village sending
a cow and other articles for the occasion. The villages at the northern
base of the great range are an admixture of the Angamee and Dewan
tribes. The Angamees are known to the Nagas by the name of
Khunomah, and the tribe known by the Cacharee name of Dewansa,
is called Thungeemah; a difference must be observed between the

1840. | Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. 963

names of Khunomah and Konomah, the latter being the name of
the village of Hoplongmee, and the former of the Angamee tribe
and of an Angamee village. I could not obtain any accounts of
the origin of this singular tribe, who appear to have been a small
colony established in the midst of a number of tribes, who, from their
daring and martial character, have held all the surrounding tribes
in awe, and after increasing itself into three or four villages, has com-
pletely gained a supremacy over its neighbour, and although the latter
boasted of a much greater number of villages, though not so large as
the Angamees, and a larger tribe, they are not able to attack them
in return, from their want of unity and confidence. The attacks
of all these wild tribes are looked upon in no other light than
authorized martial exploits against their natural enemies, which sin-
gular to say, they consider all Nagas not of their own tribe. Now
however that they are attacked by them in return, they are becoming
less inclined to continue their former distant maurauding expeditions,
and confine themselves merely to the revenge of any injury they
may have, or fancy they have, received. The Dewan tribe, I imagine
‘has obtained that name from having formerly either resided on, or come
from beyond the Dooyang or Dewan river.

From the village of Yang, another tribe springs up, whose dialect is
different from either the Angamee or Dewan Nagas, and who are called
by the former tribe Zamee. Beyond the Doyang, other large tribes of
Nagas exist ; Lotah, Nemsang, &c. &c. these tribes I am informed differ
from those to the west of that river, and are under their respective
chiefs, whose authority they acknowledge, which is contrary to the sys-
tem of the Thuggeemah (Dewan) and Angamees. The latter tribes when
about to undertake any expedition, assemble the aged and fighting
men of their villages to discuss the matter over, and the greatest
bullies generally succeed in getting their wishes adopted.

The Nagas of these parts acknowledge the power of three gods. The
first is known by the name of Rapoo, to whom they sacrifice cows and
bulls only. He is the chief, and has the power of killing or curing.
The second is called Humaadee, to whom they sacrifice dogs ; and the
third Rampaow, to whom they sacrifice cocks and offer liquor. They
said, they had all three the power of killing or curing in different dis-
eases. Their marriage ceremony is nearly the same as that of the

Rengma Nagas,
6G

964 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [No. 106.

Landed property is hereditary, and is cultivated for ages by the pro-
prietors. In building houses, neighbours are required by custom to
assist each other, for which they are feasted by the person whose house
they are building. On deaths of fathers occurring, the property is
divided, and all the family share, the house going to the eldest son,
unless he has one of his own, when the mother retains it.

The barter value of different articles at the village of Hoplongmee
was as follows, a cow is valued at 10 or 12 conch shells.

A pig & sit. 2iditto.

A fowl ws » 1 packet of salt.

A goat me » 2 conch shells.

A male slave ij »» 1 cow and 8 conch shells.
A female ditto. Ee », 98 ditto, and 4 and 5 ditto.

The children of slaves are slaves.

The climate of Hoplongmee is in the month of February very fine,
the days are mild, and the nights very clear and cold, and a strong
hoar frost rests on the ground till 8 a.m.—I found wild raspberries
growing on the hills in the vicinity, and some nettles resembling those
found in Europe. The hills are of considerable altitude, and those in

the immediate neighbourhood of Hoplongmee covered with stunted a

grass, with wooded patches on their sides. The alpine scenery is ex-
tremely fine, and few sights could exceed the grandeur and fearful
appearance of astorm rolling slowly through these mountain chains. We
experienced some very high bleak winds on them.

The Nagas have several ways of prophesying the success of any ex-
pedition they are going on. One is by cutting a soft reed with their
spear head into flat pieces, and if the slices fall to the ground one way,
success is sure to fall in the opposite direction intended ; according to
the number fallen that way, so will be the proportion of ill luck ; suc-
cess by another mode is by the means of the flight of a cock. If he
flies strong and far, it is a favourable sign; but if, on the contrary, he
should fly weakly, and to no distance, ill luck is sure to ensue. In going
on an expedition, if a deer cross their path they return, and defer their
trip till some other day. This same superstition prevails also amongst
the Shan tribes, with the slight difference, that if a deer cross their path
from right to left, they proceed, but ifin the opposite direction, i. e. from
left to right, they return immediately, considering it a warning not to
proceed upon any expedition.

1840. | Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. 965

Leaving about 9 a. M., we crossed the great range, and after a very
fatiguing march, did not encamp on the Unurue or Desem river till
dusk of evening; we this day reached a stream, three miles to the south
of Jykamee, the distance from that village to the base of the great range
being rather too far for the coolies.

15th February—Quitting at 64 a. m. an hour’s march brought
us to Jykamee. We encamped this day on the Desem river, at the
southern base of the Sumoogoding hill.

We discovered the tea tree growing in the neighbourhood of camp
in a very luxuriant manner, the country is of the same description
of low hills, as found in the vicinity of Jykamee.

19th. Marched round the village, to avoid going through it, as the
Nagas seemed to have much objection to it, and met some Nagas from
other villages.

20th. Leaving Pepamee, and proceeding for about a mile, we came to
some trees, in which I halted the party ; we encamped upon a small
stream about four miles from Pepamee. In the evening we observed their
beacons alight (on high hills) in all directions, which I found out
were signals of our position, and movements; the number of beacons
burning at the same time, being the signal of our advance, retirement,
or halting place ; the path was very good, over a ridge of low hills.

21st. Our progress was very slow, and although the distance to
Juppmah was four or five miles, we did not arrive there till 3 p. ma. We
entered the village through a narrow lane, with a stone wall on either
side, and a bamboo trellis work over it, and a single plank of consider-

able thickness as a door. This village was a very old one, of about

300 houses, although report always augmented the number to 500 ; it is
composed of half Angamee and half Dewan Nagas. Some of their stools
or bedsteads were very large, cut out of a single tree, and they held
them in great esteem ; their iron instruments being of the most infe-
rior description, it must have taken them considerable time and
labour to cut out the trees. We found a great quantity of rice in
the jungle, of four or five different kinds.

The Rengma river winds past the western foot of the hill this village
is situated on. On a hill on its right bank, bearing from Juppmah
554, is the village of Bephomee. The country about this is composed
of good sized mountains, though of much less altitude than those of the

966 Grange’s Expedition into the Naga Hills. [No. 106.

great range, averaging from two to three thousand feet high. The
Sumoogoding range, after admitting the Desem river through it to
the east of that village, continues in a north-eastern direction till it
is again broken by the Rengma river passing through it, and it finally
ends at the Doyang river; the hills on the eastern bank of the latter
river extending down its course to about. the parallel of latitude of
Mohong Dhejooa. The mountain on which Juppmah is situated, over-
looks the Sumoogoding ridge, and the whole country is visible up to
the Rengma Naga hills, to the west of the Dhunsiri; the eye extending
over a vast dark looking forest plain, with the course of the Rengma
winding through it, till it is lost sight of in the distance. The hills to
the east, between the Rengma and Doyang river, are of a far less
height than those to the west of the former river, and run in parallel
ridges, east and west. The largest mountains lay in detached ridges
to the south of the great range.

It appears to me that the latter range would form a well defined
boundary between Assam and Munipoor, running in an almost uninter-
rupted straight line from the Meghpoor valley up to the Rengma river,
a slight bend only taking place to the southward, of not much con-
sequence, about Berem.

I regret extremely I was not able to prosecute my examination of
the country further to the eastward, which I was obliged to give up
on account of the delay that I had been subjected to in the plains, and
the lateness of the season at which I entered the hills. Sickness had
commenced in camp, which made marching very harassing with the
limited means I had of conveyance.

27th. After much difficulty in providing conveyance for the sick, I
left this ground, and returned by the path we had come.

We encamped in our former fences of the 20th.

On the 28¢h, reached Meyepamah ; and on the Z9¢h, arrived at Sumoo-
goding, and found that the whole of the stockade, grain, and property left
behind, had been destroyed by fire, through the carelessness of a sepoy.

2nd March. Deeming it imprudent to trust a post at such a distance
from any civilized population with only a few maunds of grain in a
weak stockade, and fearing the ill will of the villagers, I brought the
whole party down to Dhemapoor, where we found 200 maunds of grain
assembled.

967

A short Memoir of Mechithar Ghosh, the Armenian Legislator. By
JoHannes AvpaLL, Esq, I.A.S. Se.

Armenia, that favoured portion of the globe, famed in the page
of ancient and modern history both for its physical resources and
political changes, is generally admitted to have been prolific in
giving birth to men of vigorous minds, and no ordinary attain-
ments, maugre the lamentable disasters consequent on the overthrow
of the dynasties of its kings, and the invasion of the barbaric hordes, by
which it was overrun in the various periods of its history.

The subject of this memoir, Mechithar Ghosh, was born in the
Armenian era 592, corresponding with Anno Domini 1148, in the
city of Ganzak,-once the capital of Armenia Major, situated between
the sea or lake of Gelam and the river Kar, or Cyrus. While in
his teens, he devoted himself to the study of the Armenian language
and classical literature, under the able and paternal tuition of the
learned friar Johannes of Tavaish. His heart burned with a love
of knowledge, and his whole attention was literally absorbed in the
acquisition of the learning of his country. The death of his preceptor,
which imbued his mind with a tinge of melancholy, and subjected
him to a temporary dejection of spirits, was not allowed to cool his
ardour in the pursuit of his favourite study. From an association with
learned men of all ages and all grades, he derived an exhaustless
fund of knowledge, and was thus enabled to enrich his mind
with the gems of science and literature. Not content with the
intellectual riches of which he was already possessed, he repaired
towards the frontier of the Black mountain,(') then the acknowledged
centre of all Haican(*) learning and science, and the reputed resort
of all men of letters and genius, with the view of extending his mental
acquirements, and attaining to the highest possible eminence amongst
his contemporaneous literati of Armenia. Here he was received with
the greatest kindness, and the most marked attention, by his kindred
spirits; and ultimately had the gratification to see his laudable endea-
yours crowned with the most triumphant success. He had the merit

QC) Ubu L fwd ix Armenian.
(2) Haic 44y4 was the grand progenitor of the Armenians, who are also called
Haics 2&4 -p ? after his name.

968 Memoir of Mechithar Ghosh, [No 106.

of ranking in the list of the most learned and erudite of his age, a
consummation to which his whole ambition aspired! The extent of his
learning could only be equalled by the degree of austerity which he
had imposed on the mode of his life. He was highly esteemed by all,
for the urbanity of his manners, and rigidness of his moral discipline.
After a stay of some years in the society of men eminent for their love
and acquisition of wisdom, he went to-the city of Carin,() (the modern
Erzertim) preparatory to returning to Ganzak, the land of his birth.
No sooner had he commenced tasting the sweets of the company of his
relatives and nearest friends, after a long separation, than he had the
misfortune to feel the disasters from the inroads of the Scythians, by
whom that part of the country was cruelly harassed and devastated.
This induced him to quit his native soil, and to proceed to the province
of Khachen, where resided Vakhthank, the prince of Hatherka,(*) under
whose protection he expected to enjoy comparative ease and freedom
from the molestation of unbelievers. Here he meditated the propriety of
devoting himseif to a monastic life ; and having determined on this step,
he bade adieu to his protector, and repaired to the province of Kain,
where stood a convent, known by the appellation of Ketick.(°) He
took shelter within the precincts of this monastery, and joined its
inmates with a full acquiescence in the rules of the institution.

On the demolition of that convent by the incursions of enemies, he
constructed a new one on the spot, called the “ Valley of Tanzut.”()
He also built in this place a church, consecrated by the name of St.
Gregory the Illuminator,(’) and a small chapel dedicated to St.
John the Baptist.©) Subsequently, on the increase of the popu-
lation in that place, he erected another church of solid stone, and
on a more extensive scale, which was consecrated by the name of the
holy Deiparous. The erection of this sacred edifice was finished in

(3) Ywphb Carin is the name of the city of Erzerim, in the classical atlas of
Armenia.

(*) U faunal Aefeuitth 2w [Fb p.pry in Armenian.

@ Dbunhh or Pbunkay fustp in Armenian.

(°) Tanz Subé signifies pear in Armenian. The valley abounded in pears, and
was therefore called Qgsndoem Tanzut, or full of pears.

(7) Urcee tebanp Lqeuuenpliy St. Gregory the Illuminator flourished in the
third century, and evangelised Armenia.

©) Uaepe SodSuiiobkea Whpnfy in Armenian.

1840. | the Armenian Legislator. 969

the year 1191. The convent, newly constructed by him, received
the name of Ketick,@) which appellation was afterwards applied to
him, in commemoration of his being the founder of that monastery.
He was also known by the cognomen Ghosh,(") which appellative was
added to his Christian name, in consequence of his having very little, or
no beard; this circumstance is corroborated by the testimony of his
cotemporary and countryman, Kirakus("') Ganzakensis, who had the
honour and pleasure of his personal acquaintance and friendship.
Mechithar Ghosh is known to have been the author of numerous
works of sterling merit. He wrote a book on human nature, in the
shape of an address from Adam to his sons, and from Eve to her
daughters. He also wrote several treatises on the Christian faith, and
on the Communion of the Altar. His pastoral and admonitory epistles
are also extant, and afford a proof of his unassuming piety and philan-
throphy. At the end of this epistolary work he says, ‘“ If I have ever
erred in addressing these monitory letters to my countrymen, or un-
intentionally offended those whom I intended to benefit, I am most
cordially penitent for my error, and readily ask their indulgence and
forgiveness.” He is also said to have written a commentary on the
book of Jeremiah, and a great many sacred odes and poetical pieces.
Some of the latter have been handed down to us, and are pro-
nounced to be sufficiently elegant and sublime, to stamp him as a
poet of no ordinary kind. His composition of ‘‘ Choice Fables,” is a
combination of the utile dulci, and indicates his capacity to unite
a great deal of instruction with much amusement. Of all the works of
Mechithar Ghosh, the latter is the only one that has ever been
printed. It was published by the Mechitharistic('”) Society of Venice,
on the 18th of January 1790. The chief recommendation of these
Fables is, their originality, for which they are considered to be far

(°) The subject of this memoir was also called Wblémp Gfunkuy Mechithar of
Ketick.

(1°) Ghosh (ez in Armenian signifies Puupd or Puppy > vulgo Powmwh >» and in
English, beardless, or one having very little beard.

(1) Ghpahau Quttduhegh in Armenian. Kirakus is from the Greek word
Kuptayoc, andits adoption as a proper name, is very common among the Armenians,

('*) This Society was founded by Mechithar of Sebastia, in the early part of the
eighteenth century. Its members have been pre-eminently successful in promoting the
revival of Armenian literature, and the publication of numerous works of considerable
merit,

970 Memoir of Mechithar Ghosh. [ No. 106.

superior to the “Select Fables of Vartan,” published at Paris in the
year 1825, with a French translation, by that most indefatigable
and highly distinguished orientalist, M. J. St. Martin, under the
auspices of the Asiatic Society of that place.

But the crowning literary production of this great Leviathan of
Armenian literature, is the Code of Laws which he concocted, framed,
and promulgated, in the year 1184, and which has immortalised
his name as a legislator and first-rate author, in the recollection of
posterity. In the preparation of this law-book, he availed himself of the
assistance of Frater Josephus and Frater Paulus, both equally distinguish-
ed in the page of our national history, for their literary attainments and
deep research. The laws comprised in this Herculean work are both
civil and ecclesiastical, and admirably adapted to the state of the Arme-
nians of those days. Mechithar Ghosh shines more conspicuously in the
character of a legislator than in that of a divine, a disciplinarian, an
annotator, a poet, or a fabulist. I have treated, at great length of the
code of this eminent legislator, in my “ Essay on the Laws and Law-
Books of the Armenians,”(*) and furnished some specimens of the laws
contained therein. I must here repeat, what I have already stated
elsewhere, my deep regret at the total absence of a printed Armenian
standard Code of Laws, to the great inconvenience and difficulty of the
Armenians located within the pale of the Honorable Company’s courts
in this country. Authentic and genuine copies(“) of the law-book of
Mechithar Ghosh, are to be found in the extensive library of the Me-
chitharistic Society of Venice. Want of funds to meet the expenses -
of printing, if I am correctly informed, is the only cause of the non-
publication of this valuable work of antiquity ; which, if published, would
unquestionably be considered one of paramount interest and utility to
the Armenian nation in general, and to the Armenian colonists of
Bengal in particular. If the Armenians living under the jurisdiction
of the Zillah courts of this country, be really willing to promote the
security of the property of their children, let them step forward with

('°) Which will shortly be published. .
(‘*) Since writing the above, I have been credibly informed that correct and elegantly
written copies of this book are also kept in the library of Etchmiatchin. It is to be

hoped that the work in question will speedily be published, either at Venice or Etch-
miatchin.

1840. | the Armenian Legislator. 971

their purses unstrung, and, with a spirit of true patriotism, bestow this
posthumous work of their renowned legislator of the twelfth century,
as an invaluable boon on their expatriated countrymen of British
India.

But to return to the immediate subject of this brief memoir. In
almost all national meetings, and in all synodical proceedings, Mechi-
thar Ghosh took a willing and active part. He was present in the
grand council, convened in 1178, at Hiromclah,(*) having for its object
the formation of a union between the Armenian and Greek churches.
His presence was also considered to be indispensably necessary in the
two synods, respectively assembled at Lori and Ani, in the province of
Shirak, between the years 1205 and 1207, for the express purpose of
reconciling differences and dissensions, provoked by uneasy and turbulent
spirits. He was desired by a particular invitation, bearing the signa-
tures of the principal ecclesiastical dignitaries, to favour them with his
attendance. He attended the council of Lori, but sent an apology
for his inability to be present in the synod of Ani. Advanced age,
aggravated by bodily infirmities, was the unavoidable cause of his ab-
sence from that assembly. He sent, however, his vote in writing,
expressive of his acquiescence in the proceedings of the majority of
the meeting. Not quite contented with this, and unsuccessful in
bringing the affairs of the meeting to a satisfactory termination, the
assembled Bishops persuaded Mechithar Ghosh, by repeating their soli-
citations in writing, to honour the assembly with his presence. The
meeting stood adjourned, waiting his arrival with no small degree of
anxiety. ‘* Hasten,” said they in their letter, “‘to our succour, for we
are sadly divided; and the division cannot be healed but by a sweet
word from your lips. Your apology for your advanced age and bodily
infirmities, is inadmissible. Should you be visited by death on your
journey hither, we shall hold your memory in reverence by a suitable
and lasting monument, worthy of the public virtues of the best of
our divines. Only hasten to our succour!” Mechithar Ghosh complied
with their wishes, however fatiguing and wearisome the journey to

a valetudinarian of his age and description. His presence at the assem-
'

(5) 2andkpuy in Armenian. The etymological signification of Hiromclah is the
castle of Rome. It was an impregnable fortress in the twelfth century, and belonged
to the Count of Jocelyn during the days of the Crusaders, Z

972 Memoir of Mechithar Ghosh, the Armenian Legislator. (No. 106.

bly had an electric effect. A short address from him, judiciously and
temperately worded, calmed and soothed the assembled multitude.
The differences and dissensions were buried in the waters of Lethe;
peace and unanimity restored ; and the assembly dispersed to the satis-
faction of all parties.

Such a wonderful character was Mechithar Ghosh ; and so universally
esteemed, admired, honoured and respected by his countrymen, for his
public and private virtues. The qualities of his mind kept pace with the
qualities of his heart. He attained to a good patriarchal age, and
terminated his earthly career, Anno Domini 1213, and his remains were
interred in the convent of Ketick, with every demonstration of honour
and affection becoming the memory of so great and useful a man.

He had a great number of pupils, several of whom survived him,
and rendered themselves distinguished by their literary productions,
and acts of public utility. I cannot better conclude the memoir of
this very learned and truly excellent man, than in the words of his
countryman and contemporary, Kirakus Ganzakensis :-—

Qudate gpk Ghpuhaw - °° Puaqaedp Eft agp wwhbanbgut fh Uist
* duppwmbuuhat pup > puiigqh Sadpur foliaunne (thu ‘ngs Sasa.
“ hGgun pin dkbwjh nbqho > b. gay wr. tos yrds Gaqdisig + put.
gb gun winewt frpry dfobltwmpbp qudbibufs +. + + + pwi.p Unpw wp.
ghetushutp bk pb gunpSop + + + duu uyuafuf Sadpurry paged opp
‘Ebb fb hupgh dupgugiin SuShei qht.pbwiu> bk qguyfib’f huopgh
§ wubb puny Gaya > o_uatb hf pdt > wattine ft dépunft Spanish:
Be punqaedp yuzuhb pang inpas Sasufh *f murnfi ferpranyh nha 2”

‘“‘'There were many who availed themselves of the benefit of his
indoctrination. The fame of his learning had spread far and wide,
and attracted pupils from all parts of the country. He comforted them
all, pursuant to the literal meaning of his own name !(°) His words and
instruction were beneficial, and full of merit and grace! Owing to the
celebrity of his name, many who had been invested with the degree of
professorship, scrupled to acknowledge their own dignity, and went to
him with the profession of pupilage on their lips. They were indoc-
trinated by him, and newly received order. Several of his pupils had
the merit of being honored with the doctoral degree.”

(©) Mechithar [ffup(duwp etymologically signifies comforter, comforting, comfort-
able, comfort, in the Armenian language.

973

Letter, forwarding a paper on the formation of the Museum of Economie
Geology of India, from Captain 'TREMENHEERE, Engineers, to H.
Torrens, Esq. Secretary to the Asiatic Society.

Caleutia, 27th January, 1841.

I have the honour to state for the information of the President and
Members of the Asiatic Society, that the collection of specimens form-
ing the basis of a Museum of Economic Geology, is placed in the room
which the Society has been pleased to appropriate to that purpose.

I regret that my stay in Calcutta is so short that I shall be unable
to complete the labelling of the specimens before my departure for
Moulmein. The labels are, however, all prepared, and Mr. Piddington
has kindly undertaken to place them near to each specimen, so as to
render them distinctly legible. Corresponding printed numbers, which
are also ready, are to be affixed to the specimens themselves, the num-
bers now attached being only of a temporary description.

To provide, as far as possible, for obtaining specimens of Indian
mineral products, &c., and to explain the principles and objects of a
Museum of this description, I have prepared a memorandum, in
which I have endeavoured to describe the substances which it is con-
sidered desirable to collect, and the indications by which localities,
which are likely to afford them may be traced in such a manner as to
require little or no previous acquaintance with mineralogy or geology,
to render contributions useful and illustrative.

A similar communication has been made to the Government of
Bengal, with a view of increasing the collection of specimens suited to
the objects proposed ; and should your Society concur in the sugges-
tions contained in the paper herewith enclosed, its communication to
the corresponding members of your Society, may prove of service to
the Museum of Economic Geology, now forming.

It is my intention, in compliance with a suggestion from Govern-
ment to that effect, to maintain a correspondence, during my absence,
with the Curator of your Museum, by which, and by personal com-
munication, on any occasional visit which I may make to Calcutta, I
shall be able to arrange for the disposal of specimens, which the Cura-
tor may receive, in furtherance of the views herein alluded to.

974 Museum of Economie Geology of India. [ No. 106.

MEMORANDUM.

Numerous specimens of coal, and of ores of the . useful metals,
recently received by Government from the Court of Directors, have
been placed, with the consent of the Asiatic Society, in one of the
Society’s rooms, at their house in Park Street, where they are arranged
for public inspection. These specimens form part of a collection, to
which it is intended that additions shall be made, until a complete
series, exhibiting the mineral products of Great Britain shall be ob-
tained; exemplifying at the same time, their modes of occurrence in
rock formations, and the processes of converting the rough ores to the
metallic state. With this view communications have been opened
with the Director of the Geological Survey of England, for the supply
and interchange of specimens suited to the objects proposed.

Simultaneously with these, it is proposed to collect, with the aid of
Engineer Officers, Officers of the Revenue Survey, and by donations
from individuals interested in the subject, specimens of similar pro-
ducts and processes of manufacture of this country, which will be ar-
ranged in a manner convenient for comparison with the foregoing, and
for exhibiting at one view the mineral resources of India.

To these will be added specimens of soils, and other substances,
showing the application of Geology to Agriculture; specimens of ma-
terials used for public buildings, and for roads ; models of machinery
adapted to mining and agriculture in India; and, lastly, records of
mining operations which have been undertaken, or are still in progress.

Materials will thus be obtained, at no distant date, for a Museum
designed to illustrate the application of geology to the useful purposes
of life, to be entitled ‘““ The Museum of Economic Geology of India.”

The Museum already possesses a series of specimens of British coal
and ironstone from the South Wales and South Staffordshire districts,
from the forest of Dean, and from Newcastle. In British tin and copper
ores, chiefly from Cornwall, the collection may be considered complete.

The collection of specimens, exhibiting the various stages of metal-
lurgical processes, comprises illustrative series of iron-smelting, and
manufacture, as practised in South Wales; of the tin smelting of
Cornwall ; and of copper smelting, as practised at Swansea. To these,
it is intended to add the Bristol mode of manufacturing brass and the

1840. | Museum of Economic Geology of India. 975

new and old methods of reducing zinc from its ores. Other mineral
substances employed in the arts and manufactures will also be includ-
ed, such as those illustrative of porcelain, common earthenware, pot-
tery, fire bricks, and other manufactures from clays and their com-
pounds, and of metallic oxides and earths employed as pigments,
showing the mode in which they may be usefully and permanently
associated with each other; as well as a series showing the important
manufacture of glass.

In the agricultural section, specimens of Indian soils and subsoils,
or subjacent rocks, will be collected, with information of the mode of
treatment and usual produce of the land, together with the conditions
of exposure and meteorological influences to which it is subject. By
analyzing such specimens, the connection of agricultural products with
the chemical and physical properties of the soil, as well the mineral
and vegetable substances most fitted for increasing the fertility of the
land, will be ascertained ; and the results being compared with others
similarly obtained in this, or in other countries,* correct principles will
be established, either for the introduction of new products of cultiva-
tion, or for the improvement of those already existing. The substra-
tum of soils being generally an element in their relative fertility, an in-
spection of these alone would lead to suggestions of much value to the
cultivator, and to a knowledge of the geological character of the upper
surface of the country from which they may be taken.

Another section will comprise stones, slates, marbles, porphyries,
ornamental granites, and other building materials, as mortars, cements,
and other artificial compounds, applicable to architectural and engi-
neering purposes.

A focus will thus be presented, to concentrate all information relating
to the Economic Geology of India, and it is considered that a collec-
tion of natural products, such as it will contain, may serve to point out
localities which would be worthy of attention; and by exciting the in-

* We have learnt, while this Memorandum is passing through the press, that a far
wider interest is taken at home in the improvement of India in connection with its
agriculture, then has ever heretofore been the case. Our acting Curator, Mr. Pidding-
ton, having requested Mr. Stikeman the Secretary to the East India and China Asso-
ciation to procure for him’some sugar soils from the West Indies, for comparative an-
alysis with those of India, the Mauritius, &c, Mr. Stikeman applied to Lord John Rus-
sell, who, upon the recommendation of Sir John Cam Hobhouse, has kindly obtained an
assortment of soils from the West Indies, and their arrival here is daily expected.—Ep.

976 Museum of Economic Geology of India. [ No. 106.

terest of the private speculator, tend to develop the mineral and agri-
cultural resources of the country. An efficient means would also be
afforded, of imparting instruction to native youths, whose services may
be made available towards the gradual accomplishment of the objects
proposed, with reference to the vast extent of territory which is open
to investigation.

It will be perceived from the above, that this Museum is not intend-
ed for the reception of specimens of rocks or fossils to illustrate points
of theoretical geology, but to exhibit those substances occurring occa-
sionally in the solid crust of the earth and others, which are applica-
ble to the useful purposes of life.

To those therefore, who may be requested, or who may be desirous

Mineral substances. to afford assistance in furtherance of the objects
here set forth, it will be sufficient to state, that, any mineral or metallic
substances, accompanied by specimens of the rocks in which they are
found, with descriptions of locality and mode of occurrence, will be of
service to a Museum of this description. The fissures and crevices
of rocky strata, either along shores, or in vallies and ravines, should be
examined, and indications will often be found in water courses and
river beds, whereby metallic ores may be traced to the source from
whence they have been abraded. Tin, gold, and platina are usually
found in such situations; small rounded masses of the former, denomi-
nated stream tin, being scarcely distinguishable, save by their higher
specific gravity, from common pebbles. The sands of rivers should be
sometimes washed, as should also the alluvial detritus found in valleys
or beneath the surface of level plains. Indications of copper are often
afforded by a ferruginous and somewhat friable substance near the sur-
face, specimens of which are desirable, as they serve often, with practised
miners, to point the probable prospect of ore beneath. The vicinity of
rocks, coloured green, blue, &c. may also be worthy of examination.

If with such specimens, the probable thickness of the stratum of rocks
in which they occur, its dip, including the angle of. inclination to the
horizon, and direction of the beds by compass, be given, as well as the
direction of any fissures that may be observed, it. will enhance the value
of the information afforded. A convenient size for specimens, is about
three inches square, and about an inch in thickness, those of the accom-
panying rock, may be four or four and a half by three inches, and about

1840. | Museum of Economic Geology of India. 977

the same thickness. They should be carefully numbered, both on the
specimens themselves, and on the envelope in which they are wrapped ;
one copy of the list to which the numbers will refer, should be trans-
mitted by dawk, and another placed in the box with the specimens.
Specimens of slates, with the dimensions, quantity, and rate at which
Building materials. they can be obtained; also of marbles, and building
stones, cut into six inch cubes, will be desirable. The expense of quarry-
ing and of transport to the nearest water conveyance should be detailed.
One side of the cubes should be left to exhibit the exposed or weather-
ed surface of the rock, the others roughly chiselled. The cubes of
marble may be polished, except on their under surfaces.
The quality of water at the issue of springs, and the sediment depo-
Examination of sited by them, should be particularly noticed, as they
springs. rise to the surface, generally, at some fault or disloca-
tion of the strata, and will probably be imbued with matter derived from
the metallic bodies with which they may have been in contact. Thus,
water percolating through a bed of coal has often its surface coated
with a thin film of oxide of iron, derived from the decomposition of
iron pyrites, diffused through the coal. When traces of coal are dis-
covered, it would be very desirable to transmit pieces of the strata of
rock with which it is supposed the coal is associated, stating the extent
of surface which the deposit is believed to cover, and the depth at
which it is found; accompanied, if possible, by a vertical section, with
figured dimensions of the accompanying beds.
Descriptions of native mining operations, and complete series of
Operations of mi- Specimens showing the processes followed in the re-
ning and reduction of duction of ores, in their various stages of progress,
via to the metallic state, will be highly valued, when
accompanied by explanations of the modes of procedure.
Specimens of soils should always be forwarded in connection with
communications, and inquiries of agricultural interest.
Soils being generally the upper decomposed portions of subjacent
Soils. mineral substances, whether hard rocks of various kinds,
or clays, marls, sands, &c., mingled either naturally or artificially
with vegetable and animal matter, it becomes very desirable in col-
lecting specimens of them, that they should be accompanied by
others of the hard rocks, clays, marls, sands, &c., on which they rest ;

978 Museum of Economic Geology of India. [No. 106.

so that by careful analysis of the whole, with due attention to climate
and the other obvious conditions to which they may have been ex-
posed, some general and useful results may be brought to light, respect-
ing the soils best fitted for the growth of the various plants usually
cultivated in this country. |

In selecting soils for the Museum of Economic Geology, care should
be taken to obtain fair average specimens of the localities whence it
may be considered desirable to send them ; and to insure the true sub-
soil, subjacent hard rock, clay, sands, &c. ; specimens of the latter should
be obtained as near as possible beneath the spot whence the soil may
have been so selected, for it sometimes happens, that the soil of a field
varies in places, from resting upon different kinds of sub-soils.

The soil above hard rocks is not unfrequently separated from them
by broken angular fragments, the half-decomposed portions of such hard
rocks; specimens therefore of sub-soils, or subjacent mineral substan-
ces should, in such cases, be taken from the solid hard rocks beneath,
and not from these fragments, which have commonly suffered too much
decomposition to exhibit the real chemical composition of the rocks
themselves. These angular fragments must not be confounded with
gravels, sometimes overspreading hard rocks, to the depth of several feet,
and chiefly or wholly composed of rounded pebbles, mixed with earthy,
sandy, or clayey matter, the whole being often derived from a distance ;
for such gravels then form the true sub-soil, and the soil above them
would partake of the character of the earth, sand, or clay, mixed with
the pebbles, with the addition of the decomposed parts of such of the
latter, as may disintegrate by the effects of the weather upon them.

The quantity of soil taken as a specimen, should weigh about a
pound; it should be well dried and tied up in a canvass bag, labelled
to correspond with a memorandum, in which the general agricultural
produce of the spot, whence the specimen was taken, should be noted ;
the kinds of manure known to have been used upon it mentioned ;
the amount of grain or other crops per beegah stated ; the dimensions
of the beegah, and the best kind of produce which has been hitherto —
obtained from it, specified. A loose label should also be inclosed
within the bag to guard against accidents. As so much depends on
climate and position, the general character of the seasons should be
pointed out, and the aspect of the ground, as regards exposure to

1840. | Museum of Economic Geology of India. 979

prevalent or hard winds, with any slope the ground may have, and
its height above the sea should be stated, specifying if possible, the
general temperature of the locality, and the degrees of greatest heat
,nd cold annually experienced.

With respect to specimens of sub-soils, if of marl, sand, or clay,
portions weighing about a pound, should be dried, tied up in a canvas
bag, and labelled, to correspond with the respective soils above them.
If the subjacent rocks be hard, a piece weighing also a pound, and
fresh broken from the body of the rock, as nearly as possible beneath
the spot whence any specimen of soil may have been selected, would
suffice, and should be wrapped in strong brown paper, labelled to
correspond with the soil above it. As specimens of many sub-soils
may be rendered valuable for the purpose of illustrating those either
well or ill suited to the growth of such trees as by their roots pe-
netrate beneath the upper soil, commonly known as vegetable mould
or humus, and which upper soil supports the great bulk of the plants
commonly cultivated; it would be desirable to add a memorandum
to any specimens which may serve to illustrate points of that kind.
All specimens of soils should, if possible, be enveloped in wax cloth,
and even packed in tin cases or cannisters, if any are at hand.

When a sufficient number of specimens in either of the departments
here mentioned, has been collected, they should be packed in a box, and
be sent by the cheapest, most efficient, and safe conveyance, directed—

On Service.

The Curator of the Museum of the Asiatic Society,
Calcutta.

For the Museum
of Economic Geology.

At the same time a communication should be addressed to the
Curator of the Museum of the Asiatic Society, under cover to

| The Secretary to the Government of Bengal,
Fort William,

stating the conveyance by which the specimens have been forwarded,
with copies of the memoranda attached to them, referring to numbers on
| the specimens, in order, as much as possible, to prevent their loss.
Calcutta :
| 22nd January, 1841.

980 Museum of Economic Geology of India. [No. 106.

I have printed with unfeigned pleasure, the foregoing memorandum,
to the value of which no recommendation can add. Every friend to India,
whether connected with the Society or not, will, it is earnestly hoped, aid
in accomplishing the great ends, to which, by the liberality of the Court of
Directors and of the Government of India, it may now aim; viz. the full
development of the agricultural and mineral resources of the country.
Since this memoir was read to the Society, the following contributions
to the Museum of Economic Geology, in addition to the collections sent

out by the Court of Directors, under the care of Capt. Tremenheere, have
been received.

Specimens of cotton, coffee, sugar, tobacco, and
tea soils, &c. from India, the Mauritius, United States,
Nie Pildineton sich es: &c. of which “as, are analysed.
Acta Cabator 1 Specimens of Burdwan iron ores : analysed.
: 5 Specimens of the earths used in the curious red
As. Soc. Museum. a g
glazing of the native sugar pans.
Specimen of white clay from Rotasghur, which
May be used like pipe clay for claying sugar.

I doubt not that we shall shortly be enabled to add many more to this
list. To use the words of Mr. Piddington, “Our friends have only to re-
collect, that nothing pertaining to, or derived from the earth, if useful to
man, can be unacceptable to our intended collection, and that even what
may to them appear an every-day matter, and of no moment, may be
fraught with important results in the hands of others.”

I append to this valuable paper, further correspondence of interest to the
Society, and to subscribers to the Journal on this important subject of
Geological research, it having been put at my disposal by the Committee —

of Papers.
‘Ty

G. A. Bususy, Eisg. Secretary to the Government of India,
Sir, General Department.

Being authorised by the Honorable Court of Directors to deliver to
the Government of India certain specimens illustrative of the mineral

productions of England, I have now the honour to report my arri-

1840. | Museum of Economic Geology of India. 981

val at Calcutta, on the ship “‘ Lord Hungerford,” with these specimens
under my charge. They consist of

43 Specimens of coal from the South Wales and South Stafford-

shire Coal districts; presented by Mr. H. T. De la
Beche, F.R.S. &c., Director of the Museum of Eco-
nomic Geology, under Her Majesty’s Government.

10 Specimens of coal, and others of ironstone and limestone from

the principal working beds near Birmingham ; pre-
sented by J. S. Dawes, Esq.

50 Specimens of copper and other metallic ores, chiefly from Corn-

wall; presented by Mr. H. T. De la Beche.

119 Specimens of the ores of iron, copper, and tin, from South
Wales, Cornwall, and elsewhere, collected by myself,
amongst which are many specimens of copper ores ;
presented by Seymour Tremenheere, Esq. _

24 Specimens illustrative of the process of tinsmelting, exhibiting each

stage of progress, from the rough ore to the metallic
State; presented by Thomas Bolitho, Esq. of Penzance.

Details concerning the above are entered in a book, which is for-
warded herewith, on the plan followed at the Museum of Economic
Geology, wherein it is intended to describe the mineralogical cha-
racter and geological connection of each specimen, together with such
information as may be useful in tracing indications of similar sub-
stances in India.

The form of this, as well as of books of other Departments, kept
at the Museum, is given in enclosure No. 1.

In addition to the specimens which have been enumerated, others
have been promised by gentlemen connected with mining and smelt-
ing establishments ; and as arrangements were made at the India
House for their immediate dispatch, they may be expected shortly
to arrive. They include,

Specimens of the process of copper smelting, as practised at

Swansea ; by H. Vigors, Esq.

Specimens illustrative of the modes in which the Cornish copper,

lodes, occur in rock formations.

Specimens of the coal beds, and of ironstone from the Peny-

darren works at Merthyr Tydfil, and of the process

982 Museum of Economic Geology of India. [No. 106.

of manufacture of different kinds of iron; by G.
Grenfell, Esq.

Specimens of the principal coal beds, and of the iron ore, worked

in the Forest of Dean ; by — Protheroe, Esq.

Specimens of the principal working beds of the Newcastle coal

field ; by Charles Bigge, Esq.

Together with others, if the Government should desire them, which
Mr. De la Beche will, I have no doubt, with the consent of the
Commissioners of Her Majesty’s Woods and Forests, be able to forward
from time to time from the Museum of Economic Geology ; many
duplicates and spare pieces being often available for the purpose.

Some of the leading features of the mineral wealth of England, and
' the methods by which it is turned to the best advantage, will be
thus represented, and will afford the means of comparison with similar
products and processes in this country.

The mineral resources of India although more abundant, and more
generally diffused than those of any other portion of the globe of
equal surface, have hitherto attracted little attention; and have been
aided in a very slight degree by the means which are necessary to
their proper development. The search for metallic ores has been
unguided either by the principles of science, or by the practice of other
mining countries and workings conducted without the skill and
power required to prosecute them successfully, have been confined
to within small distances from the surface. Hence the stores of
useful metals which India is known to possess remain comparatively
untouched, and present at this day, almost a maiden field for im-
provement.

Enclosure No. 2, represents in a tabular form, localities wherein
ores of the useful metals have been worked, and others which have
been observed and recorded. The following is an abstract of the
paper alluded to, showing the number of places in each of the princi-
pal ranges of hills, which produce the undermentioned ores.

1840. | Museum of Economic Geology of India. 983

ee
: | S| 8
x 2 Pm ‘ S a
2. lo} =
ol = abe ig sai k=
Hlole |yAla os) qin
Himalaya tange, ... .». ...| 9 | 10 J 8 hygee ee 4
Aravully, pte SORT 6 | 10 P \ 8 1
Chittore, ... 5 ewan a
Vindhya, Sonnac Sie al aarti ial WF) Ba
Kasya, bs oon 3 ae
Assam Territory, ... 1 Leas
Tenasserim, ... ... ar) Oi, 1 1 Dinirives it 1
Malabarrange, ... ... river
Corgmanoel,... 2. we \ ata 2 beds .
Movalsy ie wstokviatuyeGO i2F1\| walk | LiL Beh devil 2

The extensive distribution of iron ores of good quality, is the
leading feature of Indian mineralogy. These are found in great
abundance in every range of hills, in some of which they have been
worked on a very limited scale, but with great success, for long periods
of time. In several instances, beds of coal occur contiguous to them,
as at Hoshungabad, Palamow, Sheregur in the Burdwan district, on the
Adjai, seventy miles south of Boglepore, Serrareem, and Cherrapoonjee.

The iron districts, Marwar, Bundelkund, a portion of Malwa, Behar,
and Sambhulpore,* are situated within the limits of the great sandstone
formation with which the coal measures of India are associated. It
extends in a broad band across the centre of Hindoostan, from
the valley of Assam westward, to that of the Indus, and it is probable
that coal will be found in various parts of this formation, and suffi-
ciently near to these deposits of iron, to render them extensively
available for economical purposes. In the districts of Saugur, Jabul-
pore, and in the valley of the Nerbudda, limestone also occurs, the con-
nection of which is important, as upon the union of these three sub-
stances, the success of iron-works depends.

This extensive sandstone tract, presents also another source of inter-
est. In it the diamond mines of Punnah in Bundelkund are situated, and
the strata here are believed to be identical with those containing the dia-
mond breccia of the Ellore district, and of Cadapah, on the Pennar. These

* Captain Ouseley discovered a rich field of excellent coal on the banks of the
Hurdah (Hutsoo of the maps) in last November. yy

984 Museum of Economic Geology of India. [ No. 106.

last have been traced as far north as Nagpoor, and other intermediate
points of connection with the Bundelkund formation may also be found.

The Himalayas at Kumaon, the Aravully range at Shekawattee, and
the hills of the Nellore district, are the only portions of country which
have been worked for copper: very few other localities are yet known ;
but in such extensive ranges of primary mountains of similar character,
it may be asserted that deposits of copper are not confined to these
localities only.

The Aravully range is of moderate elevation, and appears to offer
facilities for further examination. The Singhana copper mines are at
the northern extremity of this range, where the disturbing forces have
probably acted with less intensity than elsewhere, and there is reason
to believe that the lines of fissure in other portions, especially near the
junction of the stratified rocks with granite, may partake of the same
cupriferous character. This range has been found to be productive
of lead also.

There is no evidence of tin westward of the Bramahpootra, but
it occurs in alluvial ground in many parts of the eastern peninsula,
from Burmah to the extremity of Malacca, Sumatra, and Banca
where the chief deposit exists; abundant sources therefore of this
metal remain unexplored in the ranges of hills which diverge to the
south-east from the great Himalayan chain, to form this peninsula,
of which Sumatra and Banca seem but disconnected portions; and
it will most likely appear that Assam, at the northern extremity
of this stanniferous country, will also yield tin in its alluvial for-
mations, derived from the Himalayas, by which it is bounded.

These ranges of hills, are likewise the repositories from whence the
rivers of Assam, Burmah, Ava, &c. receive the gold dust with which

their sands are charged.
(Signed) G. B. TREMENHEERE,

Capt., Engineers.

Extract from Letter No. 70, from the Secretary to the Government
of Bengal, General Department, to Captain G. B. TREMENHEERE,
dated the \3th January, 1841.

In reply to your letter and its enclosures of the 24th ultimo, I am
directed to convey to you the acknowledgments of the Right Honor-

‘able the Governor of Bengal, for the information and suggestions

1840. | Museum of Economic Geology of India. 985

therein contained, and for the specimens of the mineral productions of
England brought out by you.

A copy of your communication will be forwarded. to the Asiatic
Society, in whose rooms you will be pleased, agreeably to the accommo-
dation which has been tendered by that body, to place the collection.

I am desired to observe, that if during your absence you will main-
tain a correspondence with the Curator of the Society’s Museum,
you may turn to servicable account the experience which you have
acquired in England, for the formation of a Museum of Economic
Geology, and the Asiatic Society will without doubt, upon any occa-
sional visit which you may make to Calcutta, give you every facility of
inspection, and allow such weight to your suggestions, as consistently
with their rules may tend to the furtherance of the object in view.

It is the intention of the Right Honorable the Governor of Bengal to
avail himself of your services and acquirements, in consequence of your
appointment to the department of public works in the Tenasserim pro-
vinces, and to the superintendence of the Government forests, for the fur-
ther prosecution of the inquiries commenced by the late Dr. Helfer into
the mineral and commercial resources of the Tenasserim province, with
a view to the development of the natural productions of that country.

Your particular attention will be directed in all your excursions
to the practical geology and mineralogy of the Tenasserim territory,
and you will report on the means and prospects of working any of
the mines that have been, or may be discovered, and furnish specimens
of all productions, in every possible case in duplicate, for the Govern-
ment, and the Honorable the Court of Directors.

Note by Captain Tremenheere.

The following are suggestions concerning the mode by which the collec-
tion of geological specimens arrived from England, may be made useful.

By assigning for their reception a room in some public building,
where they should be arranged in cabinets under glass, in a manner
convenient for public inspection.

With them, or in an adjoining apartment, might be placed models of
such machinery as is suited to the purposes of agriculture or mining
in India.

A focus would thus be presented for the concentration of specimens
of rocks, minerals, metallurgical processes, soils &c., from every locality,
whereby a knowledge of the mineral resources, as well as of the capa-

986 Museum of Economic Geology of India. | No. 106.

bilities of any district, in an agricultural point of view, would be gra-
dually obtained.

These specimens, with descriptions accompanying, might be prepar-
ed according to printed instructions of the Committee of the Royal Soci-
ety, framed for the guidance of those employed in Magnetic Observato-
ries, whereby accurate accounts, with specimens, may be transmitted by
persons entirely unacquainted with the sciences of geology, mineralogy
or agriculture.

The Engineer Officers, or those of the Revenue Survey, with whose de-
partments the physical character of the country is nearly connected, seem
to present the best means by which such information may be obtained.

The specimens on their receipt, might undergo comparison with
those already arranged, and be subjected, if essential towards the
elucidation of a proposed object, to chemical analysis, for which pur-
pose the services of a chemical analyst would be necessary.

Localities would thus be indicated, which might appear to be deserv-
ing of more particular examination, and to which it would be desirable
to send a person properly qualified for the purpose.

It is conceived, that information so obtained would not only be of
service to the Government, but, as the fullest publicity is intended,
might serve to encourage private enterprize.

If such a system were in operation, it would afford the best means of
imparting instruction in these subjects, both by lecture and manipula-
tion, to youths of the medical school, or others who might even-
tually be attached to Executive Engineers, or to Collectors of Revenue;
serving thus as an efficient medium of communication between such
functionaries and the natives on matters tending to develop the natu-
ral resources of the country.

The reception of mining records is another object which may be
combined with the above one, of great importance at this period,
since records of all operations hitherto conducted under European
superintendence can now be easily obtained. The want of such re-
cords in England has been much felt, and has been the cause of much
useless expenditure of capital in modern times.

A collection of standard books, treating on the subjects above re-
ferred to, should be by degrees provided for.

G. B. TREMENHEERE.
Captain, Engineers.

1840. | Museum of Economie Geology of India. 7 GST

Form No. 1.
Ores of the useful Metals, Coals, and Mineral Mining Specimens, generally.
’ : ; : Donor’s
No. Mineralogical | Locality. eenaeal sence d a eae name, if | Remarks.
description. ! composition. | obtained. ‘| presented.
mei. | ter
|
| | |
| | | |
No. 2,
Metallurgical Processes, and Manufactured Articles.
Kind of Where By whom Composition | How and Donor’s
No. = ee manufac- | manufac- of the where name, if Remarks.
i aie tured. tured. substance. obtained. presented,
| :
| |
}
| |
No. 3.
Specimens of Soils, and of the Rocks beneath them.
Mineral General } Analysis |Character of agri-| Where Name 3
Name of Se g x4
No. mck composition | character of the |cultural produce] and how of ba
: of rock. of soil. soil. | of the soil. obtained. | donor. 5
| | 2
—— !———_— | —$ |__| ———_—. —$ | —___ —_ }_____
i)
|
No. 4.
Polished Granites, Porphyries, Marbles, §c., worked into columns, §c.
Kind of Form into which| Where, and by | How and | Donor’s
No. substance. | Locality. | the specimen is | whom worked where name, if |Remarks.
worked. into form. obtained. | presented.

—_ |__| | —— 2

| ee

[No. 106,

Museum of Economic Geology of India.

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[No. 106

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[No. 106.

Museum of Economic Geology of India.

992

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993

Museum of Economic Geology of India.

1840.]

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[No. 106.

Museum of Economic Geology of India.

994

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1840.]

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sors secele* selpupesueyes
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‘1odejeuy

‘“oeun y eoee

‘reqoq eoee

eace “eAYy eeeo0 e@eeae @eoe
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eves ‘CAV eeee eo ‘aoule y
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aisles ‘em[ey* °° ere eevee
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OOS Sagi Fase eoy “yeyuog
"res “eooepeyy| ‘Sunsop, Sueyeg
rece ‘meIg} ‘enuueydnjueg
"see SGeuIng|**** ‘aejzooqoo AA
eee ‘AY see ‘waooprg
eeee e@eesee e@eae eesne ‘messy
sees ‘ggoshfI| ‘UIN[ssuouelag
“Q0UTAOIg “Aqiyeoory

(‘panuyuog )—nipuy ur punof symayy ynfasn ayz fo sauQ

‘aaoyTg|**** ‘Ay[naepeyy| ‘spuourerq

¢é
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6“

‘mmyding
‘UOI]T Jo
ajyeyding

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‘d1Q jo
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[No. 106.

Musenm of Economic Geology of India.

996

"sIALOP “qnarry *syneyyy
U1d}sOM 9Y} UL eyeYTNSeg ye AyWuUeNnb
Aue Ul Sojes pUe fsolaySTION ayy Ur
“eZUag “1d |punuledej0G ye puNoF st Yea UTeTe0I0g

“Kasho a ‘Iq *sjoures jo oulul V e@eer eeee eeeese e@eee eeeoe eeece ee “‘peqeiopA Py eeee ‘qeysunyeg *JOUICLY)
e@oce esee @eeelsace e820 Coneleooecs AY eeee ‘uoaydyeky ‘earyddeg
evens esec @Cereeleecee eeee Ceealevce ease" ‘uekydeAy 6é

‘UOTARD UI pue “e[NsuIUeg aq} Jo s}9114
-SIp o1}7eseq pue OIJIUeIS 94} JO SIOATI
ayy UI an900 ‘zedoy, pue ‘adas yeq ‘UOdIT7

‘Aqni Jaurdg oy} se ‘suIad afqenyeA ay}O|* °° ttt ttt lee ee cone ceeelee ‘1o0yequitog|**** ‘aankesuog “Aquy
*OTJLUILD aq} JO sure}

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“SOULIUL 9} :

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oie alo], “TeUUI ou} jo Aoqyy eA 3} Uy ee ecese e@ceelecese ence seeeleos2ee eee ee2eelecve ‘yedeppng *spuowleiqy
a ae Dee | eS ES CEES = © ae es ee es et rer Carer a Fata SS oy eer Ea i Nh 2 lees
*AIIOyNY “syIVUla yy renateeeene "aSUeL [ITF] *IOUIAOL “Aqpeoo'7T Siac a ls

( ‘paprauog )—nipuy ue punof syojapy ynfasn ayp fo sang

997

Grammatical construction of the Ho lanquage.—By Lieut. T1cKELu.

I hope due allowances will be made for the imperfectness of the
grammatical details here given, when it is remembered that the Ho
language has no written character, nor does there exist a person,
native of the Kolehan or otherwise, who could give me the slightest
assistance on this point.

It would be trite to observe that grammar is as inherent and essen-
tial to all languages, even the most barbarous, as a vocabulary itself.
By first learning a number of the words and sentences arbitrarily,
the system on which they are founded may be detected in due time
by patient comparisons of them, even when the speakers themselves
are unable to give the inquirer the least information on the con-
struction of what they are saying. With this difficulty once mastered,
it is inconceivable with what ease the most (apparently) complex
and difficult languages become familiar.

The sounds of the Ho language are exceedingly pure and liquid,
without strong aspirates or gutturals, and may be well rendered
by the English alphabet, or still better the French one, as that admits
of the slight nasal inflection which prevails in many words in the Ho
dialect.

Let the following conventions be made to the sound of the vowels, in
the ensuing dialogues, &c.

Py as in “ father,” “ rather,”

é — , “prey,” <“ été,”

i —— , “skip,” “trip,”

ee ;, “* sheep,” ‘* peep,”

¥ UEEEED AYN 66 fly,” 66 try,”

aioray—— ,, longer sound as in “aye, aye?”
0 =e 5) >> bone,” ~ * stone,”

oo —— on) an tOole’..’ “ateghe,

*n (nasaln),, ‘ Ton” “ Fanfaron,” (French. )

The long acute vowel sounds, such as 00 and ee, also the letter 7,
are pronounced too liquidly and subtilely to be easily imitated by a
| stranger, and in some words the inflections of the vowels are in-

conceivably complex and mellifluous. The general euphony or cadence

* Also g, as the French liquid g, in Coulogne, Boulogne.

|
{
|
/

998 Grammatical construction of the Ho language. [ No. 106.

of the language is sprightly and cheerful; if the subject be of a
complaining nature it subsides into a strange chaunt, the sentences
being linked together by such see-saw sounds, as “‘ na-do na-do enété
na-do” which have no meaning, but serve to connect together the
speaker’s ideas.

When two or more words come together, the former ending, and
the latter beginning with similar vowels, they are joined by ellipsis.
as “ Hola’lé seniéna,” instead of “ Hola allé seniéna,” we went yesterday.

ARTICLE.

There are none, (properly speaking), definite or indefinite.

Nown.

There is no distinction of genders; marked or influenced by ter-
mination, it being determined by the sense or meaning of the word,
whether referring to a male or female being. [Besides man and
woman, “ erril” and “ éra,” boy and girl, “koa” and “ kodee,” names of
relations, and those of a few domestic animals, all other nouns are
distinguished in their gender by prefixing ‘‘ Sandee” male, or “ Enga”
female, as in Persian or English oh J y ay wale, he-bear,
she-bear. :

A noun has three numbers, singular, dual, and plural, as in Greek.

The nouns can scarcely be said to have declension as the terminal
does not vary either according to number or case, although a dis-
tinguishing adjunct, which may be called a ‘ Pronoun article,’ from
its nature and use, is added.

Singular. Dual. Plural.
Nom. Séta, @ dog. Setaking, éwo dogs. Séta ko, dogs.
Gen. Séta-4, of a dog. Setakingya, of two dogs. Seta kod, of dogs.
Ab. Seta-té, from a dog. Seta king té, from twodogs. Setakoteé, from dogs.

The dative, accusative, and vocative cases do not differ from the
nominative, being only known from their position in a sentence.

In composition, the noun in an accusative case takes the first place
in the sentence, if the nominative be a pronoun; otherwise the noun- —
nominative precedes, the accusative follows, and the oblique or dative
case comes immediately before the verb, sometimes immediately after
it. “En ho kajikeedi aya éra,” that man said to his wife, “ Dendka

1840. ] Grammatical construction of the Ho language. 999

oé tootigoikeea,” Dendka shot the bird. ‘‘Kedn hin do chowlee
seta emadya,” my son gave the dog some rice.

ADJECTIVE.

The adjective does not alter in termination, either in number,
case, or gender; and always precedes the noun it qualifies. As
“« Boogee ho,”’,a good man ; ‘“‘ Boogee ho-a,” of a good man ; “ Boogee
ho lo té,” with a good man, &c. There are no degrees of comparison,
but as in Hindustani the qualifying words very, or most of all,
are prefixed to denote grades of quality, as “‘ Etka,” bad, “Ena té
neea 0 etka,” this is worse than that. ‘‘ Sabee ré nee o etka minna,”
this is worst of all. ‘‘ Boogee léka éra,” a pretty woman. “ Boogee
léka éra ko,” pretty women.

PRONOUN.

The first personal pronoun has four numbers, the singular, dual,
plural, and plural comprehensive. The others only the three first, as
noticed in the noun-substantives.

The possessive pronouns are the same as the personal, with the
genitive inflection @ added.

PERSONAL PRONOUNS.

Singular. Dual. Plural. Pl. comprehensive.
lst. Eeng or aing, J Alleeng, we two Allé, we Aboo, we all
2d. Um, thou Abben, you two Appe, you e
3d. Ay or ayo, he Aking, they two Ako, they :

In speaking, if the person include the person addressed, himself, and
every one present, as nominatives or agents, he uses the plural com-
prehensive. If he exclude the person addressed, he employs the first
person plural, as ‘“ Hola aboo seniéna,” yesterday we went (i. e. you
and all of us.) ‘ Hola allé seniéna,” yesterday we went (i. e. not you, we
alone. )

The personal pronouns in the nominative case both precede and
terminate the verb, optionally with the speaker, as, J speak, ‘‘ Eeng
kajitanna” or ‘‘ Keng kajitannaing” or “‘ Kajitannaing.”

I go, “Keng senotana,” or ‘“ Keng senotannaing,” or “ Senotan-
naing.”

1000 Grammatical construction of the Ho language. [ No. 106.

And to give energy to the sentence, the pronoun is repeated, with
the connect “do” between them, as “‘ Eeng do eeng kajitanna,” Z’7s I
who speak, “*Um do um kombookenna,” Zhou alone statest tt.

The most difficult part of their construction is in the dative and
accusative cases, which are absorbed in the verbs they are governed
by, in a manner unknown to other languages, being placed in the
centre of the verb, after the root, and before the tense terminal.

9 fas

As, I speak to thee, ‘Keng kajimetanna ;” he spoke to me, “ayo
kajikedzngia ;” he spoke to them, “kajiked koai;” the tiger saw me
‘“‘koola do neldedingia ;” he killed him, “ a¥o goikeddya.” Here I have
underlined the oblique or accusative pronoun, where it comes in, just

before the tense terminal of the verb.

PossEssivE Pronouns.

Singular. Dual. Plural. Pl. comp.
Ist. Eenga* or dingia! my alleengia allea abooa
2d. Umma, thy abbena appéa 2
3d. Aya, his - akingia akoa :

These always precede their substantives.

DEMONSTRATIVe PRONOUNS.

Singular. Dual. Plural.

Nee or inee, this neeking, these two niko, these
Need or ineea, of this neekingia, of these two neekod. of these
Neeté or ineeté, to, with, neekingté, neekote,

&c. this
En, that enking, those two enko, those
Ena, of that enkinga, of those two enkoa, of those
Enté, by, from, with &c. that enkingté, enkoté,

‘“ Nee” chis, is sometimes used idiomatically by a person referring to
himself. If a Kole were to be asked what countryman he was? he
would answer, ‘Ho nee gé,” I am; or literally, this is a Kole. Of
what clan are you? Answer, ‘“ Poortee neegé,” J am a Poortee.

* Pronounced, as ‘mignon,’ ‘ Ligne,’ &c. in French.

1840. | Grammatical construction of the Ho language. 1001
INTERROGATIVE PRONOUNS.

Okoi, who ? chikan, which ? chia, what 2
Okoia, whose ? chikana, of which ?

RELATIVE Pronouns.

Relative pronouns are very vague, the sentence being generally
so rendered as to obviate the necessity of them, thus, instead of saying,
The man who went; a Kole would say, The gone man, “ Senien

Horo.”
But at times ‘ Chikana,” whatever, and “ Ena,” that, are used

relatively, as “‘ Chikana um kajeea, éna eeng diooma,” what you say, that
I will listen to.
VERBS.

Verbs are either active or neuter. There is no passive voice.

The Infinitive mood is formed by adding ¢éa to the root.

The Present participle by adding tan or ¢é.

The Past participle by affixing hed¢e.

In the active or transitive voice, the Present tense Indicative mood,
adds to the root “ ¢anna,” in the neuter voice, “ akanna.”

The Imperfect tense there is none, the Present tense being used,
and its Imperfect signification understood by the context.

The Perfect tense is formed by adding in the active voice, ‘ kidda,
keea, kenna, lidda, or tadda,” to the root. In the neuter voice, “ dena,”
or “7zéna,” sometimes “‘ henna.”

There is no Pluperfect tense, but greater completion is expressed by
conjugating the verb “ chabted,” to finish, added to the root ; much the
same way as “ chookna” in Hindastanee.

The Future is formed by adding to the root eea or od, or sometimes
simply @, in which latter case the sound of the root is prolonged.
Except “nooitea,” to drink, which makes “noonooa;” and “ roted,”
to gore (as a bull) “ rorod.”

The Imperative is formed by adding (in the 2nd person singular) to
the root, “mén” and “ omén” or “ ymén,” if the root end with a con-
sonant. In the other persons kd precedes the pronoun, and the simple
root of the verb, which will be more clearly shown in conjugating. In
a negative sense, ‘‘ alum” or “alo” is prefixed to the 2nd personal pro-
noun, @ being added to the root; if in the 3rd person, singular, dual,

1002 Grammatical construction of the Ho language. [ No. 106.

or plural “ aloka” is prefixed to the pronoun, and the root alone of the
verb is used.

The Subjunctive mood is vague and imperfect. In the Present, and
Future tenses “7rédo” is added to the root, sometimes together with
the word “honang,” “derang,” or “ tora’ (signifying conditionality)
affixed.

The Past tense is formed in the same way; indeed there appears to
be no Past Subjunctive tense; but sometimes the conditional terminal
‘‘ yédo” is added to the Past perfect Indicative.

This word ‘“ 7rédo” admits the vowel to be affixed to it, or to come
immediately before it and after the root.

Conjugation of the verb ‘‘ Kajéeted,” to speak.

INFINITIVE Moon.

Present tense—Kajéetéa, to speak,

Present Participle—Kajitan, or Kajienté, speaking,

Past Participle—Kajikedté, having spoken.
Inpicative Moop.

Present tense.

Sing. Dual. Plural.
Ist. Person, Aing, Alleeng—Allé, Kaiit
1s te ee Um, ¢ Kajitanna, Abben—Appeé, pr ‘ei hi
Stages or Aking “Ako, } 17h

Perfect tense.

ae alg es Seek a9 ) Kajikidda, Kajilidda or Kajitadda.
3d. Ayo— Aking— Ako, 5 L &c. spoke or have spoken.
Future tense.

Aing, Um, &c. &. &c.—Kajeea, I Se. &e. will speak.

IMPERATIVE Moon.
Sing. Dual. Plural.

Eeng Kakajee, Let me speak. | Kajeeaboo or Abookakajee, Let us all, §c.
Um Kajeemén, Speak thou. | Kajee ben or Abbenkakajee, Speak you, &c.
Ayo Kakajee a Let him | Kajeealling or Allingkakajee, Let us, Sc.
Kakajee o kai, speak, | Kajeeallé or Alléokakajee, Let us, Sc.
Kajeeako or Akokakajee, Let them, &c.
Kajeeaking or Akingkakajee, Let them, §c.

1840. | Grammatical construction of the Ho language. 1003

NEGATIVE.
Sing. Dual. Plural.
Alokaing kajeea, Do not let me speak. | Alo k’aboo kajeea. 7
Alum kajeea, Speak not. Alo k’allé kajeea. | Do not let us

Alo kai kajeea, Do not let him speak. Alla’bben kajeea. Be. &
| Al’appé kajeea. a ca
Alo ka’ko kajeea. | erat
| Alo ka’king kajeea J

SUBJUNCTIVE Moon.

Present tense.

Eeng Kajeerédo, Jf I speak. Aboo,

Um Kajeeredo, [f thou speakest. | Allé,

Aio Kjeeredo, Lf he speak. | eee . Kajeerédo, If we &e. speak.
Ako,
Aking, J

Perfect or Pluperfect.
Eeng, Um, &c. &c. &c. Kajeekedrédo, Jf I &c. §&c. had spoken.

CoNDITIONAL, OR POTENTIAL.

Eeng Kajéaing honang, I would speak.
Um Kajeeum honang, Thou, §c.

Allé &c. &c. Kajeea honang,
Ayo Kajeea honang, He, &c.

We might or would speak.

Nore. As has been before explained, in all these tenses and persons (except in the
Imperative) the pronoun may be either prefixed, or affixed, or both.

The same Verb, Conjugated with its Objective Pronodin.
INDICATIVE.
Present tense.

Keng or Ayng Kajeeing tanna, L speak to myself.

" Kajee metanna, I speak to thee.

x Kajee aitanna, I speak to him.

a Kajee’ létanna, TI speak to ourselves.
“ Kajee’ ling tanna, J speak to us two.

% Kajee’ ben tanna, J speak to you two.
% Kajee’ petanna, TI speak to you.

“ Kajee king tanna, J speak to them two.
33 Kajee kotanna, I speak to them.

The same exactly for all the other persons, and tenses, &c.
6M

1004 Grammatical construction of the Ho language. [No. 106.

Perfect tense.

( Kajikedingiaé. }

spoke to myself.
| Kajiked’mia. te
we:

spoke to thee.

(

Kajikedata. | spoke to him.
a as i
TE I
|

Examples of this construction, especially in the Imperative mood,
will be given in the Vocabulary, so need not be further dwelt on here.

It is scarcely possible to reduce the verb ‘‘to be” to conjugation,
unless we suppose the varied forms in which it is used as inflections
of separate verbs, wanting in many tenses. For “to be” is expressed
by different verbs, according to its allusion to time, a person, or a
thing ; and again as whether it relate to mere existence or nature of
existence. In short, there is no auxiliary verb “to be” which can be
independently conjugated. The unchangable word “ minna,” or
‘‘ minnakana,” is applicable in the present tense alone, to denote a state
of existence, as “Keng, um, ayo, &c. minna, or minnakana,” J am,
thou art, he is, &c. But in past and future tenses some other verb
denoting presence, as the verb “to come,” “to reside” &c. must be
employed.

But the verb “‘¢o be,” when implying the nature of existence, can be
rendered in the past and future tenses, as well as the present, by
adding to the participle or adjective, od in the future, and zena in the
past, as “‘eeng laga akanna,” J am tired ; “eeng lagaoa,” I shall be tired;
‘‘eeng lagiéna,” ZL have become tired; ‘“‘eeng rénga akanna, or renga
akannaing,” J am hungry; ‘“‘eeng rengaoa or rengaoing,” J shall be
hungry ; ‘eeng rengaiéna,” I was hungry. Oda and tena, it is to be
remembered, are inflections of the future and past tenses in all neuter
verbs.

Again the verb “ ¢o be” can be simply represented in the future and
past tenses, when speaking of a thing, by the word “ hobawa,” z¢ shall
or will be, and “hobiena,” it has been ; also in the present, “‘ hobow-
tanna,” 7¢is. This mode of expression commonly refers to the success

1840. ] Grammatical construction of the Ho language. 1005

or accomplishment of any project. In the English idiom we should say
for “ hobawa” it will do, or it will answer ; “hobiena,” it is all over,
or has succeeded ; *“‘ hobowtanna,” if is going on.

That boy will be a thief, could not be rendered “‘ En koa do Lenina
hobawa,” but “‘ En koa do komboo 04.”

Your business will be done to-morrow, not ‘“ Umma kajee gappa 04,”
but, ‘“ Umma kajee gappa hobawa.”

This will never do, ‘Ka hobawa;” go away, it is all over ‘“ Mar-
senomeén hobiéna.”

In English and other languages, state, nature, or condition, is render-
ed by affixing or prefixing the various tenses of the verb “to be” to
the adjective, as to be hungry, J am hungry, I was hungry; “to be
glad, I am glad, &c. c.” But in the Ho dialect the adjective itself be-
comes a neuter verb, and is conjugated by affixing to it the different
inflections denoting time and mood—to be hungry, “rengatéd ;” I am
hungry, ‘‘renga akannaing ;” Z was hungry, “ rengaiénaing ;” &c.

NEUTER VERBS.

After what has been said, it would be unnecessary to give any
example of the conjugation of neuter verbs. It only requires to be
remembered that their present terminal is “akanna” instead of
*‘ tanna;” and their past inflection ‘‘iéna,” instead of ‘“‘kidda, tadda,
lidda, or eea,” all of which latter are transitive forms.

Some verbs are both neutral and transitive, as “Chabatea” ¢o finish.
They have therefore both inflections. In the transitive form ‘ Chaba-
_ tea” is frequently added to the root of some other verb, to denote
completion ; but it may also be used alone: in the neuter form, it
is of course confined to the third person.

EXAMPLEs.

Yomchabakiddai, He eat it all up.

Bychabakidallé, We finished (making ) it.

Kajeechabymén, Finish speaking.

Gappa miang chabawa, Jé will be done to-morrow or next day.
Nado chabiéna, [¢ is now finished.

The word ‘“ Hered” is placed between the root and terminal of a
verb to denote positiveness or certainty ; as when the speaker means

1006 Grammatical construction of the Ho language. [No. 106.

to state something as an incontrovertible fact, as, ‘‘ Kajee hereakiddai,”
most assuredly he spoke.. “‘ Oodoob heredmén,” speak positively.

The causal form is rendered by putting “ chee” between the root and
terminal—as ‘“‘landated4,” to laugh, makes ‘“landacheetea” to cause to
laugh ; ‘‘atoomtea,” to hear, “aloomcheetea,” to cause to hear, as in
Hindustani @ is inserted (with a few exceptions) for the same purpose,
as Hunsna, Hunsana; Soonna, Soonana, &c.

Continuity (in the Imperative mood alone) is expressed by adding
“akan” to the root, as “doobmén” sit down, “ doobakdnmen,” remain
sitting ; ‘“ Aioom mén,” listen, “‘ Aioomakanmén,” continue listening.

Finally, the thoroughly performing an act, is often rendered by adding
the verb, ‘“ jometea,” ¢o eat, to the root of the expletive verb, as “ nel-
joomkidallé,” weall saw it (thoroughly ) ; “‘aioomjommen,” Listen ( atten-
tively) ; ‘“‘Geetee jom-meén,” sleep (soundly). And should the verb
be of a violent nature (referring to some violent act) the particle
‘“‘ tab” between the root and inflection gives force to the meaning, as
‘‘Goitab kiddai,” he slew him (outright) ; “ Toltab kidallé,” we bound him
(forthwith); ‘“ Neertabmeén,” Run (quickly) fly! so “ Ooitea” is
to jump, and “ Ooitabtea,” to bound (as a tiger. )

Ka before the pronoun gives the verb a negative form, as has
been before explained in describing the Imperative mood.

_ There is no verb “to have,” possession being denoted in the same
manner as in Hindustani, J have, “‘ Eengtra minna”—“ Méré pas hye.”

From the foregoing remarks may be gathered, that in the active or
transitive voice

The present terminal is, ‘ Tanna.”

The past, ‘“* Kidda, tadda, lidda, kenna or kheea.”

In the Neuter Voice.

The present terminal is, “* akénna.”
The past, *“7éna or léna ;”

In Either Voice.
The conditional, subjunctive, “redo” or “hedrado,?
or potential mood terminate in |
all these terminals being of course subject to the inflections of their
pronouns, which are, as has been said, as often affixed as prefixed.

1840. | Grammatical construction of the Ho language. 1007

A nondescript species of Verb is used in rendering the sentence
“ what shall or can, I, (thou, he, sc.) do ?”

Future and Present.

Ch’eeng chikya, Cz 7}
Chee’m chikya, Thou,

Chee chikya, | He,

Cheeboo chikya, | We all,

Chee’lé chikya, We,

ieee chik pa, what shall or can : Von, | do ?
Chee’ben chikya, You two,
Chee’ko chikya, They,

Chee’king chikya, They two,
Chee'ling chikya, J l Wetwo, J

Past tense.
Chee’ng chikakidda, what could I have done ? &c. &c. &c.

The verb “to be able” is rendered by ‘“ Dytea” in its moods and
tenses, as, “ Niddo eeng bydya,” I can make this; ‘‘ Umdokad¥a,”
you cannot ; ‘ K’ai dyod,” he will not be able.

Many little exceptions and variations occur to these general rules,
which it would be impossible to become familiar with, without con-
stant practice in their arbitrary use; but the foregoing remarks com-
prise all that would be of practical utility. The constant elision
and confluence of words beginning and ending with vowels must be
remembered, and that the particle do, has no meaning whatever.
This will render the examples above given to the different rules
simple and illustrative.

Nore.---The Vocabulary, and Dialogues in the Ho language will be pub-
lished in No. 107. I have had 50 copies extra of the Grammatical con-
struction, Vocabulary, and Dialogues of the Ho language struck off, and
shall be happy to distribute them (gratis) to parties desiring to have them.

1008

Nore, to be appended to my account of the coins of Mayas, in the
article on * Some New Bactrian Coins,” No. 105.

In the Journal of the Asiatic Society, vol. iv. plate 21, No. 4, there
is a sketch of a square copper coin of large size, which Mr. James
Prinsep attributed to Antimachus. M. Jacquet (Jour. Asiatique,
February 1836, p. 170,.No. 48,) thought that it belonged either to
Lysias or to Philoxenes; and M. Raoul-Rochette (J. des S. March
1836, p. 131, note 2,) recognized it as a coin of Philoxenes, from its
native legend. The coin, however appears to me to belong to Mayas ;
the Bactrian Pali legend being plainly

PIYPILY PATAIYEA PATLY ]

[Maharajasa ra] jatirdjasa mahatasa Maasa.
“(Coin of the great king, the king] of kings, the mighty Mayas ;”
and from this the Greek legend is readily completed—BASIAEQ>

BAZIAEQN METAAOY MAYOY.
Dr. Chapman possesses a duplicate of this coin, which has
ASIABOS BASTA: ssseses. ces. AYO, on the obverse ; and As th

[ra] jatiraja [sa], on the reverse.

It is a curious fact, that the copper coins of the earlier Bactrian
princes are, in comparison to the silver coins, extremely scarce. Thus
of Euthydemus there are but a few copper pieces known, and all of one
single type. Of Demetrius there are, I believe, but two copper coins yet
known, both of which are in the possession of Captain Hay, and I
hope shortly to make them public. Of Antimachus not a single speci-
men has yet been found to my knowledge, and yet his silver coins are
moderately common. A. CunNINGHAM.

This note to Lieut. A. Cunningham’s interesting paper, published in my
last number, reached me after the sheets had been struck off.

1009

A Third Memoir with reference to the Theory of the Law of Storms in India ;
being, Researcues relating to the Hurricane in the Bay of Bengal, and at
Cuttack, from 27th April to 1st May 1840.—By Henry Pippinaton, Esa.

On the 30th April the station of Pooree (or Juggernauth) in Cuttack,
was visited by an awful Hurricane, which destroyed almost every house,
Native and European. It was subsequently learnt by the arrival of the
ship Nusserath Shaw, with troops on board, dismasted, that several of the
ships of the China expedition, which had sailed a short time previous, had
suffered, and that the storm had extended across the Bay from near the
Andaman Islands, if not to the eastward of them, in about a NW. direction
to Pooree. It seems also to have travelled as far as Kurnaul, inland.

Our documents for the investigation of the track of this storm, amount
to about thirty logs and reports of different kinds, the which, preserving al-
ways the expressions of the writers in all that is essential, I have abridged
into as small a compass as possible; and I have, as before, condensed the
whole into a table at noon; giving thus a view of the contrasts which the
weather presents in different parts of the Bay, at nearly the same moment
of time, the difference of Longitude being too small to require any correc-
tion of moment. I regret not having been able to add to this Memoir the
logs of several of the ships of the expedition, such as the Marion, Isabella
Robertson, and others; but as they have not been forwarded to me, I have
thought the delay not worth incurring, as it is not possible to say when
they may return to this port. Our evidence for the track of the storm will,
I hope, be found tolerably complete, from its centre having on different days
passed over, or close to, five ships, and to one station on shore. Weare thus
enabled to mark its route with greater exactness, for a longer time, and
to a greater distance, than any of the preceding ones hitherto investi-
gated. As in the foregoing Memoirs the logs and tables are followed
by a summary view, stating the grounds upon which the track of the
storm, the size of the vortex, and its rate of motion are laid down. The
general reader, to whom the professional details are tedious, will find
her I trust that nothing has been assumed without due amount of proof.
The seaman can judge for himself.

Extract from the Log of the Ship “ Nusserath Shaw,” Capt. Edwards, bound from
Calcutta to Singapore and China, with troops on board. Reduced to Civil time.
27th April, 1840. At midnight, light airs and fine, hot, sultry weather;

wind SEbS.; at 4 a.m. EbN.; at 8, increasing; and at noon frequent hard

squalls. Lat. Obs. 16° 2’ N. Long. Chron. 91° 21’ E. p.m. strong breezes

ENE. to midnight, with dark cloudy weather and increasing sea,

1010 Third Memoir with reference to [No. 106.

28th April. Wind ENE. to noon. 7 a.m. lost maintopsail. 9 a.m. increasing
gale; lost fore and main topgallant mast and head of main topmast. 10,
gale increasing; lost mizen mast, boats, &c. At 11, heavy white squall.
Noon, blowing a perfect hurricane; three guns lost overboard; no one
able to go aloft.. From 7 a.m. lying to under bare poles, with wind to the
SE. Noon, Lat. account 14° 26’ 23” N. Long. 91° 34’ E. p.m. blowing a hur-
ricane; all the hatches battened down. Wind ENE. At 3 p.m. it shifted
suddenly round to SW., laying the vessel gunnel under, with sea awfully
high. Midnight, the same, and frequent squalls ; vessel a perfect wreck,
with all the braces, &c. gone.

29th April. From midnight lying to. 1 a.m. wind SSW. Noon, squally
and rain. Lat. Obs. 15° 23’ N., Long. 90° 31’ E. Wind SbW. p.m. fresh
gales and heavy weather, with dreadful heavy gusts of wind and squalls ;
sea breaking over the ship; 33 feet water in the hold. At 8, weather as
before. Midnight, less wind and sea, but ship labouring dreadfully ; lying
to throughout, with wind to the westward.

30th April. 1am. Ship rolling dreadfully ; stilllying to. At 4, very
squally, and fresh gales, with dark cloudy weather. Noon, Lat. 15: 31’ N.
Long. 90° 11’ E. p.m. fresh gales with a heavy cross sea ; wind SE. ; ‘bore
up for Calcutta.

Extract from the Barque “ Tenasserim’s” Log Book, by Capt. T. Tapley, bound
from Calcutta to Rangoon. Reduced to Civil time.

27th April, 1840. First part, light variable winds from the SSE. and sud-
denly shifting ENE. Midnight calm, sea smooth; last part of part of this
day, strong fresh breeze eastward, smooth water.

Long. Chron. Noon,... at Bd de 91° 50’ E.
Lat. Obs. = eee za ee siete 17° 40’ N.

Noon. This day cloudy ; wind from the eastward ; about a seven and eight
knot breeze. .

1. p.m. Strong breezes eastward, cloudy sky, and unsettled weather.
Sunset, strong breezes and cloudy, with a threatening appearance to the
eastward. At 8, made the ship snug. Midnight strong breezes from EbS3S.,
with a very threatening appearance; breeze gradually increasing, and com-
ing in strong gusts and squalls.

28th April.—At 4 a.m. weather more threatening and a heavy sea getting
up from the eastward. Daylight, wind SE. having every appearance of a
gale, and blowing very hard, made all snug for bad weather. At 8, blow-
ing a severe gale; sea at this time tremendous, battened a double tarpaulin
fore and aft. Sea making a continual breach over the ship, and blowing very
hard. Noon, heavy gale, ship labouring much, was obliged to keep

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1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1011

the close-reefed topsail on her, owing to the heavy weather lurches ; sea
making a continued roll over the vessel; gale increasing. Sun obscured.
During the whole of this twenty-four hours ship was sailing to the south-
ward. p.m. heavy gale from SE. and varying to SSE. with a terrific sea
on making a awful breach over the ship; going 23 knots through the
water up to 4 a.m. Course SbW. to SW. From 4 a.m. to noon, ship’s head to
NE. and ENE.; having wore round. Carried away one of the channel plates.
Midnight ship rolling heavy, taking the sea in on both sides.

29th April, 4 a.m. Wind a little more moderate, but sea still continuing the
same. Set reefed foresail to steady the ship. Noon rather clear, but gale
still blowing hard. Wind SE.

PG ODS NOON, neds tasat hase alesse cose’. LOS Oo, No
Mane Ops: NOOM, Gs ees. etm, wee vi ese GLOUR EK.

At 9, a brig passed, scudding under a Patil only, with topgallant mast
on deck. 1 p.m. up foresail; a very threatening appearance to the southward.
At 2-30, wore ship to the SW., at the same time, to clear a whirlwind. By this
maneuvre allowed the whirlwind to pass about 200 yards on the lee quarter ; at this
time blowing a perfect hurricane. Wind SSE. and S. Furled every thing to a
storm main trysail, and hove the ship to; torrents of rain; sea making a
constant breach over the ship. At5 p.m. more moderate; set the close-reefed
topsails, and at 10-30, wore ship to the ESE. Sea still continued high, and
a cross head sea, owing to shift of wind in the whirlwind.

30th April. Daylight, more moderate. Wind SSE. Wore round to the
SW.; sea still running high and confused. a.m. weather clearing up a little.

Noon Obs., Lat. ... Mr dion elie ees 2k N.
ihitto Long... 6c. ...admrebem stent Oo, 50" Es

Noon, moderate.

The phenomenon which Capt. Tapley describes in the log of the 29th,
and which I have printed in italics, I thought so extraordinary that I
requested of him a more particular account of it, and the following is
his very graphic description of this awful addition to the fury of a tem-
pest, which is, I believe, quite new in our naval records. A whirlwind

coming down upon a vessel, lying to, in the midst of a hurricane, must, one

would think, carry inevitable destruction with it,* should it fall upon her.
The Freak seems to have lost her foremast in one, as will be seen by her
log. Capt. Tapley says, “I have much pleasure in giving you answers
to your inquiries, as nearly as I can. At 1 p.m. 30th April, by Nautical

_ time, (but by Civil time the 29th,) a very threatening appearance to the
_Southward; ship’s head east, a terrific squall from the SSE. rising very

* Col. Reid refers to an instance of this kind, but I cannot now find the passage

_ again.—H. P.

1012 Third Memoir with reference to [ No. 106.

rapidly, and having a very blowing appearance. When the squall was
within 2 miles of the ship, perceived a heaving whirlwind flying to the
NNW.; immediately wore ship to the SW., or first to the westward, to
give the ship way through the water; by doing so, allowed the whirlwind
to pass the ship; when passed, brought the ship to the wind, clued
every thing up, and furled all. Soon after, about 10 minutes, the squall took
the ship from the SSE. Ship’s head about SW., blowing a complete hurri-
cane, could not see half the length of the vessel on the water, owing to
the tops of the sea being blown by the force of the wind, and a deluge of
rain at the same time. I cannot remember how* it was turning, as we
were anxious to turn out of it; it was going round at a furious rate, and dis-
appeared in the rain to the NNW. I do not recollect any lightning at
the time.t Wecould not discern it until it had approached pretty close, and
then the most we saw was the foaming of the water travelling up in a
rapid progress. The day had been fine and a little clear for a few hours,
but blowing hard. At the time this squall appeared, the sky all round
assumed a threatening appearance, and squalls gathered and rose rapidly.
After this severe squall, the weather kept bad during the remainder of the
24 hours.”’

Extract from the Log of the Barque “* Amelia Thompson” from Penang, towards

Madras.
Monday, 27th April, 1840. Civil time. p.m. Strong breezes, with heavy
Wind. squalls of wind and rain.

West. a.m. Hard gales with rain.

8 a.m. More moderate.

Noon. Moderate and fine.

Bar. 29°55—Lat. Obs. 4° 14’ N. Long. 88° 18’ E.
West. p.m. Strong breezes and squally.
Wbs. 8 p.m. Heavy squalls with rain.

= ae 8-30. Wind veered to the WNW;; wore ship to WSW.

Tuesday, 28th April, 1840. a.m. Ditto, weather at daylight more
West. moderate.
WSW. Noon. Moderate weather.
Lat Obs. 4° 25’ N. Long. 870 48! E.

The Barque “Clarissa” from Penang to Madras experienced no bad
weather until the 28th of April, 1840. At noon on that day, she was in 7° 1’
N. and 870 56’ E.; it had been blowing hard from West to WSW. in squalls,

* + These are replies to my queries.—H. P.

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1018

with rain and a high sea, but did not approach to agale. On the 29th, the
weather became moderate, the swell high and confused.

The Barque “ Ganges” from Malacca to Madras. On the 26th of April,
1840, in 6°37’ N and 95° 56’ E. a fresh gale commenced at SSW. veering
to the SW. On the 27th she hove to under storm staysails; the Barometer
fell to 29°50, blowing a hard gale from SSW. to SW. At noon, still lying to
in Lat 7° 10’ N. 95° 18’ E. Bar. 29°60. On the 28¢h the gale abated, and at
noon the weather cleared up. Lat 8°7' N. 94° 33’ E. Bar. 29-80.

Extract from the Log of the Brig “ Freak,” from Calcutta to Singapore ; commu-
nicated by Captain Smoult. Reduced to Civil time.

19th April, 1840.—Left the Pilot at the Sand Heads, and carried the wind
about SSW., standing to S. Eastward. The wind then became light, and
veered from SSE. to SW.; the weather continued light and variable with
flashes of lightning, in the north after sunset. On the 20¢h, Lat. 200 31'N.
Long. 88° 35’ E. On the 26th, Lat. 19° 23’ N. Long. 88¢ 40’ E. light winds,
between SW. and South, with strong northerly currents until 27¢h,
when the wind hauled round to the East. Lat. 18° 56’ N. Long. 88° 30’ E.
p.m. Moderate breeze with fine clear weather. At 8, the wind increased, and
weather became cloudy and threatening, which obliged us to take in all
steering sails; the wind moderated at midnight; set the steering sails.

28th April. At10a.m. the breeze freshened again, took in all steering sails:
and royals, the Barometer standing about 29°30 steady. Lat. 17° 40’ N. Long.
88°32’ E. p.m. strong breeze and threatening weather, the Barometer vibrating
very much,* dark heavy clouds rising in the north, wearing the appearance
of ragged edges.

Commenced making preparation for a gale of wind by sending down
the lofty yards, and securing spars, hatchways, boats, &c. and double
gasketting the sails as we furled them. At 6. p.m. we had got every sail
stowed, except the close-reefed fore topsail, the gale increasing so rapidly
from NNE. that it obliged us to stow the main topsail, without reefing ;
the sea rising in proportion. The wind gradually veered round to the
north, and blew from that quarter till midnight, (Lat. Acc. 15° 46’ N.
Long. 88° 18’ East) when the wind chopped round to the NW. suddenly,
and blew with double force, which threw the ship on her broadside; the
helm was immediately placed a-weather, but was rendered useless,
owing to the position of the ship. She lay dormant for some time, the

* The italics are mine. This vibrating of the Barometer is frequently noticed in the
Logs in Col. Reid’s work, and seems an infallible sign. In Professor Barlow’s account of

the water barometer it is particularly noticed as ‘‘ resembling the breathings of some
huge animal.’’—H. P.

1014 Third Memoir with reference to [No. 106.

tempest roaring with great fury, and sea flying over us in foam. The
lightning mingling gave it the appearance of fire and water ; the roaring of
the wind prevented us distinguishing whether it thundered or not. We
were soon enabled to brace the fore yard forward, which in a trough of a sea
wore her before the wind, heading per compass SE. by E. directly in
the trough of a tremendous sea, knocked up by the wind from North,
which rendered our position most dangerous, as every sea appeared
coming on board; in a short time she broached to, with her head north.
The wind veering to the westward, and blowing with great fury, the
ship was again thrown on her side, but being head to sea, lay much
easier (the Barometer sunk to 27:25 in the gale). The foam flying
so thick as to extinguish every object except at intervals; a supposed
break in the sky afterwards proved to be the top of the sea!

29th April. About one in the morning, a sudden and awful gust of wind
carried away the foremast. It was accompanied with a vivid flash of lightning,
which enabled us to see the mast and yards carried up in the air, as if in
a whirlwind, and then fall on deck with such violence that the fore yard
arm stove in the fore hatchway, and went chock over into the weather
wing of the ship, leaving the other arm extended to leeward. To this the
wreck of the mast and other yards were attached, acting as a lever
on the ship, keeping her side down. It remained thus the rest of the
night, in spite of all our endeavours to cut and clear it away from the
ship. The furled sails blew away by piece-meal; the quarter boat filled
with water and broke away ; heavy seas breaking on board, and the dark-
ness so intense, that we could not see a yard before us; the water
rushing down the hatchways, against all precaution, carried away the
larboard bulwark and several stanchions, did the round house much
injury, and every thing in its way; we found much difficulty in getting the
crew to the pumps. Found a great quantity of water in the hold; consi-
dered it prudent to throw over some of the cargo in order to lighten the
ship, as the water forced down the fore hatchway in great quantities. The
wreck of the masts aft beating about in a most fearful manner, endanger-
ing the main mast, the only spar we had to work the ship with in running
down to the Sand Heads. At daylight, wind SW.; the crew kept constant-
ly at the pumps. Barometer rising very slowly, being at 27-30. Noon, sun
obscure, Lat. account 16° 2’ N. Long. 88° 36’ E. p.m. wind SW. still blowing
furiously, and ship labouring heavily, shipping water over all; showers of
rain at intervals, hands kept constantly at the pumps, and clearing away
the wreck. The same weather throughout.

30th April. At daylight loosed the peak of the main sail, hoisted it up a
few feet, and hoisted the foretopmast staysail to the throat halliards,

1840. ] the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1015

in order to keep her to the wind; this soon blew away, together
with a spare jib, which was hoisted to the main stay. Constantly
employed pumping. Noon a little more moderate. Lat. account 16° 41'
N. Long. 88° 0’E., cut away the wreck from the jib-boom, which was
sprung, bent a spare foresail to the mainyard and set it; got a preventer
main topmast stay up, and otherwise repaired damages. Bore up for
Calcutta.

lst May. Midnight squally with rain and thick cloudy weather, at day-
light people employed setting up rigging, &c. and getting up a main top-
sail. Noon moderate breeze with passing clouds. Lat. Obs. 17° 26’ N. Long.
87° 47’ E. Barometer 28°30.

May 4th. At 4. v.m. got a pilot. During this gale, and previous to it, the
following phoenomenon manifested itself; that of the clouds rising rapidly in
the north, appearing ragged and black, with white feathery edges, and
stretching to the southward in long tails; the sea becoming tumultuous in,
and as soon as the gale reached us the atmosphere hecoming very sultry.
Barometer stood at noon about 29.30, or about the standard height previous
to the gale, and now in Calcutta, about 29-20.*

Extract from the Log of the Brig “ Vectis,” R. Isemonger, Commander, bound
from Calcutta to the Cape. Reduced to Civil time.

28th April—At noon, fresh breezes east, and cloudy. Lat. 18°37' N. Long.
87° 55’E. Standing south, going 6 knots. p.m. strong breezes ; dull hazy wea-
ther. At 8 p.m. preparing for bad weather. Midnight, wind ENE. blowing a
gale; head SbhW.

29th April_—ti a.m. Increasing gale, scudded; and at 6 a.m. hove to un-
der bare poles. At 7 a.m. full hurricane and heavy sea; lost jibboom; ship-
ped a heavy sea, which hove the vessel on her beam ends, and cleared the
deck, bulwarks, &c. : Cut away the topmasts. Noon, the same weather, wind
marked as variablet, Lat. 16° 58’ N. Long. 88° 4’ E. At 2 p.m. began to mode-
rate. Wind marked as veering to the Northward, then to the Westward. At
8 p.m. it stood at SSW. 2 feet water in the well.

30th April_—a.m. to Noon, heavy cross sea. Lat. 17° 40’ N. Long. 88° 10’ E.
Wind SbW. Gale continuing, and very high sea.

* Itis due to Captain Smoult to say, that this very valuable account of the storm
was accompanied with a capital MSS. chart, on which the vessel’s track was accurately
laid down.—H.P.

t Inthe confusion of a small vessel on her beam ends it is probable no one could say
how the wind was for some hours; or it might have been veering rapidly, and is thus
marked variable.

1016 Third Memoir with reference to [ No. 106.

1st May.—4 a.m. more moderate, but heavy squalls with rain. Wind SbW.
Noon Lat. 18° 43’ N. Long. 88° 18’ E. Wind SSW. fresh gales and squally,
bore up for Calcutta.

2nd May.—Noon Lat. 19° 54’ N. Long. 88¢ 29! E.

“ George and Mary ;” Captain Golightly.

An imperfect account of the weather experienced by the “ George and
Mary,” Captain Golightly, states, that upon the 28¢h April at Noon, the wind
veered from SW. to East with a fine. steady breeze, to which all sails
were set. At 6 p.m. it became cloudy, with a heavy bank to the NW. The
wind shortly after shifted to North in a very heavy squall, lasting for
three-quarters of an hour, to which every thing was let go, and the
vessel was than prepared for bad weather. The wind continued to veer
to the NW. and at daylight of the 29th, had increased in violence. At
noon of the 29th, Lat. was about 16° N. Long. 84° 30’ E.* the gale being at its
height, and blowing a severe hurricane from the NNW. which lasted: for
six hours; the wind then veered to the East, then to ESE., to S. and SSW.
and at daylight on the 30¢h began to moderate, leaving a ‘‘ nasty cross sea.”

Extract from the Log of the Barque “ Flowers of Ugie” from Calcutta to the
Mauritius. Reduced to Civil time.

27th April, 1840.—At noon in Lat. 19° 52’ N. Long. 89° 24’ E. at which
time and till midnight, fine clear weather. Wind SE., standing to the
southward.

28th April—At noon smart breeze ESE. and clear. Lat. 19° 19’ N.
Long. 88° 22' E. 3p.m. Bar. 29:17, breeze increasing fast from ESE. veer-
ing to East at 7 p.m. At 6, very bad appearance to the SE., reduced sail.
Midnight, strong gales; Bar. 29:11. Ship going 5 knots, and standing to
the SW.

29th April.—At 4 a.m. squally with rain. At 7, Bar. 28-19. At 9, gale
increasing, furled every thing. At 11, very heavy gales, with heavy rain
and dark gloomy weather ; hove the ship to on the larboard tack, under
bare poles, wind being at NE. at 10; and North at 11. Very heavy sea
breaking on board, and sweeping every thing away. Noon very bad
weather, vessel straining much, and making much water. Bar 28°15. From

* This is apparently a rough guess from memory, the account being written at the
Captain’s request by an assistant of the house to which he was consigned, the log book
being on board the ship, and the ship on its way down the river.

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1017

midnight to 11 a.m., she had run 76 miles SWbS3S. Lat. 17° 15’ N. Long.
86° 43’ E. by acct. at noon. p.m. Gale still increasing, with a very heavy
sea, and vessel lying nearly on her beam ends, so much so, that the pumps
would not suck water. Wind NW. at 1 p.m. Bar. 28:36; At 3 p.m. wind
West. At 5, SW. At 8 South, at which it continued till midnight. Bar. at 7 p.m.
28°41; at midnight 28°19. At 4 p.m. tremendous gales, with heavy rain
and gloomy weather ; at midnight gale abating a little.

30th April_—e6 a.m. more moderate, but at noon very heavy gales and bad
weather, Lat. 17° 48’ N. Long. 86° 53’ E. Bar. 29.11. p.m. Strong gales
and cloudy; saw a vessel standing to the northward with loss of foremast
and mizen mast. At 9, Noon, moderate, with lightning to the NW. Wind
South till midnight,, vessel lying to, head West.

1st May.—Midnight cloudy weather, wind South till noon, when mo-
derate-with fine weather, Lat. 18° 23’ N. Long. 86° 58’ by Acct.

2nd. May.—At noon in Lat. 18° 44’ N. Long. 88° 6’ East.*

Extract from the Log Book of the Ship “‘ La Belle Alliance,” Capt. Arkcoll;
from Madras to Calcutta. Reduced to Civil time.

29th April, 1840.—Midnight; moderate breezes and squally, latter part a
fresh gale with hard squalls and showers of rain.

28th. At 3 p.m. the Lighthouse on False Point NWDbN, at 4, the ighthouse
WbN; at 5-30 tacked to the SE; at 6, the Lighthouse WbS3S. and
theland at WbN. At midnight tacked to the Northward; at 3-30 a.m. tacked
to the E; at 5, the light WNW. At daylight, an increasing breeze from
NE. and squally. At Noon an increasing gale with hard squalls, distance
on the log 71 miles. Lat. Obs. none. p.m. A strong gale with hard squalls
and thick hazy weather ; latterly an increasing gale with violent gusts of
wind. At Midnight a violent gale, with violent gusts of wind.

30th April. a.m. to 5 a.m. The gale increasing, with violent gusts of
wind and heavy rain; furled topsails; ship laying to under storm
main staysail. At 6 a.m. ship plunging deep, with a heavy confused sea ;
carried away the flying jibboom; cut away the wreck. At 8 a.m. trying to
strike topgallant masts; ship laying over and plunging deep could not,
and obliged to cut away fore and main topgallant masts to save the top-
masts; in so doing the head of the foretopmast broke above the rigging ;

* Bar. of the ship “‘ Flowers of Ugie’’ at noon, 18th August in Calcutta at ten

EME OMT) 0 etic Shiba si ec! seh ose BCom’ tee “sek ae lee aa |) MOO
The Barometer at the Surveyor General’s Office. .. «2 «2 oe «+ «2 29°06
Difference to add. in 2p onde 0-11

This correction has been made to the Bar. heights given in the log.

1018 Third Memoir with reference to [No. 106.

a heavy confused sea. At 9 a.m. a sudden calm, struck main topgallant
mast; ship labouring much, from the heavy sea. At 10, a violent gale
from SSW. with most awful gusts of wind and heavy rain, the ship laying
to under storm main staysail. At noon, gale continuing with equal vio-
lence. p.m. A violent gale, with awful gusts of wind, and a heavy sea.
Moderating after midnight, with thick hazy weather. At 1 p.m. in a sudden
gust of wind and rain, the storm main staysail blew away, the ship
lying to under bare poles; heavy and violent gusts of wind and rain,
during the day. At 2 p.m. in a heavy gust of wind, the ship labouring
much, the starboard boat’s davit gave way. Cut away the boat to clear
wreck.—Ship lying to under bare poles. Violent gusts of wind from SSW.
with heavy rain and thick hazy weather during the night.

lst May. At5 a.m. the weather moderating, set close-reefed topsails.
At noon the weather moderating and the sea going down; thick hazy
weather.

30th April, 10 p.m. Bar. 29°40

Meg one: Se 29°20

SHAME as sealk 29:00

Di ahs «Woo sl 28°10

Ouce cta gre »- 28°30

Ly auteer tea ese 28°60

Ist May, 4 p.m. ...... 28°90
Di Sedaiea chs talena 29-10

| Ze Gerrteue Baus 29°30

Lat. Obs. 19:19 N.

The first of the gale was from the NE., and at 11 a.m. on the 30¢A, it sud-
denly shifted to the southward, and blew if any thing heavier than before.

I am indebted for this extract, which is so highly interesting, as marking
the direct trask of the storm towards Pooree (Juggernauth) to Capt. Biden,
Master Attendant of Madras, but I could not obtain a sight of the ship’s log
while at Calcutta; so that her exact position at the time of the shift of
wind, is not so certain as it might have been; neither could I obtain a
comparison from her Barometer.

Abstract of the Log of the ship ‘‘ Christopher Rawson,” Capt, Smellie. Reduced
to Civil time.
On the 27th, exchanged numbers with the Marion, Capt. Pope, in Lat.
17° 15’ 30". N. Bar. 29°80; the Bar. down 4 lines, and the weather very op-
pressive. Light SSE. winds and sultry. Barometer falling fast.

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1019

28th April. Midnight, heavy gathering clouds in the SE. and threatening
look. At 10 a.m. a very heavy squall from East ; I consider this the commence-
ment of the gale; the scud flying in confused masses, and a number of sand
birds on the rigging. At noon, heavy appearance of weather. Lat. Obs.
190 29'15" N. Bar. 29-40. p.m. Blowing fresh from E. and ESE., the Baro-
meter 29-35, and every appearance of worse weather ; making a bold push
for the Pilot. Midnight and until day-dawn, constant heavy squalls and
much heavy rain.

29th April. At 4 a.m. sounded in 17 fathoms; at 5 sounded in 10 fathoms,
and by two excellent Chronometers made the Outer Floating Light bear from
us due west 15 miles distant ; finding the sea too high to receive a pilot
close-reefed the top sails and courses; under this sail stood out South; wind
abeam at East, gale increasing and the sea rising fast. At 10 a.m. @ tremen-
dous sea spread from the SSW. and a heavy ground swell on our beam East ;
preparing for bad weather. At noon gale very heayy, no sun, suppose
ourselves SSW. from the Floating Light, distant 30 miles.

Gale increasing at ESE. and East in the heavy squalls; a very high con-
fused sea often breaking over all. At midnight sprung fore yard;
sounded in 30 fathoms.

30th April. 2 a.m. Blowing a hurricane, sprung our main mast in the deck
partners; the sea washing away our large cutter, davits and all, and making
a clear breach over all ; both pumps going. The wind SE. and veering round
gradually to the southward. At day-dawn observed some broken spars
and short pieces of plank passing us; shipped a heavy sea, broke the lash-
ings of the skylight, which unshipped, and nearly filled our cabin with
water. Noon., Lat. Obs. 20° 28’ N. A heavy sea struck the ship aft, and
injured our rudder head. Bar. 28°80.

Bar. 28-90; gale continues heavy; ship under bare poles, lying in the
trough of the sea, very uneasy. Wind SSE., ship’s head SWbW. Having
blown our storm staysails away got a bolt of new canvas in the mizen
rigging.

1st May. At day-dawn ship on her beam ends) and the sea making a
fair breach over all; the water much discoloured; sounded in 16 fathoms
on the edge of Point Palmiras Reef, the wind suddenly shifting into the
SSW. wore ship to the SE. Sun obscured at Noon; no vessels in sight.

Some attempts at a clear-up; ship lying helpless in the trough of the
sea; Bar. rose 4 lines. At 2 p.m. set the close-reefed topsails. Sunset clear
weather, but destructive sea, midnight heavy squalls from SW.

Qnd May. Day-dawn, moderating fast. Out reefs, and stood to the WNW.
At 7 sighted a Pilot vessel. At 8° 30! obtained a pilot. From our position
on the commencement of the gale, I supposed myself in the centre of the Bay

1020 Third Memoir with reference to [No. 106.

during the worst part of it, and allowed 86 hours drift under bare poles
before I looked for shoal water. My astonishment was great at finding the
ship, early on the Ist, in 16 fathoms on the reef; and I can only account for
it by supposing the easterly gale had caused a current, or set, to the west-
ward of at least 4: miles per hour; which may perhaps account for so many
vessels getting over on the Point, as I had the advantage of 15 miles easting
at its commencement.

ewe ee

Balasore.

A letter from Balasore, dated 4th inst., says :—

“We have just escaped a severe hurricane; it blew very hard on the
night of the 30¢h, and the tide rose very high, but luckily the wind did not
last long’ enough to drive the sea over the country. At Pooree they
have felt the hurricane most severely. I hear that all the houses and
the Government Cutcheries have been blown to the ground, and much
damage has been sustained; great part of the native town has been
destroyed, and several lives lost. When the circuit house fell, two men
were buried, and escaped with broken legs. Pooree is full now, the gents
from Cuttack having gone there to enjoy the cool breeze; they and
the residents took refuge in the only house which stood the storm: the
description of the scene is fearful. Mr. Ewart lost his Arab horse, buried
in the ruins of the stable. The natives declare that Juggernauth’s august
presence alone prevented the sea from washing away the town. The
storm was felt at Cuttack also severely, and I much fear it has been des-
tructive on the whole line of coast. This is a true version I think, and you
may perhaps like to give the readers of the Englishman the news.”—
Englishman, 7th May, 1840.

(ee

Report from Captain A. Bond, Master Attendant, Balasore.

29th April, ...... Bar. 29.66 Ther. 85° NE. Rain and squally,
30th Ditto, ditto, ...... 29.57 ditto, 82 NE. Rain and puffy, :
Ist May, ditto, 8 a.m. 29.25 ditto, 81 E. Strong gusts of wind,
D7it0;: Wee ence es ses ae 29.43 ditto, 82 NE. and East.

On the 1st May, a.m.; at Balasore; strong gusts of wind, with continual
rain, inclining to a gale till 8 a.m., when the wind veered from NE. to
South, and cleared up at SW. at 9 a.m.

At Budruck, 32 miles WSW. of Balasore, the wind stronger, with flying
clouds to the SW.

I was at Budruck on the morning of the gale, and from the log kept here,
it was very similar to the one I kept there, in every respect.

1840. ] the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 102]

The strength of the gale was felt more southerly at Pooree; and inland
the rain appears to have been heavier, and the wind less.
The May gales have not affectd Balasore since May 1823. No vessels

lost on the coast; several put into Chooramoon in distress.
A. Bonp.

I am indebted for the following letter to Mr. Ewart, Magistrate of Pooree.
Your letter to Mr. Cumberland has been handed to me. During the
storm, and for some weeks, Mr. Cumberland had been very unwell, and
had ceased to keep a Meteorological Register. At the time of the storm,
land two other gentlemen were staying at our house. On comparing notes
next day, we discovered that we differed in one material point, viz. which
way the storm went round.
To the best of my remembrance, the South-west wind, which generally
blows so steadily during part of February, March, April, May, and part of
June, failed and became variable, hanging between South and East. The
sky was very cloudy, and on Wednesday, 29th April, there were showers.
On Wednesday afternoon the wind was very strong from NbE.; the rain
and wind continued to increase during the night from ENE. On Thurs-
day morning, 30th April, at daylight, it was blowing strong, but people
went about their ordinary avocations. By 10 a.m. there was a gale
from NE. At noon I went on my elephant to visit the various ladies
who had come with their families, but without their husbands. The wind
was so violent and gusty, that I found it necessary to hold fast by the
pad-ropes, and the drifting rain and sand frequently made the elephant
stand, and refuse to proceed. From 8 a.m. on Thursday, 30th, the
rain was incessant. The wind continued to blow, with about the same
violence, after 10 a.m. till evening from the North-east. It then
veered to nearly North, and after hanging between N. and NE., at about
7% p.m. entirely lulled. About 8, what we imagined the ordinary monsoon
breeze began to blow from SW.; it however increased, and got round to
nearer the West. By 93 v.m. it blew from WSW. with far greater violence
than it had from the other direction. Many houses had lost a portion of
the thatch by the NE. wind, but almost all were, destroyed by the West
wind. It began to abate about 4 a.m. on Friday Ist. May; there were
occasional gnsts during the morning from SW., but our usual breeze blew
_ pretty regularly ; my impression was, that just before the lull on Thursday
_ evening the wind was at NW. and went by the East to SW. This struck
me particularly, because it was contrary to the received theory.

I fear this is a very vague account, but it is the best I can give.

PoorEE,
30th May, 1840. James K. Ewart.

1022 Third Memoir with reference to [No. 106.

Nore.—It will readily be seen by those to whom the Theory of
Storms is familiar, that the centre of the hurricane, as here described,
must have passed over, or a very short distance to the South of the
station. The discrepancy of opinions mentioned might easily occur at
such a time, amongst gentlemen who were not seamen, and it is more
than probable, that, at the centres of storms and near them, counter
currents and eddies do occur; and that their changes are almost
instantaneous; the main change was from about NNE. to SW. and at
the centre this might have happened either way, without affecting the
truth of the theory. H. P.

(ees eee

Tue Great Storm In Orissa.

[From a Correspondent at Pooree. |

“On Thursday, the 30th April, one of the most violent storms ever re-
membered in Orissa visited the station of Pooree, and surrounding district.
The wind blew very fresh from the North-east early in the morning,
and towards the middle of the day increased so much, as to make every one
take precautions to guard against its violence. The surf was unusually
high and roaring, and approached the bungalows much nearer than was at
all pleasant. Out-offices were levelled, and clouds of sand buried every
thing. About 6 o’clock in the evening the wind lulled, when it was hoped
that the worst was over, but the disasters of the day were as nothing
in comparison with what the night brought. The wind suddenly shifted
round to West and South-west, and recommenced in all its fury. Every
one sat waiting for the worst, running from one room to another, as
the house gave way, and when the general crash came, it was fearful.—The
wind and rain so boisterous, that no one could stand erect exposed to them.
Ladies then escaped to their palkees, anxiously awaiting the break of
day. The darkness of the night totally prevented any communication
of one house with another, and it was not until morning that the whole
truth could be known. Alas! every bungalow in the station has been
destroyed—not one is there that can possibly be inhabited. One solitary
puckha-house stood the buffetting of the storm, as it would appear, intend-_
ed as a refuge for the destitute. It was most providential that some
families deserted their own houses during the afternoon and took shelter in
any secure place they could find ; for had they remained they must have
perished. Entire roofs and walls came to the ground, other houses
went piecemeal, rafters and thatch coming down, and some have disap-
peared altogether. Some ladies were obliged to desert their bungalows,
and remain in their palkees on the sands the whole night. In fact, no one

1840. ] the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1025

has escaped, and many have lost every thing they possess. The drift of the
sand was so great, that every thing was buried several feet in it, and
a most difficult task it has been to recover property so embedded. The
ruins of the houses are almost unfit for repairs, except under a cost equal
to the original expense of building, and the whole coast presents one scene
of destruction. The city has suffered to a great extent; indeed every
house has been blown down, but the immortal remains of Juggurnauth lie
undisturbed in his celebrated temple. The surrounding villages have been
equal sufferers, and a camp belonging to the revenue surveyor, about
20 miles distant, was totally destroyed. Large trees strew the road, and
many lives have been lost in consequence. One family, of eight persons,
were crushed under one tree; but the loss of life has been much less than
could have been expected. I have not heard of more than forty altogether ;
but accounts may be brought in hereafter. Altogether the scene has been
one I never wish to witness again, for independently of the great pecuniary
loss, it has been an awful visitation, which those who have lived and
experienced can alone comprehend. Poorss, 3rd May, 1840.”—Englishman.

Extracts from the Log Book of the Barque ‘‘ Elephanta,” of Greenock ; from
Clyde to Calcutta. Reduced to Civil time.

April 28th. Bar. 29:60. From midnight to 8 a.m., wind SE. to EbS. fresh
breezes, and cloudy ; a heavy swell from the SW. From 8 a.m. till noon, light
winds and cloudy. At noon Lat. Obs. 15° 20’ N. Long. Chron. 84° 29’ E.
The same till midnight.

29th. NE. fresh breezes and cloudy weather throughout; a heavy swell
from the Eastward ; the current has set the ship EbN. 20 miles these 24
hours. At noon Lat. 16° 24’ N. Long. Chron. 84° 22’ E. p.m. light winds
and cloudy weather.

31st. a.m. Fresh breezes from SW. and cloudy, with a great swell from
the NE.; the ship labouring and pitching very heavy. At Noon, cloudy,
the landin sight bearing WbN. to NbW. supposed to be the Dolphin’s Nose.

_ At Noon, by very indifferent Obs. Lat. 17°46’ N., Long. Chron. 840 28’ E. ;

to midnight, moderate and fair.

lst May. a.m. SSW. Fresh breezes and cloudy; a swell from the SW.
At Noon Lat. 18°48’ N., Long. Chron. 85° 40’ E. p.m. moderate breezes and
hazy weather.

Extract from the Log of the Schooner “‘ Amelia,” Captain Ross. Reduced to
Civil time.
The “Amelia” was off the Sand Heads when the last gale commenced.
Unfortunately during the gale the Barometer was injured, which prevents

1024 Third Memoir with reference to [No. 106.

any correct information on that head, further than that it fell two-tenths
the day previous to the gale.

_ 29th April, 1840. At midnight, winds easterly, with light passing squalls.
Outer Floating Light bearing EbN.6 a.m. Windeasterly. Being now to the

eastward of the Western Sea Reef, breeze increasing with heavy appear- 7

ance to windward. Pilot apprehensive of bad weather, recommended stand-
ing to sea; stood to the South-eastward. Noon, winds ENE. blowing very
hard and sea rising. p.m. winds ENE. increasing to a gale. Midnight,
ditto, blowing a hard gale and heavy sea.

30th April. 6 a.m. Ditto as before, blowing with violence, and squalls with
rain. Noon, ditto weather; shipping much water on deck; soundings in
62 fathoms. 6 p.m. wind east with heavy appearance to the south-eastward,
with occasional heavy rain and hard squalls. Midnight, wind SE. with
increased violence, now blowing with great fury. Our sails were blown out
of the bolt ropes. 4 cross turbulent sea rising in pyramids, and breaking over
the vessel, while the force of the wind depressed her lee bulwarks under water.*
Soundings in 45 fathoms.

lst May. 6 a.m. Wind veering southerly, still blowing with fury and a
great sea. 8 a.m. Wind SW. rather more moderate. Soundings in 20
fathoms. Wore to the Eastward. Noon, wind SW., gale abating. Found
by Obs. that our situation is 15 miles to the southward of False Point in
22 fathoms ; bore up for the river.

The two days previous to the gale, we had the wind from the South-
eastward, light, with hazy weather, hot and sultry.

The gale commenced from the North-eastward, veering to the Eastward
and South-eastward, at which point it blew with the greatest violence, and
began to break up soon after it reached the South-west point.

During the gale the heaviest appearance of the sky was to the SE. and
Southward. The upper clouds appearing to move N. and NW.+ even
while the wind was NE.

Extract from the Log of the H. C. F. L. V. ‘ Beacon,” C. Hudson, Commander.
April 29th, 1840.—a.m. Fresh SE. breeze and cloudy. 4 .m. Breeze in-
creasing ; veering to ESE. cloudy unsettled weather. Daylight, increasing
breezes at ESE. and cloudy unsettled weather, heavy sea. 8 a.m. Fresh
breezes at Eastward, cloudy unsettled weather. Noon, strong breezes at East,
veering to NE. with heavy squalls of wind and rain, threatening appearance.
Noon to 4 p.m. blowing in heavy gusts from E. to NE. and ENE. heavy
* This is an instance of the possibility alluded to in p. 46 of my first Memoir, (p 645
Journal As. Soc. for August 1839.) Ifthe shift of wind had been sudden, the vessel would
have been laid down against the whole fury of the waves.

¢ This is somewhat equivocal, for it may mean tothe N. and NW. or from the
N. and NW. The observation is nevertheless important.

—-

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1025

passing showers, and dark, cloudy, threatening appearance all round. Sun-
set, blowing hard at ENE. with passing showers, and very threatening
appearances to the SE., heavy sea. 8 p.m. Blowing hard at ENE. with pass-
ing squalls and light showers, with dark cloudy threatening appearances
all round. Midnight, moderating, ENE. breezes and cloudy unsettled ap-
pearances to the Eastward.

30th April. a.m. Strong breezes at East, with dark, cloudy, unsettled wea-
ther. Daylight, blowing hard at ESE. with very threatening appearances
all round, and a heavy cross sea. 8 a.m. Strong breezes at ESE. and dark,
cloudy, unsettled appearances to the eastward. 8 a.m. to Noon. wind
veering from ESE. to East, with continual heavy squalls, and heavy
rain, dark dismal clouds, and very threatening appearances all round,
with a confused sea. 4 p.m. Strong breezes at East and EbS. with dark
cloudy, unsettled weather. Sunset, strong breezes, veering from East to
EbS, with dark dismal clouds, and threatening appearance to the SE. with
heavy sea. 8 p.m. Strong breezes veering to SE., with dark dismal clouds and
unsettled, with threatening appearances all round. Midnight, fresh breezes
veering from SE. to SSE. with heavy passing squalls of wind and rain;
unsettled appearances and lightning to the Southward, with distant thunder.

lst May, 1840.—a.m. Blowing very hard in squalls at SSE. dismal
threatening appearances and passing showers, with very heavy sea. 4 a.m.
Wind increasing to a gale at SSE. with a very heavy sea. Daylight, blow-
ing a gale at SSE. with dismal threatening appearances. 8 a.m. Gale
increasing at SSE. with very threatening appearance, and very heavy sea.
Noon, blowing a heavy gale at SSE. very threatening appearance, sea
still continuing. 4 P.M. Gale still continuing very heavy, weather clearing
up a little ; sea still continuing heavy. 8 p.m. Moderate breezes veering to
SbW. and SSW. with passing squalls of wind and rain, and unsettled
weather, with lightning to the SW. Sunset, moderating a little, and
wind veering to Southward and SbW. with passing squalls of wind and
rain, sea continuing. Midnight, blowing hard at SSW. and SW. with
heavy passing squalls of wind and rain, with dark cloudy weather all
round, and lightning to the SW.

Mr. Hudson adds the following remarks. “ As the variation of the wind
and the appearances of the weather, were correctly stated during the gale,
the only remarks I have to make thereon, are, that in every gale I have
experienced here, it has invariably began at the Northward, veering to the
Eastward, sometimes as far as North-east and back again,* generally break-
ing up at SW.; the heaviest part of the gale generally being between SE.
and South, except the last, the heaviest of which was at WSW., the point at

which it broke up.” f nagles
* So in the S.

1026 Third Memoir with referenee to [ No. 106.

Extract from the Log of the H. C. L. V. “ Hope ;” Eastern Channel.
W. Clark, Commander.

Date. Winds and Weather. Bar. Ther. Remarks.
Wednesday, a.m. Fresh Easterly breezes, dark, cloudy
April 29th, threatening weather, and lightning,

1840. 3 a.m. Heavy gusts from the Eastward,

and passing squalls.

r
is
Bos
Daylight. Strong Easterly breezes and AS a
ditto weather. aes
8 a.m. Fresh breezes and cloudy, with en
passing squalls and rain. 29°67 81: as!
Noon. Strong Easterly breezes and ditto Poe
ditto weather ; rain at times. 29°65 81: Hes
Sunset. Ditto winds and weather. ~So
8 p.m. Ditto winds and weather. 29°65 81> S on
=

Midnight, heavy passing squalls from the
Eastward, and ditto weather.
Thursday, a.m. Heavy squalls from Eastward, and
April 30th, threatening weather ; passing squalls
1840. and very heavy sea on.

ee Se) ee
e hes ee

Sunset. Blowing hard from East to ES.

Easterly, with passing squalls andrain.
8 p.m. Blowing hard at SE. Ditto weather. 29°55 81:
Midnight. Ditto from SE. to SSE. and

ditto weather.

Daylight. Strong East to ESEasterly &
breezes, cloudy and squally weather. =

8 a.m. Ditto cloudy, and threatening ap- a
pearances all round. 29°60 81: g
Noon. Strong ESEasterly breezes and iS
ditto weather. 29°60 82: 2
S

Friday, a.m. Blowing a moderate gale at ESE.
May ist, with heavy gusts at intervals, and
1840. rain; weather still threatening; ship-

ping much water.
Daylight. Gale increasing at SE. battened
down the hatches and made all snug ;
veered to 200 fathoms cable.
8 a.m. gale still continuing at SE. with
frequent squalls and rain. 29°50. 81°
Noon. Moderating a little, veering to the
southward, frequent squalls of wind
and rain, and heavy sea on. 29°53 83:
4 p.m. Decreasing at SSW. very unsettled
appearances all round; very heavy sea
on.
Sunset. Strong SSWesterly breezes, with
cloudy and threatening appearances
all round.
8 p.m. Ditto ditto weather. 29°67 81:
10 p.m. Wind shifted suddenly round |
SSW. to NW. with threatening appear-
ances and much lightning.
Midnight. Light variable breezes from
NW. to SW. cloudy and threatening
appearances to the Westward, andrain.

~ Se ee oe

200 fathoms cable.

—

1027

‘

the Theory of the Law of Storms in India.

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[ No. 106.

th reference to

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Third Memo

1028

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10380 Third Memowr with reference to [No. 106.

Schooner “‘ Margaret,” Capt. Thaddeus; proceeding up the River.

28th April, 1840. Civil time—Noon. Lat. 20° 45’ N. Long. 88° 32/ E. 55
fathoms, soft mud. p.m. Fresh breeze ENE. At 9, NE. cloudy, and light-
ning from SE. and East at midnight.

29th April—Noon. Strong breeze and cloudy ; working up. p.m. Small
rain. pm. ENE. and at 5, NE. Midnight; strong breeze NE. and
threatening gloomy weather, with drizzling rain.

30th April. Wind ENE. At daylight threatening. Noon, passed Dia-
mond Harbour, midnight hard squalls. At anchor off Wollooburrya.

1st May. a.m. ENE. Wind fresh breeze and rainy, cloudy and threaten-
ing at daylight. At 8-30, wind SSE. strong breeze. Noon, heavy gales.
4-30. p.m. Wind South. Midnight, heavy gale with small rain. At anchor
half way between Wollooburrya and Calcutta.

2nd May. a.m. Wind South. Strong gale with small rain; arrived at
Calcutta. p.m. SSW. Wind, with rain.

At Calcutta,

the following are my own observations. The Barometer is corrected to
the standard at the Surveyor-General’s Office.

29th April, 1840. Civil time.—At 8 a. m. Bar. 29°74. Squalls from the
NE. During the day close sultry weather, calms and light squalls at times
from NE. with drizzling rain. At7 p.m. Close and sultry, drizzling rain and
light airs from the NE. with cloudy, gloomy, weather all round. Bar, 29-67.
During the night, gloomy weather, with light breezes, from the E. and NE.

30th April—The same weather continuing. At noon squalls and driz-
zling rain from East and ENE. Bar. 29:64. Calms and heavy rain to
43 p.m. Bar. 29°57. Evening and to midnight, light airs from the East,
dark gloomy weather, and drizzling rain at times.

1st May.—F rom midnight to 6 a. m. dark gloomy weather, with light breez-
es and squalls at times from Hast and ESE. At 6 a. m. Bar. 29°52. A squall
from the SE. with heavy rain: scud flying fast from the SE. 103 a. m. Bar.
29°52. Strong breeze SE. with squalls. Noon. Bar. 29°47. <A gale with
heavy squalls SE. to ESE. with heavy rain, 3 p.m. Bar. 29°39. Gale in heavy
squalls, from SSE. 43 p.m. WindS. (gale) with frequent squalls, Bar. 29°39.

5i p.m. The same. Bar. 29°40. 63 p.m. SbW. Heavy dark scud and
squalls. Bar. 29:42. 7} Sudden squalls and lulls between them, from SSW.
and SW. Bar. 29:45. 9 p.m. The same; squalls hauling to SW. Bar. 29°52.

2nd May.—5 a. m. Bar. 29°58. Fine weather.

I have inserted the following report on the principle, that no knowledge
should be, in the present state of the inquiry, set aside; but I do not think
it has much relation to our present subject.

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1031

Report from the Collector of Coringa to the Government of India.

“« As it may enable the gentleman who has undertaken to investigate the
course of storms, to fix with some accuracy the extent to which the late
gale of the 30th April and Ist May reached, I have the honor to forward
an extract from the Log just received from the Coringa Lighthouse from
6 p.m. of the 1st ultimo, till midnight; when the wind died away. This
squall appears to have been the tail of the storm, and did not, I should
think, extend much farther along this coast. The weather for two or three
days before had been very threatening, and I understand the Barometer
fell to a considerable extent, but as the instrument for the Lighthouse
has not yet been received from Madras, I regret that I am unable to fur-
nish you with a more accurate report.”

“G. Suiru.”’

Extract from the Log kept at the Lighthouse at Coringa.

Hours. Winds. Remarks on Friday, Ist May, 1840.
6 P.M. SW. Wind moderating, and a squall brewing in the
NW.
7. ‘5 The squall, with thunder and lightning, com-
8. Westerly, menced blowing from this quarter with a

smart shower of rain.

10. Ss Blowing very fresh.
if ie
LZ ‘s ‘Wind moderating, weather clearing up.

Sees ee

The Brig “ Union,” from Coringa to Pondicherry. Forwarded by Capt. Biden,
Master Attendant, Madras.

On the 30¢h April, when she was at Noon in Lat. 14° 19’ N. Long. 82° 15’
E. had smart breezes from SW. amounting to strong gale, and high sea.
At midnight, wind South, strong gales with dark gloomy weather, and a
turbulent sea, laid to under bare poles.

1st May. At 3 a.m. wind SSW. Daylight, moderating ; made sail, wind
SWbS. and SSW. till noon, when fresh breeze and hazy weather. Lat.
14° 49’ N. Long. 81°e 18’ E. p.m. moderating, but towards, and at, midnight
increasing again to fresh gales ShW. to SSW. and high confused sea.

2nd May. Wind SW. to SE. at noon, when it moderated to light airs from
that quarter. Lat. 14° 26’ N. Long. 80° 15’ E.

1032 Third Memoir with reference to [No. 106.

Extract from the Log of the Barque “Sarah,” from V: wzagapatam towards
Madras. Reduced to Civil time. Forwarded by Captain Biden, Master Atten-
dant, Madras. «
30th April, 1840.—pr.m. Fresh breezes SW. to 7 p.m., veering to SbE. at 7

and South at 8, with cloudy weather till midnight.
1st May.—At 2 a.m. hard gales SW. veering to NW. at 4, and again to

SSW. At 7 heavy lightning, split several sails. At noon moderating, Lat.

130 25’ N. Long. 82°47’ E. Bar. 29.56. p.m. Wind SbE. fresh breezes and

cloudy, till midnight.

Extracts from the Meteorological Journal kept at the Madras Observatory.

Barometer. ‘Thermometer.

Date, = ee — -
8a.M 4P.M 10 P.M 8 A.M 4 P.M 10 p.m
1840. April 26th. | 29.776 | .... | 29.766! 860 | .... | 87.8
27th. 29,720 29.614 29.706 86.3 91.0 89.7
28th. 29.700 29.628 29.720 86.4 90.0 88.4
29th. 25.680 29.605 29.684 87.2 91.3 89.2
30th, 29.680 29.568 29.680 87.9 99.0 89.8
May ist. 29.720 29.643 29.798 88.3 93.0 86.5
9nd 29.820 29.750 29.858 86.0 89,0 87.8

The following table is extracted from a Meteorological Register kept at Chuprah,
by Mr. Ravenshaw of the Civil Service.

April 24 29°64 874,29'57| 884 East variable § 4 p.m, NbW.
25|29°54| 88 [29°36] 88% Variable. ; Do. Do,
Gale from E. at 6} p.m.
26/29'48} 86 |29°46| 872 Strong Gale from E. all night, to pre-

sent hour 10 a.m. accompanied with
clouds, butnorain. At 44 still blow-
ing from E., but more moderate, At —
104 p.m. still blowing ; fresh Gale all

night.
27|29°52; 86 |29°48) 872 Ditto, 41 p.m. E. fresh more moderate.
28|29°56| 87% Gale continues.
29|29°62| 871/29'56| 88 Strong wind but variable ENE. cloudy,
at 41 E. moderate.
30|29°56| 88 |29°52| 883 East moderate Do. fresh.

the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1035

1840.]

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1034 Third Memoir with reference to [ No. 106.

Kurnaul. Lieut. Baker’s Report.

We had westerly winds at Kurnaul on the 1st and 2nd instant; and
on 8rd and 4th, a strong breeze from the Eastward, and 3 or 4 r.m. on
the 4th, a heavy bank of clouds appeared to the westward. About
sunset we had frightful gusts of wind from the West, North and North-east,
the air during the intervals being sultry and oppressive.

About 8% p.m. the sky became entirely overcast, and a violent squall of
wind began to blow from the Westward, accompanied by clouds of dust,
and latterly a few drops of rain. The wind continued to blow from the
West with more or less violence for about two hours, when it gradually went
round to the East, from which quarter it continued to blow till 2 p.m. on
the 5th, when it was interrupted by a second (less violent) squall, from the
Westward, accompanied by a slight shower of rain.

The strength of the wind during the first squall must have been consider-
able, as it unroofed many out-offices at the station, and blew down many
hundred trees on the Canal banks.

Hansie. Report of Mr. T. Johnson, Delhi Canal Department.

I have the honor to report, agreeable to the Government Notification
dated 11th September, 1839, that this station was visited by a storm of
wind and dust on the evening of the 4th May, 1840.

The storm commenced at } past 8 o’clock r.m. from the NW. the wind
blowing in strong gusts, bringing with it dense masses of dust; its duration
was for 2 of an hour, when the wind veered round to the NE. and conti-
nued to blow a stiff breeze from that point nearly all night, unaccompa-
nied by dust. There were masses of clouds with much lightning passing
along the northern horizon, but none of the clouds came over this neigh-
bourhood, nor did I hear any thunder. I am inclined to think that the
storm did not extend much further than this to the South or South-east, for
what came here was lateral, and apparently from some heavy storm at a
great distance from this. | :

The thermometer during the day had been up to 106° and at the com-
mencement 90°, At the subsiding of the storm it was down to 76°.

1840.| the Theory of the Law of Storms in India, 1035

The following logs have also reached me; and that no knowledge of the
weather prevailing about the Bay at the time of the storm, should be lost,
I have printed them. I shall remark upon them after-summing up the
evidence we have for the track of the storm.

Extract from the log of the Packet Columbia; from Calcutta towards Singapore,
Civil time.

On the 24th April—aAt noon in Lat. 5° 10’ N. Long. 99° 53’ East; light
breezes and fine weather. At 10 p.m. very threatening to the Southward.
At midnight a tremendous heavy squall, with much rain, thunder and light-
ning, and the wind veered suddenly to the SWestward.

25th April—At 5 a.m. hard squalls, winds variable from SW. to SE.
Daylight, strong breezes with a heavy head sea. Noon, strong breezes
with a very heavy sea. Lat. 4° 49’ N. Long. 99° 42’ E. p.m. Moderating about
midnight; wind SE. throughout.

26th April._At 10 a.m. increasing again from SSE. to SE. Noon, Lat.
40 53’ N. Long. 100° 1’ E. off Pulo Penang. Wind SSE., breeze increasing from
SE. till midnight.

27th April._—a.m. A gale at SE. with a tremendous sea, frequently heav-
ing the vessel on her beam ends. At Noon. Lat. 4946’ N. Long. 99°50’ E:
Towards midnight moderating from SSE. but increasing so much the next
day, as to oblige the vessel to go into Penang harbour.

Extract from the Log of the Brig Pyeen Boun, from Moulmein to Madras ;
from Capt. Biden, Master Attendant, Madras ; supposed by Nautical time.
April 29th, 1840.—Lat. 15° 52’ N. Long. 97° 5’ E. Hard squalls with occa-

sional showers of rain, and a high sea running this day; wind at SSW.

April 30th.—Increasing heavy squalls from SSW. with lulls at intervals ;
a heavy sea running throughout the 24 hours; sent down topgallant masts
and yards.

May \st.—Hard gales from SW. with thunder, lightning, and rain, and a
heavy confused sea running, breaking occasionally over the vessel. Under
closed-reefed topsails.

May 2nd.—Increasing gales from SW., with heavy dark appearance, thun-
der and lightning, and a very high sea running. Split both topsails, un-
bent them; bent, and close-reefed two others.

May 3d.—Lat. 14° 32' N. Long. 96° 30’ E.

6 Q

1036 Third Memoir with reference to [ No. 106.

H.C. S. Amherst. Gale of 27th April to \st May, 1840.

The H. C. S. “ Amherst” was lying at Kyook Phoo, and experienced, as
by her log, nothing but squally and rainy weather at times from the 28th
April to 1st May. The winds were moderate, and variable from ESE. to
SE. South and SSW.

From the ‘ Colombo Observer.’

On Saturday night, 25th April 1840, a strong breeze of wind com-
menced, amounting almost to a gale—apparently the beginning of the
Monsoon—accompanied, as usual, with a heavy sea and a high surf over
the Bar, which has since continued. In this state of the weather a wharf
jolly-boat, returning from the Persia, when crossing the Bar, was swamp-
ed, and, melancholy to relate, three persons were drowned.

ee ee

The ship Recovery, Captain Johnstone, was at noon of the 28th April in
Lat. 5° 43' N., steering tothe NNE. to round Ceylon. At noonof the 29th, she
was in 7° 20’ N. with Westminster Abbey bearing SWbW. At noon on the
30th having stood north 126, miles she was in Lat. 9° 40’ N. and at noon
on the 1st May in 11°57' N. having stood north 149 miles, and had fine
weather throughout these days.

Barque “ Cornwallis,” from Bombay towards Calcutta. Civil time.

At noon on 28¢h April in Lat. 11° 50’ N., Long. Chron. 74° 48’ E. Fine
weather till midnight.

29th April.—Midnight, strong 6 knot breeze NW. Hazy strong SSE.
Daylight and to Noon heavy westerly swell. Noon Lat. 9°14' N. Long 75° 50!
E. increasing to sunset and midnight. Wind NW. throughout. a.m. 30th
April, strong breezes SW. to Noon, heavy westerly swell. Noon Lat. 793'N.
78° 15’ E.; p.m. and to midnight, very heavy swell from West; wind
westerly ; thick hazy weather.

lst May,—Light 5 knot breezes at daylight, and fine weather; vessel
labouring so much with the heavy westerly swell, that it is feared she may
roll away her masts. Hove to to set up the rigging at Noon. Wind
westerly throughout Lat. 5°47’ N. Long. 80° 20’ E. High swell continuing
till midnight, when it abated and is not mentioned on the 2nd.

I have next, as in the former Memoir, arranged the winds and weather
experienced at Noon, Civil time, by each of the different vessels, and at the
stations within the Bay of Bengal, in a tabular form; so as to afford a ready
reference from the chart and diagrams, and to shew more strikingly than
by detailed accounts, the remarkable contrasts which different points of
the space comprised in the charts, exhibit.

1037

the Theory of the Law of Storms in India.

1840.]

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1042

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the Theory of the Law of Storms in India.

1840.]:

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1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1045

We have now to show what is the evidence we possess for—
I. The formation of the vortex, and evidence for its form.
II. Its size
III. Its rate of progression.

I. The formation of the vortex and evidence for its form. Our evi-
dence for the actual circle laid down on the 27th is, as will be subse-
quently seen in speaking of the centres, very imperfect ; as is also that
of the 28¢h, where all we know is, that it was a veering hurricane with
the Nusserath Shaw, and could not be said to reach the Freak till
the evening. Hence I have taken it to be a vortex of about 300 miles
in diameter, and that the Zenasserim’s SE. gale was a little without
the circle, though really arising from the same disturbance. The
diagrams, and the subsequent remarks upon the evidence by which
I have placed the different centres, will render unnecessary any further
detail upon this head.

In estimating the centres for the different days, I have been guided
as follows,— ;

On the 27th, we have the logs of the Nusserath Shaw and
Tenasserim available, and of these, the Nusserath Shaw—near to
which vessel the centre passed on the following day at 3 p.m. when she
had the shift of wind,—must of course have been the nearest to it.
She had the wind steady from ENE. during the whole of the 24 hours
(from noon 27th to noon 28¢h) an evidence that she was on the direct
line of the track of the storm. She also made good, from noon to
noon, a course of 100 miles S. 7° E.; while the track of the storm (by
projection from the shift which she experienced, from ENE. to SW.)
must have been about N. 34° W. and S. 34° KE. so that we may say,
without much exaggeration, that the ship travelled 100 miles, and the
hurricane 180 miles almost directly towards each other! A very re-
markable instance of the truth and value of the Theory of Storms, ifrightly
understood ; for it is clear that this, which happened to a single ship,
might have happened to a whole fleet! Heaving to for six hours,
would have saved the owners and underwriters the heavy loss which
the dismasting and return of this vessel to Calcutta entailed ; and a good
Barometer and Simpiesometer on board, would infallibly have indicated
the coming danger in time.

1046 Third Memoir mith reference to [ No. 106.

The Tenasserim seems but just to have felt the first puffs of the
storm on this day.

It will be remarked in the table for this day, that the Ganges in
Lat. 7° 10’ N. Long. 95° 18’ E. was hove to from the day preceding,
in a heavy gale blowing “from SSW. to SW.” The chart does not
admit my including her position, but if projected, it will be found that
if the circle of the storm was completed, she was about on the opposite
side of it from the Nusserath Shaw ; and I have thus, with reference
to the rate of travelling of the centre of the storm, between the 28¢h
and 29th, assumed that it may have been about half way between
them, or 290 miles from each. This would give it a circle of 580 miles
on the first day, and we have no better authorities. The brief extract
from the log of the Clarissa which vessel it will be seen, could
not be far from the same latitude* on the 27th; being on the 28th
in 7° 1’ N. but seven degrees further west; (her Long. being 87°
56’ E.) gives us ‘blowing hard from West to WSW.,” so that there
was probably, as in the gale of June, 1839, a Westerly and South-
westerly gale blowing across the mouth of the Bay, while the vortex
was forming and travelling over from the Andamans to Cuttack.
“The fine weather and SE. breezes” of the Flowers of Ugie and
Christopher Rawson are exactly what should occur on the northern
arm of a parabola formed by the deflection of a heavy SWesterly
monsoon, setting in from the Bay against the high land of the Ma-
lay Peninsula.

For the 28th April. If we take the storm to have now travelled
at the rate of 7 miles an hour, its centre at noon may have been
about 15 to 25 miles SSE. from the Nusserath Shaw ; since this
ship had, at 3 p.m. the shift of wind from ENE. to SW. as shown
by her log; so that the centre must have passed near her, to the
Southward, or even over her. The Venasserim at 180 miles distance,
had the wind at SE. “a heavy gale” though if this was the hurricane,
she should by her position, which is nearly due north of the Nusserath
Shaw’s, have had the wind at East. As there can be no doubt
about the Nusserath Shaw having had the centre close to her
at noon, and that her position was not far wrong, Ihave taken the

t] a 2 eing bound from Penang to Madras, she had to make a westerly course across
1¢e ay.

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1047

point marked, 20 miles to the SE. of her, for its place at noon. The
Tenasserim had probably her part of the storm somewhat deflected by
the opening between the Andamans and Cape Negrais? or was not
properly within the vortex, but in the northern arm of the parabola
of the monsoon. The Freak and Vectis can scarcely be said to have
felt the storm at noon on this day; the Freak at least not till 6
P.M., when it was a rapidly increasing gale at NNE., so that its circle
may have been about 300 miles in diameter at this time.

On the 29th April, we find that the Freak—which vessel had
had the gale rapidly increasing from NNE. at 6 p.m. on the 28th,—had
it veering to NW. at midnight between the 28th and 29th, and to
SW. by 6 a.m. or daylight ; making on the whole 14 points of veering
in 12 hours. At noon she had it also SW. Projecting this, it shows
that the centre may have passed some 30 or 40 miles to the North-east-
ward of her position at midnight, which is very carefully laid down by
Capt. Smoult ; and that it was travelling in a N. Westerly direction.
The Flowers of Ugte also, with a very careful log and corrected Ba-
rometer, had, we find, the storm increasing, from ‘ squally with rain” at
4 a.M. to heaving to under bare poles at 11; the wind from East at
midnight, to NE. at 10; North at 11; NW. at 1 e.m.; West at 3;
SW. at 5; and South at 8 p.m. With her Barometer at 28°36, and
the wind veering 16 points in the seven hours! between 10 a.M.,
and 5 p.m. or 23 points per hour; she cannot have been more than 15,
or 20 miles at the utmost, from the centre. I should estimate it to
have passed also to the NE. of her position. By projection I find 12
miles may have been her distance from the centre.

The log of the Vectis, though the centre cannot have passed far from
her, is by no means so carefully kept as those of the Freak and Flow-
ers of Ugie ; so that, though I have placed her as I found it written, I am
inclined to think that she may have been nearer to the Flowers of
Ugie than she is placed on the chart.

That of the George and Mary presents also some anomalies, and the
very remarkable one, that the wind seems to have veered as if the storm
had passed close to the Southward of her. This could not have been,
at all events, the same vortex. Did any division take place of the main
vortex into two? which might account for this? and for the anomalies
in the log of the Vectis ? I should be unwilling, however, to suppose this,

1048 Third Memoir with reference to [ No. 106.

upon the very imperfect statement which has reached me, and this writ-
ten by the clerk of a commercial house, who was probably not a seaman.

I have then taken the Freak’s and Flowers of Ugie’s positions, to
determine the place of the centre this day, particularly the last ves-
sel’s, as there can be, but little doubt of her position, as she was going
free till the time she hove to; and the logs of both vessels are excel-
lent. The Tenasserim and Nusserath Shaw are apparently out of
the actual circle of the storm on this day. They were perhaps be-
ginning to feel the monsoon, which as I shall subsequently show was
making its way rapidly up the Bay.

For the centre of the 30th April. We find that according to Mr.
Ewart’s very graphic letter, the shift of wind took place at Pooree (Jug-
gurnath) between 74 p.m. and 94 P.M., so that we may take the centre to
have passed that station at 85 p.m. of the 30¢h. From noon of the 29th
to 84 p.m. of the 30¢h is 324 hours, and the distance from the centre
of the hurricane on the 29th to Pooree, is about 165 miles. Throw-
ing away fractions, this is about 5.1. per hour, and assuming the storm to
have travelled ina straight line, we find upon measuring back for these 84
hours, that the centre at Noon fails about 40 to 45 miles to the SW. of
Pooree. This also agrees with the log of La Belle Alliance, which vessel
had the shift of wind—and she probably passed through, or close to the
centre,—at 11 a.m. This position of the centre would give the wind at
the station of Pooree NEbE. Mr. Ewart’s letter says NE., but a dis-
crepancy of a point might occur even to a seaman; where compasses,
weather-cocks, and vanes were not, we suppose, abundant ; and where
the tempest was also a sand-storm. To the North, we find the Chris-
topher Rawson with the wind marked at SE. at daylight, and SSE.
in the afternoon, but we have no statement of the wind exactly at
noon, and in the state she is described, her observation of latitude
must have been but a very indifferent one. Her place in the circle
would give the wind to have been about SEbS., so that there is with
her, also, a difference of a point, ora point and a half, only. The logs of
the Flowers of Ugie with a gale at South, and Vectis, a gale at SbW.
differ widely from what they should have been had the circles of the
vortex extended so far as their positions. I have marked them on the
diagrams, and now proceed to consider the probable cause of this discre-
pancy, and of that which we observe in the logs of the Pilot and Light

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1049

Vessels. I have adverted, in both my preceding Memoirs, to the probable
effects produced by the interruption which a vortex may experience
when approaching the land.

In this instance, as before, we must consider the storm as a fluid
vortex, moving onwards and striking the extremity of the Coromandel
range, with two openings, that of the valley of the Mahanuddee,
and of the low country above the Balasore hills, through which to
force its way, (see the second Chart to my first Memoir). It is
difficult to suppose, and with the imperfect maps we possess, impossible
to calculate, what the effect of this double interruption would be; but
we may, I think, fairly attribute to it the diminished rate at which the
storm appears to have travelled; its remarkable change of course
during this last 24 hours; the ‘awful gusts” of wind described in the
log of La Belle Alliance, and the discrepancies of some of the logs as
to the direction of the wind.* We find, what is very remarkable, the
Elephanta coming up along shore with the usual monsoon wind of the
season, and ‘fresh breeze and cloudy weather,” though, as will be seen
by the diagram, she is not far from the circles of the Christopher Raw-
son, Vectis, Beacon, and Freak, all of them still in very bad wea-
ther. There can be no doubt about the Elephanta’s position, since she
had the land in sight. The “great swell from the NE.” which I have
marked in italics, is, clearly that of the tempest, which at this time was
just approaching the unfortunate station of Pooree. The Elephanta’s
distance from the centre of this day is considerable, being 163 miles,
which would require the vortex to have been 326 miles in diameter, to
have reached her.

Taking the nearest range of elevated land to be 30 miles inland
from Pooree, we may suppose that circle of the storm upon which the
Flowers of Ugie is placed in the diagram, to have been just impinging
against it at noon, and hence perhaps the sort of flattening of it into
an irregular oval, which gives the wind on the NE. and SE. portion,—
Flowers of Ugie, Vectis, and Christopher Rawson,—a more southerly
direction ; and farther to the NE. creates the irregularity of the Pilot

* Captain Smoult of the ‘‘ Freak’’ in a letter subsequently sent, says ‘‘ at day-light
on the 30th, the wind had hauled round (in the space of four hours) from NNW. to
ESE. then back to Southward and SW. from which quarter it blew generally, till I
arrived at Point Palmiras.’’

1050 Third Memoir with reference to [ No. 106.

and Light Vessel’s having the wind so far to the Eastward as EbS. to
ESE. ; while at Balasore it is NE. and puffy. We may on all these
grounds I think, assume that the vortex had become wholly irregular,
except near the centre. We should remark, however, that throughout
there is no contradiction as to the general rule for the direction in
which the wind moves ; for all the evidence goes to show that in the
open ocean it would have been a circular storm, blowing from right
to left.

For the centre of the ls¢ May, we have to consider that the mon-
soon wind was making its way up along the coast ; but we find that at
Pooree, though abating from 4 a.M., there were still gusts at times
from the SW. La Belle Alliance was on the verge of the southern
part of the storm; but the Christopher Rawson, close off Point Pal-
miras, though the weather is clearing a little, is described as lying help-
less. From this vessel’s position, the report from Balasore, the wind
at Calcutta, and with the Pilot and Light-vessels’ logs* I have judged the
centre to be about where I have marked it, but we must not forget, that
to extend the circle to Calcutta, will make it one of 300 miles in diame-
ter ; and that from this point, nearly half way to Calcutta, that part of the
vortex nearest the earth had, since before noon of the 30¢h, met with
all sorts of obstructions; since it was travelling onwards amongst the
numerous ranges of hills which bound the vallies of the Mahanuddee,
the Braminy, the Byturnee, and the Subunreeka rivers, to the north of
Cuttack as far as Midnapore. From this cause, we cannot on this day
expect any great regularity in the direction of the winds, if we project
them on circles, and we must be content to take this day’s evidence as
before, as proof only that the general law of direction has been always
followed as far as we have any evidence.

II. The size of the vortex.

From what has been before said, and from the chart, it will be seen
that the storm appears to have been more extensive about the 27¢h,
and again to have expanded on the Ist May, but our evidence for both
these days is incomplete. That of the 27th, because we have but two
ships by which to be guided, and that of the 1st May, because the only

* I suspect some inaccuracy in the log of the ‘‘ Beacon’’ for this day, but have not
been able to verify my supposition.

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1051

evidence we have is all on one side, and within a small arc of the cir-
cle. Hence we must say, that if appears to have been, while crossing
the Bay a vortex of about 260 miles in diameter; and that 2¢ may have
been larger at its commencement and termination. The Coringa hur-
ricane of November 1839, is, I think, clearly enough evidence of a storm
contracting in size, and this may be one of a storm first contracting and
again expanding? for as, in truth, we know so little of the laws which
govern these phenomena, all we can do,—all at least that I can venture
to do,—is to set down the evidence carefully, with such conclusions
as may strike us. Our evidence, and our conclusions will all, I trust, be
weighed out and scrutinized by abler hands and heads.

II]. The rate of progression of the storm.
From the centres laid down, this will be as follows :—

27th April to the 28th Lk ... 175 miles
28th to 29th bos Wa <d00
29th to 30th ot wool} bkS
30th to lst May ... Joes bY ATS

Of these we must perhaps exclude the centre of the 27th, for which
we have but too little evidence. It is nevertheless possible, that as
the track of the storm, if it was then completely formed, crosses the
lofty hills of the Andamans (2500 feet high, says Hamilton) it
experienced some sort of check from them on its progress? It is a
curious coincidence, that after laying down, as well as I could, the
centre of the lst May, I found that I had given the storm 175 miles
of distance from the centre of 30¢h April, which is exactly what it
appears to have made on this day when crossing the Andamans! It
was forcing its read over the Cuttack hills between the 30¢h and 1st
May, as over those of the Andamans, between the 27th and 28th
April. The centre of the 28th must be nearly correct, being so close to

the Nusserath Shaw ; as well as that of the 29th, for which we have
: the able log and chart of Captain Smoult of the Freak ; and that of the
: 80th, which depends upon the position and shift of wind, an hour
before noon, of Za Belle Alliance, and at Pooree 74 hours after
hoon, which do not admit of any great error.

| The four distances above stated, Miles yw day, Miles w hour
‘give an average of 8 203 or 84

The last three distances give... 2138 or 9
6s

}

1052 Third Memoir with reference to [ No. 106.

But in both cases, the great distance travelled is that between the
28th and 29th. Wecannot be far wrong in assuming this as correctly
laid down, I think, when we look at the carefulness of the logs, and the
remarkable rapidity with which the storm reached and passed some
of the vessels? We may therefore take it as an instance of a storm in
the Bay which, for this part of its track,—28th to 29¢h,—travelled 350
miles in 24 hours; or something more than 144 miles per hour! Why
did it travel so slowly again, from the 29th to the 30th ?

We must take the vortex of the 28¢2 and 29¢h to have been at the
surface of the ocean, and, for any height with which we have to do,
call it an aerial column of, say, 250 miles in diameter. Such a volume of
displaced air, moving with such a velocity, must necessarily be felt at
some distance preceding the line of its track. It meets as it approach-
es the coast with one direct obstacle, nearly at right angles to its
course—the Coromandel range, and with the deflecting force of the SW.
monsoon, which the Elephanta, we see, is bringing up along the coast.
Whether these are the causes, or whether they are sufficient ones, I
cannot presume to decide; they appear to me to be probable ones at
least, and to account fairly enough for the decreased rate of progress
and change of direction. The tracks perhaps should be laid down in
curves, and not in straight lines? The facility of tracing these last, and
of bringing them to fixed points at noon, have made me prefer the form —
of straight-lined tracks, in this and my former Memoirs, to curved ones.

On the 29¢h, the centre of the storm was 150 miles from the coast,
and we may say that it was 180 miles from the first considerable
range of hills; so that taking it, as is seen in the diagram, to be 260
miles in diameter, or 130 in radius, the aerial wave, which preceded it,
was just about impinging on the hills at noon. How soon the re-action of
this on the vortex was felt, we have no means of judging. The NE.
wind experienced by the Elephanta on this day, when she is just on
the outer verge of the storm, and which it will be noted is agaznsé the
coast wind which she was bringing up, seems to be an effect of this
atmospheric disturbance; as the ‘“‘heavy North-easterly swell” of the
30th evidently is of that of the storm; the aerial wave having thus
preceded the aquatic one by about 24 hours.

In tracing this storm farther inland, we have first the report from
Chuprah, in Lat. 25° 46’ N. Long. 84° 46’ E. bearing about N. 8° W.
228 miles from the spot where I have placed the centre on the Is¢

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1053

May,* which spot is in Lat. 22° N., 85° 25’ E, I have printed it, but
am doubtful if it has any relation to our storm. From Mr. Raven-
shaw’s table, it appears, that he had a storm on the 26th April, another
on lsé May, and a third on the 5¢h May, but as our centre for the Ist
May at noon cannot be very far wrong, we can scarcely suppose that
the impediments the hurricane met with can have reduced its rate of
travelling so as to allow it only a motion of less than 228 miles in
four days and ten hours, which is the difference between noon on the
Is¢, and 10 p.m. on the 5¢h ; when, from the gale being at East, the centre
must still have borne South from that station, reducing the rate of its
progressive motion to perhaps 40 miles a day !

The reports from Delhi and Kurnaul, however, seem to show that
the storm experienced there on the 4th, may have been owing to
the last efforts of this one which we have been tracing. Kurnaul is in
Lat. 29° 40’ N., and Long. 77° 57’ E. bearing, therefore, N. 41°
W. 624 miles from our centre on the lst May. From noon on
the lst to, say midnight, on the 4¢h are 34 days, and this would give
the distance travelled to be 178 miles per day. In the fluctuating nature
of the storm, there is much of what we might, I think, expect from
impulses of the kind in the neighbourhood of high mountains, and
when their forces were nearly expended. If we admit these squalls in the
neighbourhood of Delhi to have been part of the Cuttack storm, we
shall then have traced it from the Andaman Islands to that vlace!

There is one more circumstance to advert to, before closing this
Memoir, which I should not omit; and this is the great amount of pro-
perty which, even with what we now know, has been clearly lost by ships
running headlong into the storm; and this might, in all human
probability, have been saved, by heaving to for twelve hours. If the
tracks of the Nusserath Shaw from the 27th to the 28th April, of
the Freak from the 28th to the 29th, of the Vectis from the
28th to the 29th; and of the Flowers of Ugie from the 28th to the
29th, be examined on the chart, it will be distinctly seen, that each of
these vessels ran down from 100 to 150 miles to meet, or cross, the track
of the hurricane! while, at the rate it was travelling, and with the in-
fallible warning which their Barometers and the direction of the
wind might have afforded them of its approach and direction, heay-

_ *Thave learnt that about this date a very severe storm was experienced in the south-
ern and eastern parts of the Midnapore district, but no reports have reached me.

1054 Third Memoir with reference to [No. 106.

ing to for twelve hours would have saved them all the heavy loss
which they must have incurred ;—to say nothing of the awful risk
of foundering, which three out of the four certainly ran. If we take
the amount of losses by these ships, and that by the Marion and others,
we shall have a very large sum; the greater part of which might
probably have been saved by the simple use of our knowledge of the
Law of Storms. We see that they had successively the gale increasing
to a storm from North to ENE. and ESE. The centre of the vortex must
then have been to the Southward and SEastward of them, and their safe
plan was, to heave to, for a few hours, on the starboard tack ; when,
being always on the right hand side of its path, they would have had
the wind draw from ENE. to SE. and SSE. as we see it did with the
Nusserath Shaw on the 30¢h and successively with all the others. The
wind would then have been about at the violence of a gale, as it was
with the Zenasserim; at the very time it was dismasting the Musse-
rath Shaw ; and with the George and Mary when it was tearing the
Freak and Vectis to pieces.
The Diagrams.

As for the 27th we have only two vessels on opposite sides of a circle,
and no shift of wind, or other corroborative evidence, I have not
thought it worth while to give a diagram for this day ; nor for the 28¢/,
where the centre depends partly upon the rate at which the vortex may
have been travelling, and partly on the correctness of the Nusserath
Shaw’s position at noon. I have already stated why I take the circle
of the hurricane not to have much exceeded 300 miles on this day.

On the 29¢h and following days, however, we have several ships, and
these complications require a diagram to illustrate them, which I have
accordingly, as before, given for each May.

Since the foregoing pages, were placed in the hands of the printer
I have been favoured by Captain Pope, of the ship Marzon, with a
copy of his protest in consequence of the dismasting of that ship.
The following is a summary extract from it, altered to Civil time.

‘The gale may be said to have fully commenced by noon on the 28th
April 1840, at which time she was in Lat. 15° 10’ N. Long. 90° 15’ E.,
and it was then blowing a hard gale at NE. By 3 p.m. Barometer
falling fast, made every preparation for bad weather. At 5h. 30’ p.m. a
complete hurricane; the ship hove to on the larboard tack. A little

\ ie
Ne

Blephanta ‘iy

y
i
Pat

NU Diagram of lhe Harreane at Aeon 302 April 1840.

W, 80, 98 sbuoT

LP Falmiras

\
> \
= \
\ \
= fs 30th ———_ al
ii \ wh Belle Alliance
y
J OA /
: Xo /

Ouler circle 278 males in diameter

\ , Flowers f Ugie /

4
+) Calre 294%

a)
mh ‘
\
\ \
\ |
ena
77 | Latesgr 08 1
fi} ff
/
feos}

as Veclis

‘

L, £2098 SOUT

& Belle Alliance

ae
Elephanta

\ \
| / 4 \4 \ \ \
| | [ ; x y
|

| Late(7 223! Ae

/ ) 29k

— | — = : _ ee 7 ———— = ————$___—__
\ q A Hower ef Ugee :

Ss ~

a | } |
5 |

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Slee /
Zs Heh
/ ee /
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ES

Nusserall Shaw

WT. Deagram of the Hurricane at Neon 29April 1840
Cuter circle 260 miles iv diameter

Cruntal Lith rss_ Calcutta.

eine he

eae
doer

Binilipatamn IX

Vicagapatam of

oan
ar ors

| Masulipalary o C
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MADRAS

9) Sadras

| Pondicherry

References
A Hurricane is desegnated by

A strong or heavy Gale
A Gale
Waid variable or unsteady

PF Calonere

A o Ghilakhal
Rungpore o

Jungipore @

eN
Moorshedab: A
)
vi
(os

(ishinugur

q Centre (May

Balasove oe

f
yo

Chittagong,

. {okKhycok Fhyoo
NA

anti wy

CHART

To the third Memoir
on

THE LAW OF STORMS
IN INDIA
Shewing the Tracks and Stations of Vessels
cud probable course of the Hurricane
inthe Bay cf Bengal
27% April to1s’ May
1840

HuNnry PIDDINGTON

ie
al /
f cdl Is

OFarren I

& Cnle 27 April iio

Gruntal Lith! Frss. Calenss.

cS rok U i Nebeae emataerens| aearae %
nett i agama Kah hinge

1840, | Asiatic Society. 1059

To H. W. Torrens, Esa.

Secretary Asiatic Society, &c. &c.
Sir,

With reference to letter No. 17, from the Deputy Secretary of the Government
of Bengal, conveying a request from the Right Honorable the Governor of Bengal,
to “be furnished with full information regarding the {Zoological collection alleged to
have been made over to the Museum of the Society’’ by the late Dr. Hetrer; I have
the honor to report that—

1. It appears by the Society’s proceedings of 10th December, 1838, that the Or-

See pp. 836, 337, of Journal nithological part only, of Dr. HELFER’s collection was ori-
Asiatic Society herewith sent , : sii" u
No. 81 for September 1838. ginally deposited at the Asiatic Society’s rooms ; the Honor-
able the President in Council having referred to the Society, as per Mr. Secretary
Prinsep’s letter, of 12th September, 1838, soliciting its advice and assistance,

“generally in the matter; and also as to the separation of the specimens, that could

be spared.

2. That the division of the collection into three parts, as recommended by the
Museum Committee, was made at the Museum; and that of these, one, being packed
by the Curator and Assistants, was forwarded to Government for shipment to Europe,
for the Honorable the Court of Directors. Dr. HELFER’s part was taken away by him,
at that time.

3. That of the part left for the Society, some birds were mounted, and the remain-
der, being 173 (duplicates) are now in the Museum.

4. These duplicates form a part of those (322 specimens in all, and mostly birds)
which at our last December Meeting, I recommended being sent home to the
Honorable the Court of Directors without delay; as they would be of value at
home, if only for exchanging, while they had almost none here, and were necessa-
rily fast deteriorating.

5. No collections of the classes Mammalia, Reptilia, or Pisces, from Dr. HELFErR,
have reached the Society, that I can learn. With the birds are three skins only
of Mammalia (two monkeys and one of a squirrel), and these, no arsenic having
fortunately been used in their preparation, are in a very indifferent state.

6. This remark applies equally to the birds; but it is possible that European
taxidermists may succeed in mounting and repairing a very considerable number

of them; and in Europe they would thus last a long time.

_ As. Soc. Rooms, I have, &c. &c.
13th January. 1841. H. Pipp1neron,
Acting Curator, As. Socy’s. Museum.

A copy of the foregoing paper, together with No. 81 of the Journal Asiatic Society,
was forwarded for the information of the Government.

Norway, &c,

Resolved—That the following reply be made to Dr. Tamnau, Jun.

1060 Asiatic Society. [No. 106.

To Dr. F. Tamnau, Jun.
Berlin, Prussia.
Care of Messrs. Tamnau & Co. Hamburgh.

Sir, As. Soc. Rooms, 3rd February, 1841.

I am directed by the Asiatic Society of Bengal, to acknowledge the receipt of your
letter under date 8th November 1840, and to express to you on the part of that Body,
the lively feeling of satisfaction with which it finds itself in communication with
you, particularly under circumstances which promise so much advantage to the
Society, and prove in a most gratifying manner, the flattering consideration with which
you regard it.

The exchange you propose is one which the Society would for itself gladly close
with, but there are reasons which induce it to pause before concluding an arrangement,
the terms of which are unexceptionable.

The Museum of the Society in the department of Mineralogy and Geology, has been
from causes which it would be impossible now to enter upon, deprived of the ad-_
vantages of systematic arrangement, so necessary, or rather so indispensable to its
utility. Rich in specimens, it has been most unfortunately deficient in the means
of arranging them, while difficulties of other kinds have interfered with the facility
of classification to such a degree, as to leave the Society in doubt even as to the real
extent and value of several of the collections it possesses.

Under these circumstances, I am desired to inform you, that the Society would rather
propose to commence the interchange of specimens, than suffer you to do so; lest
it should so happen, that the value of what it would be in a position to offer, should
be incommensurate with that of the collection which you might forward.

I shall take occasion to address you again on this subject, as the gradual arrange-
ment of the Museum proceeds, begging in the mean time to inform you, that the
list you have furnished will be carefully borne in mind, and specimens, if available,
put aside for transmission to you through Messrs. ALLEN and Co., Booksellers, Leaden-
hall Street, London; to whom all communications to the Asiatic Society of Bengal,
may be at all times addressed.

Be assured, Sir, of the sentiments of respect, and esteem with which

I have, &e.
H. Torrens.

Read a letter from Capt. T. S. Burt, forwarding Copy of an inscription from the

neighbourhood of Mount Aboo, and detailing the result of his researches there, and

elsewhere in Rajpootana.

Read communications from Capt. Hutton, regarding his late visit to Killa Bheest,

near Khelat, in search of inscriptions.

Read a paper from Lieut. Bairp Situ, on the practical properties of the Galvanic
Battery.

Read apaper from Dr. JaMEISoN, regarding some interesting Geological discoveries.

The Secretary informed the Meeting that the communications from Capts. Burt
and Hurron, Lieut. Bairp Smitu and Dr. Jamrtson, would be published in early
numbers of the Journal.

1840. ] Asiatic Society. 1061

Read a letter from Major Rawirnson of Candahar, offering for publication in the
Journal of the Asiatic Society, his Memoranda onthe Persepolitan inscriptions, and his
copies of them. It was observed by the Secretary, that anxious to give the Society
the credit of first publishing the results of that distinguished antiquary’s important
discoveries, he would place the material, on its arrival from Candahar, at the disposal
of the Society for publication in the Transactions of the Society, a course, observed
the Secretary, he thought best calculated to give the record of Major RawL1Nnson’s
priority of discovery a permanent existence, while, in order to meet that Officer’s
wish, that this right should be asserted as soon as possible, he would anticipate matters,
by giving the letter press in the Journal, as from the Transactions, while engravings

of the cunciform inscriptions were being prepared.

Referred to the Committee of Papers.

On the proposal of the Honorable the President, Sir E. Ryan, seconded by the
Honorable H. T. PrinszEp, the Officiating Secretary (H. Torrens Esq.) was ap-
pointed Secretary to the Asiatic Society of Bengal.

For the presentations and contributions, the thanks of the Society were accorded.

~ a rol mbit eh Bey: osiny sei eh ve a reg,
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— ‘Ai

Fi LAF

Misapprehension appearing to exist in some quarters as to
the real character of this Journal, and the Members of the
Asiatic Society having been alluded to with reference to the
mode in which it is conducted, the Editor thinks it proper to
state, for the information of those who may not be aware of the
fact, that he is alone answerable for its contents, and for its

management.

The Asiatic Society of Bengal has no controul over, nor

concern with, this Journal save as a subscriber to it.

1840. | the Theory of the Law of Storms in India. 1055

after 6 p.m. lost all three topmasts and both cutters. At 7 P.M. wind veer-
ed to the Northward and Westward at 7h. 30’, blowing a severe hurri-
cane; Barometer 28-OOinches, ship a complete wreck ; wind veered round
to Southward ; a heavy sea struck the stern and stove in the upper dead
lights. At 8 p.m. Barometer rising, but still blowing beyond descrip-
tion; the gig blown away during the night; 2 feet water in the well.
Midnight gale moderating. Barometer 29:00; ship lurching heavily.

“29th April. Daylight moderating. Bar. 29.50.”

The Chart having been lithographed before this log reached me,
I could not place the Marion upon it; but as she must have drifted
to about Lat. 15°00’ N., Long. 90° 00’ E. at 7-30 p.m. and these lines
intersect each other; her position will be easily seen; as being about
115 miles from the centre of the storm on the 28¢h ; which as we see by
the veering of the wind, passed to the Northward of her at about 7h. 15’
P.M. giving a velocity of 164 miles an hour for this short space of time ;
while as we have seen, the average velocity for the twenty-four hours
was 141 miles. This is good evidence of the truth of our work.

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.
(Wednesday Evening, 3rd February, 1841.)

The Honorable Sir E. Ryan, in the Chair.

The following gentlemen proposed at the Meeting of the I3th January last, were
ballotted for, and duly elected ; viz.

Capt. W. R. FirzGeraLp.

C. B. Trevor, Esq.

Rasa Kuan Benapoor, Khan of Gyah.

The necessary communication of their election, and rules of the Society for guidance,
were ordered to be forwarded to the parties.

Capt. W. Smytu, Bengal Engineers, was proposed a Member by G. A. Bususy,
Esq. seconded by the Officiating Secretary.

Library and Museum.

Carey’s Principles of Political Economy, 8vo. .... rees coos coon O
Essay on the Rate of Wages, 8vo. .... sane » arels vate ote l
Credit System in France, Great Britain, and the United States, ...... l
Answers to the Question—‘‘ What constitutes currency?” &c. &c...

Presented by the Author, .+.«- cece eos swee esve Sa |
Pickering’s Eulogy on Dr. Bowditch, .... weve Pater wae ye |
Tyson’s Discourse on the Surviving Remnant of Indian Race, ...- goes yd

Memoir of T. C. James, wclme aia A Sore!

Du Ponceau and Fisher’s Memoir on the History of ae Celebrated Tieaty made

by W. Penn, Biesis eoee cece cvee woe esee pean A
Oriental Christian Spectator. New series, vol. Ist, No. 12, ele ieee

llth Report of the Inspectors of the Eastern State Penitentiary of Pennsyl-

vania, eoece oose cove eosee eves e000 een eooe ]

1056 Asiatic Society. [ No. 106.

Journal of the Academy of Natural Science of Philadelphia, vol. 8th pt. Ist 8vo. 1}
Calcutta Monthly Journal, &c. 3rd series, No. 73, fale alin ee |
Madras Quarterly Medical Journal, vol. 3d. No. 19, aise stasis amet
Murray on the Topography of Meerut, Calcutta, 1839, .... cece 1
Communication, Faitea la Société Philosophique Américaine. Philadelphia,

1840, eeeoe eee @eeo @eeoe @eoee e@eee eeee e@eeee 1
Dewan Waheed MSS. (in Persian) 8vo. Presented by Rajah Soorag Narain
Roye, eese0e enee @eee eeee e@eecse eees eecoe eoee 8

The following report was submitted by the Officiating Curator for the month of
January last :—

H. W. Torrens, Esq.,
Sir, Secretary, Asiatic Society.

I have the honor to submit my report for the month of January.

“¢ Paleontological, Geological, and Mineralogical Departments.—I have proceeded
at every spare moment, in arranging the collections most in need of it, but I have been
so often interrupted in this, by the necessity of searching out names, localities, &c.
that I have commenced a tabular index to the Society’s Journal, of matters relating
to these departments, which will not only save much time to the Curator of the Muse-
um, but be of great use to visitors and students; as if printed at the end of our
Catalogues, it will form both a summary and a table of references. This is particularly
needed by strangers, who do not know what we have been doing of late years, and what
we possess; or who do not know where to look for papers referring to the subjects
or localities, on which they may desire information. Four volumes of the eight
published ones of the Journal, are thus indexed, and page | of the index is sent here-
with, for inspection.

The duplicates of Captain Hutton’s Himalaya specimens, are packed for trans-
mission to the Honorable the Court of Directors. I have carefully compared and
assorted the two series, so as to insure their perfect correspondence.

‘¢ Osteological and Mammalogical Departments.—-N othing new to report.

‘‘ Ornithological Departments.—The duplicates in this department are all packed
for transmission to the Court of Directors; being 270 specimens.

‘* Fishes, Reptilia, c.—Our duplicate snakes also (66 specimens) are packed for
transmission to the Court of Directors.

‘‘ The additions to the Museum this month have been as follows :—

‘3 specimens, Procellaria capensis, Stormy Petrel, or Mother Ca-
Dr. T. R. Ror, ry’s Chicken.—Stuffed and mounted.

1 specimen, Diomedia Chlororhynchos, or Yellow-billed Albatross.
—Stuffed and mounted.

“*CuraTor.—1 Specimen, Falco ater, Common Kite.—Stuffed and mounted.
« PuRCHASED.—1 Viverra Genetta, the Genet.—Stuffed and mounted.

As. Soc. Museum, I have, &c. &c.
3)st Jan. 1841. : H. PrppINGTON,

Acig. Curator, As. Soc. Museum.

The duplicate specimens alluded to, as also the duplicates of Captain Hurron’s
Spiti Valley Geological Collections, have been forwarded through the General Depart-

ment of the Government of Bengal, for transmission to the Honorable the Court of

1840. | Asiatic Society. 1087

Directors, with reference to a resolution passed at the Meeting of the 13th January
last.

Read a letter from Mr. James Dopp, Assay Master at Agra, offering to the Society
a valuable collection of minerals chiefly Cornish; most of them good and instructive,

and some few rare.

Resolved —That a communication be made to Mr. Dopp, to the effect, that if he
should feelinclined to takeinta consideration an offer for his collection of rupees 600,
the Society would be recommended to purchase it, as an addition to their Museum.

The Officiating Secretary noticed the existence of a number of models of crystals
in the Assay Office of the Calcutta Mint, where they were of no use, and might with
advantage be placed in the rooms of the Society.

Application to the Officiating Assay Master to this effect having been made, and that
Officer not appearing to come into the views of the Society as to the expediency of the
removal of the models.

Resolved —That the request of the Society be submitted to the Government, so that
the Officiating Assay Master may be authorized to transfer the models in question to
the Museum of the Asiatic Society.

Read a letter from Mr. Secretary Bushby of the 20th January last, conveying the autho-
rity of the Supreme Government to the application of the Society of the 13th Novem-

ber last, to purchase certain instruments and cabinets from the collection of the late

Jas. PrRinsEP, Esq. for a sum not exceeding rupees 1,350.

Read letter from the Officiating Curator of the 25th January last, reporting purchase

of the instruments and cabinets for rupees 730.

Resolved —That the thanks of the Society be conveyed to the Government for this
grant, and that an order be issued for the payment of the amount, from the General
Treasury in favour of the Secretary.

Read a letter from Professor O’SHauGunessy of 2lst January last, applying for the

use of the Society’s rooms, for a course of Lectures.

Resolyed—Thatthe Officiating Secretary inform Professor O’SHauGuHNEssyY, that the
President and Committee of Papers of the Asiatic Society are happy to have it in
their power to facilitate the delivery of the course of Lectures he contemplates giving,
on the Laws and Effects of Galvanic Arrangements, by placing at his disposal the
rooms of the Society, the costs and charges of lighting being borne by him.

Read a note submitted by Mr. W. H. Botst, Accountant to the Society, on the
| pecuniary grant made to the Society by the Honorable the Court of Directors, the
| object being to point out the real intentions of the Court, as connected with that grant.
| Resolved—That as doubts are entertained by the Society, a reference be made to
| the Government, and through them ultimately to the Honorable the Court of Direc-

)
|

1058 Asiatic Society. [No. 106.

tors, to ascertain whether the Court in authorizing the Government of India to pay the
amount of rupees 300 per mensem, intended it as a separate grant for a distinct
purpose, in addition, and not in supercession of that made by the Government of India
in July 1837, pending a reference to the Honorable the Court of Directors; and
whether the larger subsequent grant is to be considered as merging in the previous
smaller one, because it was made as the result of the reference from the Government.

Read a letter from Mr. Secretary Bususy of 13th January, covering correspondence
with Capt. TREMENHEERE, respecting the Geological collections brought out by that
Officer from England.

The Secretary stated, that the chamber lately occupied by the model of the Moor-
shedabad palace, would be available for the collections of Capt. TREMENHEERE.

Read a letter from Capt. TREMENHEERE With enclosure, on the subject of Economic

Geology in India.

In submitting the paper in question, the Officiating Secretary suggested, that as the
best means of availing themselves of Capt. TREMENHEERE’S ingenious production, the
Editor of the periodical, called the Journal of the Asiatic Society, be supplied with
a copy, and requested to give it as early publication as he can conveniently, in his
Journal.

As Editor, the Secretary begged to state, that not only would the paper be
inserted if entrusted to him in the Journal, but any number of extra copies supplied to
the Society for distribution to whomsoever they please, with no other charge than
the cost of the paper they are printed on.

The suggestion of the Secretary was agreed to, and the paper furnished for publica-
tion, as proposed.

Read a letter from Mr. C. VisscuEr, Secretary to the Batavian Society of Arts and

Sciences, forwarding results of tide observations in the Archipelago of Batavia, during
the year 1839.

Resolved—That the civility be reciprocated, by transmitting to Mr. VisscuEr for
presentation to the Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences, copies of Registers of the
rise and fall of the tide at Pulo Island and Singapore, received through the General
Department of the Government of Bengal, during November and December last.

Read aletter from Mr. Deputy Secretary Young, of 29th December last, requesting
to be favoured with full information regarding the Zoological Collection by the late

Dr. Here, alleged to have been made over to the Asiatic Society’s Rooms.

The Officiating Curator having been requested to furnish a report on the subject;
submitted the following :—

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

Vocabulary of the Ho language.-—By Lieut. TickE.u.

GOD, Since Bonca, or Marane Bonea.

Persons, Distinctions, §e.

a man, ho or horo,

woman, éra,

father, appoo,

mother, enga,

son, koghon,

daughter, kodih6n,

nephew, hdntédét,

brother (elder, ) bad,

brother (younger, ) oonditté,

_ brothers, oondi boko,

sister, missee, (?)

husband, herel or ham,

wife, éra,

old man, ham

old woman, booree,

adult woman, ballé hapanoom,
adult youth, ballé sepéd,
middle aged man, gandee bar,
boy, koa,

No. 107. New Serizs, No. 28.

girl, kdoee,

lord or master, gomke,
servant, chittratannee,
fostered servant

\ dassee,
hired labourer, nallatannee,
peggar, koitannee,

thief, komboo,

diviner, oja or soka, ( Oorza, )
priest, déoree, ( Ooria, )

witch or wizard, najumtannee,
a Lurka Kole, Ho,

a Nagpoor Kole, Orang,

a Bhoomij, Mootkan,

without wages,

a bramin, bamee,

foreigners in general, dickoo,

blacksmith, kamar,

potter, koonkal,

gwalle (drover,) gow, ( Ooria, )
6 uU

1064 Vocabulary of the Ho language.

weaver, pial or malee,
work, pytee,
name, notoom o7 noomoo,

boiled rice, mandee,
dinner (eatables) doondoo,
meat, jeeloo,

ege, petto or billee,

salt, booloong,

ghee, gotom,

name-sake or friend, sakee,
business (affair, ) kajee,

Edibles, &c.

oil, soonoom,
water, dah,
spirits, arkee,
rice-beer, eelee,
milk, toa,

Features of Country, Elements, &c.

fire, sengel,

water, dah,

earth, oté ov hassa,

air, hoio,

rain, gamma, dah,
thunder, reemeed saree,
lightning, hicheer,

hail, harril,

frost, rattan dah,

dew, saparoom,

clouds, reemeed,

wind, hoio,

the sun, singee,

moon, chandoo,

a star, eepil,

a forest, beer,

a grove, tota,

a sacred grove, saer,

a mountain, booroo,

a small hill, gootoo,
lofty or huge rock, hootoop,
a flat rock or slab, sereng,
a stone, dirree,

a valley, kocha,

a ravine, hooang,

a scrub jungle, patta,

a grass jungle, doomboo,
a cave, oondoo,

a plain, pee,

a river, garra,

a rivulet, lore,

a spring, seteng sood,

a well, chooa ov sood,

a water-fall, dooltan dah,
sand, geetil,

clay, hassa,

soil, oté,

mud, lossod,

a deep pool, ikir,

a road, hora,

a village, hattoo,

atemporary dwelling
\ assa,

in the woods,
a house, 04,
a sleeping house, mandee 0a,
a farm house in

the fields, § oosam 08,

a hut to watch crops, gooyoo,

| No.

107.

1840. ]

a granary, kolom,
cattle pound, got, ( Oorza, )

a year, sirma,
last year, ma,
this year, missad,
next year, kalom,
year after next, ter kalom,
some years ago, ma man,
a month, chandoo,
a day, ma,
daylight, singee,
day by day, dimsee,
sunshine, jété,
yesterday, hold,
day before yesterday, holater,
to-morrow, gappa,
day after to-morrow, miang,

Vocabulary of the Ho language.

1065

byre or cow house, gow 0a
a ricefield, koondee,

Time.

to-day, tising,

last night, enang needa
night, needa

dark, nooba or hendé
light, marsal

morning, setta

very early, eedang bo
cock crow, seemko rar
evening, aioob

midday, tikin
afternoon, tara singee
midnight, talaneeda
one day, moosing

two days, barsing

three days &c., appé ma &c.,

two days after to-morrow, indree, now-a-days, nimir
three days after to-morrow, tértree, the other day, hola man

one, miad,
two, barria,
three, appia
four, oopoonia,
five, moya,
six, toorooia,
seven, aya,
eight, eerilia,
nine, arrea,
ten, gel,

_ eleven, gelmiad,
_ twelve, gelbarria &c.,

"half, talla,

_ whole, jake,

Numeration.

twenty, hissee,

twenty-one, hissee miad &c.
thirty, dosee, ,
thirty-one, dosee miad &c.
forty, barhissee,

fifty, barhisseegeél

sixty, appéhissee,

seventy, appehisseegle,
eighty, oopoonhissee,
ninety, oopoonhisseegél,
one hundred, mee sow,

two hundred, bar sow &c.

half a maund, bissea,
a seer (measure), pattee,

1066

rupee, taka,
eight anna piece, adelee,
four anna piece, sikkee,

Vocabulary of the Ho language.

[No. 107.

pice, dibia,
a coss, gowdee,
a cubit, mooka,

Miscellanea, Tools, se.

cloth, lijia,

string, byre,

a fowra (shovel), koollam,

hatchet, haké,

small ditto, kondé hake,

adze, hassee,

chizel, rooka,

crowbar, sobol,

pickaxe, saba,

hammer, kotassee,

pinchers, sandasoom,

scraping knife, katoo,

nails, médkinniloom,

lock of a door, bakenesét,

bellows, sinnipoot,

file, réta,

iron, med,

plough (yoke,) ar,

shaft of plough, issee danda,

ploughshare, nyl,

iron point of ditto, pal,

pin of yoke, samballee danda,

thong to tie yoke & shaft, nanglee,

sugger (jungle hackery), saggee,

shafts of ditto, tagree jangee,

thong to lash on yoke, chamta,

axletree, ligga,

cross bar, join- \ sambalee danda,
ing the shafts,

mud board, karra,

its handle, kaba,

earthen pot, chatoo,

or panjaree,

lota, moota,

basket, dalan,

small basket, tonkee,

battle-axe, kappee,

bow, asar,

arrow, sar,

barbed arrow, kan sar,

plain arrow, kootoo sar,

blunt headed ditto, tootee,

trident ditto, roompa,

fishing arrow, porla,

transverse ditto, sompa sar,

bolt (for a kind tonga sar,
of cross bow),

spear, chooree,

jingling staff (to fright-
en scorpions, &c.)

a stick or staff, danda,

a club, sdnta,

teneke
danda,

a flute, rootoo,

drum, doomang,

fiddle, banam,

pan-pipes, eepoo rootoo,

kettle-drum, damma,

booang (a cocoanut
with horse mic bang boong,
stretched across),

cow horn, sakwa,

a necklace, hissir,

brass bracelets, sakom,

ditto on upper arm, taré,

ear-rings, moorkee,

1840. | Vocabulary of the Ho language. 1067

ear chain, joroé and booin, float, pooi,

nose ring, koodmoo, bat fowling net, lowta,

peeper putta, peerpeeria, clap net, oé janalum,

armlets, andoo, bird lime, atta,

toe rings, katta pola, brick trap, jampa,

finger rings, tee pola, quail trap, room room,

a saree, sye lijia, hare net, kooltrey janaloon,

thread (for bind- : tiger trap (made like) koola rana-
ing hair), phindee, a huge rat trap, ) tang,

dip net, janalum, a mat, jattee,

large ditto, kabra, a bedstead, parkum,

casting net, mahajal, (Ooria,) a stool, gandoo,

small dip net, ganaree, rafters, senéor,

basket weir, koombat, uprights, koonto,

dip basket, sonobo and sonolong, wattling branches, jatta,

trap basket, jimmeree, thatch, syoo,

fishing hook, bunassee, door, doodr,

fishing rod, bunassee danda, wall, genil.

line, bunassee sootan,

Parts and affections of the Body.

the body, homo, the nostrils, mood oondoo,

— head, bo, — breast, kooam,

— hair, oop, — shoulders, tarran,

— eyes, mét, — fore arm, soopoo,

— nose, mooa or moota, — arm, tee,

— bridge of nose, mooa dandee, — hand, tee,

— ears, lootoor, — palm of hand, talka,

— mouth, 4, — fingers, angolee, ( Ooria, )
— teeth, danta, — nails, rama,

— jaw teeth, gandoo danta, — claws (of animals, ) sarsar,
— gums, danta jeeloo, — thumb, engadaro,

— tongue, aldng, — armpit, hatla oondoo,

— cheeks, joa, — nipple, tod,

— eyebrows, mét kandom, — backbone, sindree jang,
— throat, hoto, — belly, lye,

— nape of neck, serom, — navel, bootee,

1068 Vocabulary of the Ho language. [ No. 107.

the penis, loé, veins, patta,
— testes, billee, # ginews, sting patta,
— pudendum, roojee, fever, homo hassoo,
— nates, doobooi, dysentery, lye dool,
— anus, ee oondoo, epilepsy, ambarree,
— thighs, booloo, small pox, maree, ( Ooria, )
— knee, mookooi, cholera, oola,
— leg, koorchoo katta, lame, lokey,
— calf, dooroonga, maimed-handed, loonkee,
— foot, katta, blind, sooree,
— toes, daro, deaf, kalee, ( Ooria, )
— urine, dookee, palsied (he is,) tirtir tannai,
a ene poondee dookee ov dumb, konda,

hon dookee, squinting, apir mét,
— foces, ee, stuttering, alangé jereana or jer,
— saliva, bé dah, rheum, manda,
—— pus, sondro, cough, koo manda,
— blood, myoom, flatus, gassee,
— brains, hatang, leprous, toondoo bandia,
— bowels, joroye l¥e, pain, hassoo,
— stomach, pora l¥e, shivering, rookoo,
— heart, soorr, heat, lolo,
— liver, eem, itch, kassara,
— spleen, pilla, mustaches, 4 goochoo,
— gall, issia, wise teeth, joa jang,
— shoulder-blade, dowree, poma adami, oot totoa,
a bone, jang, tail, chalom,

Quadrupeds.

monkey (macacus rhesus, ) gye, hadgar koola, or mendee
lungoor (circocebus entellus, ) sarra, 9°” koola,
tiger, koola, large red jackal, tow koold,
a very large old tiger, garra koom, common jackal, kurmcha,
leopard, ten koola, . fox, tooyoo,
tiger-cat, bow, ; dog, seta,
common cat, poosee or bill¥e, wild dog, tannee,

small tiger cat, beer billye, bear, banna also baloo,

1840.]

ratel or Indian badger,
(mustela ratalla, ) na,

civet cat, sdgot, |

great red squirrel, hondeng,

flying squirrel, ooral,

common palm squirrel, too,

hare, koolhye,

porcupine, jeekee,

rat, kattia,

bandikote rat, gooroo,

musk rat, choondee,

mouse, chootoo,

ichneumon, saramboombooi,

pteropus (flying fox) badooree,

small bat, chootoo bardooi,

manis or pangolin, armoo,

saumer deer, saram,

neel gye, mooroom,

female neel gYe, soosam,

spotted deer (axis, ) poosta,

spotted eagle, doomoor kwid,
jungle eagle, booroo kwid,
kite, kwid,

great meadow hawk, pere kwid,

chicquera hawk, reechee,
peregrine falcon, beesree,
ruby-eyed hawk, halloo,
pied buzzard, tookoo sambé,
jara honey buzzard, kora kwid,
kestrel, sookla reechee,
great horned owl, doondoo,
little owl, pécho or kokdr,
‘butcher bird, charree,
Indian roller, toian,

king crow, danchoo,

Vocabulary of the Ho language.

1069

oosa ban- four horned deer (chickera), oré,

muntjac deer, seeleep,

antelope, badoo,

memina, yar,

gower, synl,

arna, beer biar,

common buffalo, karra,

ditto female, bitkil,

cattle in general, ooree,

calf, miew,

two or four toothed bull, damkom,
young bullock, boysur,

barren cow, gowee,

young cow (two or four teeth), péta,
goat, boda mérom,

gelt goat, byda mérom,

sheep, ménree,

pig, sookree,

wild boar, beer sookree,

horse, sédom,

Birds.

oriole, bocho,

hoopoo, pootamdoombee,

cassican crow, hoyan,

bulbul, cheporr,

Malabar hornbill, deoree,
common or gingi ditto, mat tongé,
blue-throated barbet, gootoor,
Philippine barbet, koodn,

great parakeet, meeroo,

lesser ditto, kéad,

common kingfisher, chooing kikir,
great ditto, liangtong kikir,

pied ditto, marang kikir,

chesnut headed ditto, garra kikir,
gold-backed woodpecker, ham éré

1070 Vocabulary of the Ho language. [ No. 107.

middle spotted ditto, gegéd,

cerulian flycatcher, hattar,

scarlet and black \ pykee ee
flycatcher,

honey sucker, sooi 0é,

duree finch, gondree,

reed grosbeak, peereed,

pit lark, soorooi oe,

water wagtail, ooree manda,

koél, toad,

myna, saloo,

hill myna, booroo saloo,

crow, ka,

Indian magpie, hoorlee,

crow pheasant, sengel topa,

goat-sucker, hapoo,

swallow, hen,

common dove, potam,

green pigeon, hooa,

domestic pigeon, doodmool,

peacock, mara,

ditto with full train, atoommara,

cock, seem,

jungle cock, beer seem,

black partridge, hendé chitree,

grey partridge, cheetree,

quail, bassa batta,

bush quail, gerred,

button quail, della door,

rain quail, batta,

double spur partridge, askal,
adjutant stork, gooroor, ( Ooria,)
sarhuns (syrus,) hoorr,
damoiselle crane, ago maree,
white stork, ganda keea,

great white egret, solong kantoo,
common paddy bird, ko,

black stork, kankee,

black ibis or curlew, raén,
Norfolk plover, kooi toopee,
bastard florikan, kenkoto mara,
snipe (jack or whole,) két batta,
painted snipe, kon batta,
sandpiper, doolbee,

cormorant, dah ka,

dabchick, dah seem,

nobbed goose, toopee hey dégé.
whistling teal, hé dégé,

girra teal, merdm derébet,
brown cuckoo, bota kakoo,

a bird, 06,

nest, tooka,

egg, petto or pbillee,

Reptiles.

crocodile, pynl,

iguana, torr,

chamelion, kaka rambad,
crested lizard, kaka,
small lizard, rété kaka,
rock lizard, sereng kaka,
monitor lizard, kettra,
tortoise, horro,

land tértoise, pee horro,

a frog, choké,

a toad, rotopoto choké,

a snake, beeng,

cobra capella, pando nagoo,
cophia, russellii, pogo jarra,
dhomun, jamboo beeng,
kerate, barra cheetee,

1840. ]

tree snake, hartoo,

Vocabulary of the Ho language. 1071

amphisbeena, soonoom beeng,

great ringed snake, sakém beeng, scorpion, marmar,

black and white
kerate, dyte,
earth adder, noor beeng,

coluber constrictor, patayan beeng,

python, toonil,
grass snake, loyong beeng,
water snake, dah doondoo,

bug, majee,

cassida beetle, roopa cheedoo,
male (winged) ant, boordool,
queen white ant, boonoom enga,

red tree ant, how,
procession ant, hab moi,
little red ant, moi,
black ant, tonto,
boatman, gowcheedoo,
water clock, dahooroo,
pipula, dah cheedgo,
white ant, needeer,

booroo gon- scolopendra, sengel marmiir,

mygale, or bird-

catching spider, dam or koola

koola baraban-
bindeeram,

jungle spider, bindeeram,
crab, katkom,

Insects.

ichneumon fly, koonkal ho,
muskeeto, peechoo or siking,
beetle, sadom cheedoo,
tumble dung ditto, ee ooroo,
capricorn ditto, hopo,

fly, roko,

tusser moth, loomam cheedoo,
butterfly, pampal,

louse, tilloo,

flea, sikoo,

tick, tickee, (?)

grasshopper, sOmsorr,

water scorpion, chachahatacheedoo, mantis, banna jye jye,

jungle hive bee, toomblee,
wasp, soorpang,

- carpenter bee, perom,

- great black bee, bah ooroo,

- earth worm, linda,
leech, happad,

a tree, daroo,
branch, koto,
leaf, sukam,

cricket, tété,
caterpillar, jepender,
coccoon, koa,

muscle, gendr,
fish, hakoo,

Trees, &c.

thorn, janém,
flower, bah,
fruit, jo,

1072

tamarind tree, jojo daroo,
peepul, hessa daroo,
burgut, bye daroo,

jack tree, ponso daroo,
plantain, kadal,

mangoe, oolee daroo,
castor oil tree, bindee,
kuchenar, sing 4,

Indian laburnum, hurree daroo,
assun tree, hatna daroo,
saul, sarjeem,

jamoon, kooda,

neem, neem,

kurm, koomba, -
taree tree, réldaroo,

tillye, tillye,

kurhar, doorlee,

dhad, heseldaroo,

gloriosa superba, bing kichoom,
byre bush, bakra,

water lily (pudm,) ty bah,
a salook lily, salkat,
mowhooa tree, mad kum,
mowhooa berry, dola,

Vocabulary of the Ho language.

[ No. 107.

keond tree (ebony,) tirril daroo,
seesoo, kirree daroo,

damun, goin yer,

gumhar, kasmar,

maize, toorpoo gangye,

dhan, baba, |

‘wheat, gdm,

chunna, chola,

oorid, ramba,

ruhur, sané,

buddee, poondee ramba,
vetch or pea, 4a,

cotton, katsom,
sugarcane, goor danda,
tobacco, sookool,
soorsoo, mannee,
surgoojia, ramtia,

tie, tilmee,

jowar, tillye gangye,
moong, moogee,
thatching grass, syoo,
other grasses, doomboo,
wild grape, ee etoar,
cocoanut, boorka,

Adjectives.

acid, jojo,

adult (man, ) ballé sepéd,
adult (woman, ) ballé papanoom,
bad, etka,

bitter, moroia,

black, hendé,

blunt, toogooma,

broad, ossar,

clean, boogin,

cold, rabang,

cool, réa,

dark, nooba,
deep, ikir,
dirty, homoo,
drink, booloo,
fair, essel,

fat, rota,
fierce, koorkoor,
foolish, konka,
gentle, labit,
good, boogee
great, marang,

1840. | Vocabulary of the Ho language.

green, gade,

gross, (fat,) dildil,
happy, jeesookoo,
heavy, hambal,

hot, lolo,

hot (taste, ) had,
large, marang,

left (sinister,) koigneé,

light (luminous,) maskal tété,
light (weight, ) lar labbar,

long, jilling,

loud, essoo sarian,
little, hooding,

many, essoo,

merry, billing,

naked, tota,

narrow, hooding ossara,
new, nama,

noisy, sarian,

old (thing), paparee,
old (man), ham,

old (woman), booree,
passionate, oan,
pointed, richoop,
pretty, boogee nellotea,
proud, marang mordo,
plentiful, poora,
passive, happa,

rabid, bala booloo,
ragged, sér,

right (dexter,) etom,
rough, kété or illing,

to admit, hoojoo cheeted,
—admit (confess,) édkedtea,

— advance, darantea,

round, gota,
red, arra,

sad, mundookoo,
salt, hém,

sharp, lessér,
short, doongooi,

1078

short (man,) toom broo or imiting,

shallow, tembé,
sick, hassoo,

slow (lazy,) gair,
small, hooding,
smooth, lebbé,
spotted, kabra,
square, chepéd,
stinking, etka soana,
striped, onol,

strong, iting,

sweet (luscious, ) ibilla or nogod,

slender, sooroo,

tail, sangalee,

thick, rota,

thick (fluid,) eebil,

thin (man, ) battree,
thin (fluid,) etang,
ugly, kaboogee nellotéa,
weak, hooding péa,
well (in health, ) boogee,
white, poondee,

wicked, etka,

wise, séana,

yellow, sassang,

young, hon,

Verbs.

to arise, ootanted,
— arrive, setretea,
— argue, epésérted,

1074 Vocabulary of the Ho language. [No. 107.

to ascend, rakabted, to breathe, roonted,

— ask, koolitea, — bring, agweeted, awitea,

— ask (demand or beg,) asseetea, — bring forth (young,) honitea,

— avoid, ochorented, — burn, rooitea,

— awake, enétea, — bury, topatea,

— bake, ladéteé, — buy, kiringtea,

— bathe, reantea, kopanted, — call, jewted,

— be, minna, (defective verb, ) — call (name), metyted,

— beat, rootea, — care, he&tingted,

— bear (load,) go eedeted, — carry, sabeedeeted,

— be angry, oantea, — catch, sabted, sasabted,

to be ashamed, giewtea, — cavil, tirree mirreeted,
cool, réatea, — cherish, assoolted,
born, oondoobotea, ——~ cheat, chakadted,

—— happy, sookootea, — climb, dehtea, rakabted,
hungry, rengated, — conjoin (2 streams, ) lérétea,
hot, lolotea, — cost, gonomted,
in flames, joolatatea, — covet, maltea,
noisy, kakaldtea, — conceal, ookooted,
sad, heatingtea, — copulate, doopooirtea,
silent, happanted, — correct, byrooytea,
sleepy, doomtea, © — count, lekatea,
tired, tagowtea, -—— cry (weep, ) raétea,

—— thirsty, tetangtea — cut, hadetea,
open, meetea, — cut cloth, changated,
vexed, mundookootea, — cut down (a man,) maited,

to begin, etetea, ookoorootea, — cover, haroopted,

— beg (charity,) koitea — collect, gemertea,

— bewitch, tengentea, — come, hoojootea,

— bind, tolted, — cross over, tarrumtea,

— bite, hooated, habted, — crouch, oogoorookoonted,

— bite off, hooatopangtea, — dance, soosoontea,

— blame, tomunted, | — delay, gareeted, ;

— boil, (verb active,) issiniteé, | — deny, kokodtea,

— break, perechoated, —- descend, agoontea,

— break in pieces, rapoodtea, — die, gojotea, goitea, —

1840. | Vocabulary of the Ho language. 1075

to dig, laeted, maeéted,

— dirt, homootea,

— dive, oonoomteda,

— dread, boroted,

— dream, koomooited,

— drink, mooitea,

— make to drink, anooited,
— drip, lingeetea,

— dry, (v. n.), hanjettea,
to drive, hartea,
— drown, charoo, Gas
— soor, daboora, Sees,
— eat, jometed,

— embrace, hamboodtea,
— emit, dlcheeted,

— emit (urine,) dookeetea,
— emit (foeces,) eeted,

— emit (flatus,) gasseetea,
— exercise, bonga ondongetea,

— fall, endagoitea,

— fall (from a height,) jewtea,

— fear, boroted,
— feed, (or graze,) atertea,
— fell (a tree,) gingted,

to freeze, ratantea,
ne cher boroléréted or boro-
cheetea,
— forsake, bageeted,
— gargle, poéted,
" gemerted,

— gather (together, ) ) hoondites,
— get (obtain,) namted,
— get behind (hide,) danangted
— give, eméted,
— go, senoted,
— go before, dirtea,
— go behind, doiatea,
— go in, bolotea,
— go out, oltea, oléted,
— go out (quench as fire,) éted
— go up, rakabted,
— gore, rotea, roroted,
— grasp, sabakanted,
— grieve, heatingted, mundooktea,
— grow, marangted,
— hang (suspend,) dangted,

oorool gooi-
— hang (killaman, ) | haeies
— hail, (v. neuter, ) harrilited,

— fight, (shooting,) toopooingtea, — hail, (call out) jewyted,
— fight (withswords, &c.,)mapatea, — harm, dookootea,

— find, namantea,

— finish, sekatea chabated,
— fish, hakoogoikentea,

— fling, hoodmated,

— fly, apirtea,

— fly, (pop,) etéted,

_ flow, harritea, dooltea,
| — follow, doiated,
_— forget (temporarily,) reengted,

_— forget (totally,) adatea,

— hate, oanted

— heap, gemerted,

_— hear, aioomtea,

— hit (shooting,) toited,
— hide, ookootea,

— hold, tellyted, sabted,
— howl, rated,

— hunt, sangartea,

— hurt, hasoocheetea,
— hush, hapacheetea,

1076 Vocabulary of the Ho language. [ No. 107.

to irritate, koorkoorcheeted, to measure, mokyted,

— issue, andongtea, — mend, amingted,

— jest, sandabyted, — mind, oodkedted,

— join, lereted, — miscarry, enda ddtea, ,
— jump, ooited, — miss, katoited,

— keep, doited, _ — mix, missowted,

— keep, (in the mouth), latoométed, — mourn, [see To muse, |
— kill, rogoited goikeeted or goiteé, — muse, heatingted,
— kill, (with a club), tam goitea, — name (a person), noomooted,

— kiss, chérébetea, — name (athing), metyted, metdted,
— know, adanted, adaoroomtedé, — nigh or near, nditea,

— know, (an pie nelroo- — obtain, namted,

tance, ) meted, — obstruct, baribakedted, kesedted,

— lag, doiated, — open, raéted,

— lash, rooted, — oppose, [see To obstruct, |

— last, tyntea hobowtea — offer (on an altar,) domated,

— lament, gamtea, — pain, hassookeetea,

— laugh, landytea, — pass (by or over,) paromted,

— lave, kossantea — peep, sangeel nelleted,

— lead, eede atweetea airtea, — pierce, ropootooited,

— learn, etonted, — place, doétea,

— leave, bagéted, — plait, gdéted,

— lie, labakajitea, — plant, beettea,

— lie down, geetee sengérrtea, | — play (fun,) oonoongted, billingted,
to light (illumine,) maskaltea, — play (instrument,) orangted,
— light (asa bird, ) agoontea, — plough, seeted,

— like, [see To love, | — point at, choondoolted,

— lime, (bird,) attatea, — poison, rédanookedté goikeeted,
— line, jeedted, — praise, essoo booginted,

— load (burthen,) gotea, — pray (invoke,) dangeted,

— loose, ratytea, atytea, détea, — price, gonomted,

— lose, adyted, aderyted, — pull, orowited, towiowited,

— lose, (victory,) kidytea, — pursue, harted, harsabeetea,

— love, jeesookooted, — push, oodoorted,

— lurk, oogoorookoonted, — put, [see To place, |

— make, byted, — quench, étea,

— make round, lagotytea, — rain, gamatea,

— marry, andeeted, — ramble, honorbytea,

1840. ]

to rape, hoinkeetea,

— reach, seterted, tegated,
— read, olsukam porowteéd,
— reap, irétea,

— recognize, nelroometea,
— relate, oodoobted,

— remember, adaoroomtea,
— repeat, kajirooytea,

— reside, tyntea,

— retire, oossantea,

— return, roodtea, dooirted,

Vocabulary of the Ho language.

1077

to shine, joolted,

— shoot (at,) tooingted,
— shoot (kill,) poited,
— shove, oodoorted,

— show, nellecheeted,
— shut, handited,

— seize, sabtea, sasabted,
— sign (mark,) ankaitea,
— silence, happacheeted,
— sin, enkated,

— sing, doorangted,

— return (going round,) bioorted, — sit, doob ted,

— ridicule, landabyted,
— rip, changated,
— rise, ootanted,
— rise (the sun,) olentea,
— roar, rated,
— roast, rappytea,
—- rub, gassarétea,
— run, (or run away,) neerted,
— say, mented,
— sacrifice, bongated, domatea,
— salute, joharatweetea,
— save, bunchibowteda ( Ooria. )
— scare, borocheetea,
— scold, erangted, gondetea,
— scratch, gotaéntea,
— scream, yewtanted,
— see, nellotea, neltea,
— sell, akaringtea,
— send (away,) kooltytea,
— send (for,) kedowited,
— set (down,) doited,
_ — set on flame, atartea,
| — sew, sooeted,
_ — shake (shirer,) v.n. tir tirlea,

_— shame, giewted,
|

— slander, cheeryted, oomibyted,
— sleep, geeteeted,

— smell, jeeted,

— smell, (v. n)., soanted,

— smile, landated,

— snatch, rapated,

— snore, hootirted,

— soil, homootea,

— sound, sgriotea,

— sound (depth), tegatam roopted,
— sow, hereted,

— skin, potated,

— speak, kajeetea,

— spit, béhted,

— spoil, enkatea,

— square, lachepedetea,

stand, tingoontea,

——

— steal, kombootea,

— stink, etkasoanted,

— stop, (v. n.) tyntea, tingoontea,
— stop, (v. a.) kesedted, dérumteéd,
— strike, rooted,

— string (a bow,) dahtea,

— suck, lététea, chopodtea,

— summon, [see Send for, |

1078

amgengamden to-
to suspect, } munted,
-— swear (oath,) sarraentea,
— swim, oiartea,
— take, (in the hand,) tellyted,
— teach, etokeetea, etocheetea
— tear, oé chachatea,
— think (deem,) adkarted,
— thirst, tetangtea,
— throttle, lingoikeetea,
— throw, hoodmaratea,
— throw away, endatea,
— throw down, endaéted,
— tickle, gérégetetea,
— tie, tolteda,
— transplant, roaétea,
— tumble, endagoitea,
— turn, (v. n.) bioortea,
— understand, aioomooroomtea,

Vocabulary of the Ho language.

to vex, atted,

— vomit, ooloted,

— wake, eneteda,

— walk, senoted,

— wander, honorbyted,

— want (ask,) asseeted,

— wash (cloth, &c.,) eetkittea,
— wash (the body,) noanted,
— wash (the teeth,) karkadted,

— waste away (the body), oosootea,

— wet, loomted,

— wear (clothes, ) botoéted,
— weave, lijjia tingétea,
— weep, raétea, yamted,

— win (victory), malyted, maddy ted,

— wither, rotea,

— work, pyteetea,

— wound, gowkeetea,
— yawn, chabetea,

Conjunctions, Prepositions, and Adverbs, &c. &c.

yes, 6ya or 4,
no, banno, bannoa,
not ov not so, ka,

none, bankwa,
perhaps, honang, derang ov tora,
<¢ Oh, that’sit? ” or
hie?
and, ando ov ondo,
“© Of course,” ando ?
*“‘ Ts’nt it!” kachia !
“* Hullo, there!’ ocho he !

certainly, batchiad,

«* Say you so?”
“ T say !” hela! ettia !
when ? chooila ? okobetar ?

where ? okoiré ? okoitar ?-
how many? cheminang ?
so many, eminang,
emindré, enté, entédo,
then, { or enété nado,
forwards, airté,
backwards, oosa,
before, airté, airdo,
firstly, seeda ré,
now, na,
long ago, moonooré,
afterwards, tyoomdo, entétyoomdo,
any one, amba,
with, lo, loté,

[No. 107.

1840. | Vocabulary of the Ho language. 1079

soomang, eskarchim on one side, kootee re,

alone, (A Sontae word,) far, sanging,

great many 07 very, essoo, near, naité or jappar,

much, poora, above, sirma ré,

then (at that time,) enbétar, below, sooba ré,

hither, neeparté, behind, danang ré,

thither, enparté, quickly, buddeete,

hence, niaité, separate, essam,

here, nendré, in, 7é, both are

there, endré, out, by, with, from, se affixes,
terrparte or terr- the whole, jaké,

the other side, \ parparrum, the half, talla,

this side, niparparrum, each, mootid,

in the midst, talla ré,
Adverbs are formed by adding té to their aljectives.

like, leka, why ? chikan menté,

a little, anga ov angaleka, ** never fear” “ there now!) |

or else, bandrédo, ** depend upon it” &e. \ joo !

To this Vocabulary might be added a long list of terms of relation-
ship, more elaborate in the Ho language probably than in Hindu-
stanee ; also a catalogue of Keelees, or Clans, into which the Hos are
subdivided ; but these I omitted ascertaining during my stay in the
Kolehan, and the opportunity of so doing is now lost. Many of their
proper names are names of birds, beasts, &c, and from their birth
they frequently retain nick-names, descriptive of some peculiarity
in early childhood.

A fem names of Places.

_ Chybassa, the dwelling of Chye, Lossod ikir, the muddy pool,
Pootoo dirree, the window stone, Roko sookod, “ pleasant to flies,”

_ Tonto hattoo, village of ants, _Syul dowree, the gower’s shoulder,
| Keead chalom, parakeet’s tail, Kattia mara, rats and peacocks,

| Hoio hattoo, village of winds, Sarjum hattoo, village of Saul trees,
| Geetil i <f i

| eetil pee, ie plain of sand, Kuduleook wa: { pleasant in
| Bye hattoo, village of Bur trees, plantains,”

| 6

|
]

1080 Vocabulary of the Ho language. [ No. 107.

Names of Rivers, Hills, &c.

s the water of | Charree booroo, hill of butcher birds,
Hackoo yam dah, 4
weeping fish, Mara billee, pea-hen’s egg hill,

‘ Roro garra, roaring river, Ooree manda, bullock’s track hill,
Oéko atta dah, bird-lime water, Ham booroo, the old hill,
Toongi garra, the clear river, Toopooing pee, the plain of battle,
Sompa serra, hill of arrows, Saél poét booroo, qo of the shot
Sereng serra, hill of rocks, comer,
Abooroo, hill of the wild pea.
Names of Persons.
Potam, a wood pigeon, Dildil, corpulent,
Loké Damoo, lame Damoo, Madkum, mowhooa tree.
Jeetoo Mangta, little baby Mangta, Ooroo, a beetle,
Sooree Lenga, blind Lenga,
Dialogues.
What is your name? Umma chikan noomoo?
Mine? Markundo. Eenga chee? Markundo.
Of what clan are you? Chikan keelee oum ?
I am a Poortee. Poortee neegé.
Where do you live? - Okoré minna mia?
In Goomwa. Goomwa ré.
Where do you come from? Okomanna té um hooilena?
From Ramila, which isin Keon- Ramila té eeng hooilena ; Keonjree
jur. ré Ramila.
Where are you going to? Okoté um seno tanna?
I am going to Seryekela. Sair té eeng séna.
What business have you come on? Chikan kajee réum hoojooéna.
Some dispute about land. Otéd épésér minna.
Where is your house? Umma oado okorea ?
In Ramila, I tell you. Ramila ré, metamtannying.
Ts your house far from hence? Umma 04 niaité sanging achee ?

Very far! It is across the Byturnee, Essoo sanging honang! Byturnee
garra parrum.

1840. ] Vocabulary of the Ho language. 1081

What is your trade, or calling? Chikan pytee té um assoolotanna.

I sow (am a ryut,) Sir. Hertannying, gomké!
What is your father’s name? Appoo’m do chikan noomoo ?
He is dead. Goien ai!
Yes, but did you not call him by Eya, mendo dio jeedakauré kaché’ pé
some name when alive? noomootadai ?
We called him Harree, but I tell Harree’lé meta: goiénai, gomké!
you he is dead, Sir! metam !
Are you married ? Andeekiddum ?
No ; I will marry by and bye. Bannoa ; owré engandeea.
Is your house finished ? Umma oa do sekiena chee?
Have you brought any grass ? Syoo um owlidda chee ?
Yes, I have brought some. Eya, owliddying.
Have you cut any trees forme? Aing nangentédaroo gingkiddum?
I'l] fell some to-morrow. Gappa eeng geengia.
I do not understand you. Umma kajee do ka’ing etoitanna.
I do not know. Ka’ing adana.
Call an interpreter. Mar, sooansee kewymén.
Put it on the ground. Oté ré doimén.
Work quickly ; do not be lazy. | Buddee pyteepe, hé! Aluppé ga-
reena.
Do not go away now. Nado alum seneéa.
Wait a little. Angaleka gareemén.
Throw it away. Enado hoodmaendameén (or simply)
endamén !
Let it go. | A ty mén.
Do not let it go. Alum aya.
Hold it. Sabakanmén.
This is not good. Nia do ka boogeea.
Make it again. By rooymén.
Take care! Boogeeté, hé !
Get out of the way. Hora ankira mén.
Stand aside. Ochor en mén.
Open it, I will see. Rai mén, nel jomyng.
Shut it, or it will escape out. Handit ai mén, bandredo neerai.
Cover it. Haroop tai mén.

Go on before. Airte seno mén.

1082

Come along, come along!

Come, get on.

No I won't, I am tired.

What? do you feel ill ?

I feel very ill, Sir.

Where do you feel pain ?

I have got a headache.

A thorn has run into my foot.

When did your father die ?

Ten years ago.

How long have you lived there ?

Where did you live before that ?

Why did you leave that place ?

Why did you run away?

I thought they would kill me.

Whose bullocks did you steal ?

I didn’t steal them.

How many cattle were there?

There were a great many.

Did you kill any man?

Did you wound any one?

I wounded one man with an arrow.

I shot twice. (‘‘ two shoots,’’)

How many were you all ?

There were only two of us.

There were only three of us.

I was there alone.

Was it dark at that time?

No, it was light.

Who seized you?

Jurryekussat’s son, Mahtee, seized
me.

Did he bind you ?

Yes, he bound me with a rope.

Vocabulary of the Ho language.

[ No. 107.

Do, do, do, do!
Do!
Ka’inga ; lagaiénaing !

Chia ? um hassooiéna ?
Essooing hassooiena, Gomké.
Okotarré hassoo metanna ?
Bo ré eeng hassooiéna.
Kattaré janum boliéna.
Appoo’m do chooila goyéna ?
Gel sirma iéna.

airémén.

Amdo chiminsirma endré tykenum.

Airdo okoiré umtykenna.

Entado chikanminna bagédtoodum.

Umdo chikan menté’m niriéna?

Goikee’ngiako, menté eengririéna.

Okoia ooreeko umkombookenna.

Ka’ing kombookedkod.

Chemin ooreeko tykena.

Essooko tykena.

Midho amba um goikeeachee ?

Okoiamba um gowkedda chee ?

Midho eeng poitkeea.

Bar myl eeng tooingkeea.

Chemin horo’pé tykena ?

Alleeng do bar ho soomang.

Allé do appé ho tykena.

Aing soomang.

Enbétar do nooba tanachee ?

Bannotora ! maskal akanna.

Okoi sabked mia ?

Jurryekussaté hon, Mahtee, do,
sabkedingia.

Tolkedmiai ?

Eya, byre té tolkedingiai.

IfI let you go, will you ever Eeng Amiéndredo, tyoomdo okoi-

shoot at any one again ?
No, I will not, there!

amba tarté um tooingiachee ?
Banno, ka’ingtooingia, joo !

1840. ]

Lying is not proper.

Killing any one is not proper.

If you kill another man, you will
be hung.

Vocabulary of the Ho language.

1083

Labbakajee do kai boogeea.

Okoido goitatabdo ka boogeea.

Etaho goikendredo, um fansee na-
moa.

If you threaten or annoy him, you Aido eranglérédo, chee boroeeree

will be put tn prison.

lérédo, endredo koid o’um,

Bring him to me to-morrow morn-Ineedo gappa setd eengtdté aw-

ing.

Do not beat him, but do not let
him go.

If he will not come, bind him and
bring him along.

Do not give him anything.

Show me.

Have you found it?

Oh, go and seek it properly.

Do it again.

I fancy you are a lazy man.

- You do not speak truth.

Take care, you will tumble down.

~ Call him, call loud.

Tell him to show the way.

I want it as long as this.

Longer than this.

_ Take it away.

What is the price of this goat

Two rupees.

You ask a very dear price.

No; it’s a very large goat.

I will only give you one rupee.

No, I won’t take it.

How many fowls will you sell
for a rupee?

Twenty fowls for a rupee.

Well ; but give me good fat ones.

imén.

Ineedo alum rooia, mendo alum
sénécheea.

Ineedo kaihoojooredo, tolkété ag-
weemén.

Ineedo chikanna alum emédyd.

Nelécheeing mén.

Namleea chee’m ?

Joo, boogeeté nam by mén.

Enka rooy mén.

Umdo gareeho honang.

Umdo saree ka jee do ka oodoobtan-
na. Deeta té kaum oodoobtanna.

Boogeeté ! enda gojoum.

Yewymén. Pooraté yewy mén.

Hora airomén, metymén.

Neminang jilling baé.

Niaité ondo jilling.

Eedeey mén.

Neemeroma cheminang gonom.

Bar taka.

Essoo um gonomtanna.

Banna ; essoo marang méromai.

Meetaka soomang eeng €mama.

Banno ; ka’inga, k’dinga !

Meetaka ré chemin seemko um
akaringa ?

Meetaka ré hissee seemko.

Mar! men do boogee rota seemko
emaingmén.

1084 ‘ocabulary of the Ho language. [ No. 107.

Hullo Sir; will you buy this Hé gomké; nee gye hom umkee-
young monkey ? reengia ?

Why ; what do I want witha Chia? gye houté ch’eeng chikya.
young monkey ?

Oh, there was a Sahib here, used Ké! moonooa gomkédo kiringked-

to buy them, once. koa honang.

That’s why I asked you. Enaré eeng koolikedmia.

I want none of your wild beasts, Enleka beer jattee do kynga, men
but bring me fowls, goats, do seemko, meromko, pétako,
cows, eggs, rice, straw, wood. seembilleeko, chowlee, boosoo,

san eengtar té agweemén.

What have you got for sale? Chikan um akaringia?

A very large rattlesnake, Sir. Essoo marang pogo jarra_ beeng,

gomké.

Take it away ; take it away! Mar, eedeey men, k’ainga !

Never let that boy come here again. Enkoado ondo missa aluppé.
Deuce take him! (let tiger bite | Hoojoocheea, Koola kai hab !
him.)

I want to sleep. Eeng do eeng geeteea.

I can’t sleep, you make such a K’aing geeteedya ; essoo’pé kaka-
noise. la.

Do not talk loud. Pooraté aluppé kajeea.

What do you want? Chikanum asseea ?

I am a poor beggar, Sir. Koitannaing, gomké !

Do not drink more, you will be Ondo do alum noonoa ; booloo 6um
tipsy. tora.

Out of doors.—Shooting Sc. &e.

Come along, come along, let ’s go Dé, dé, dé, dé, sangaraboo !
a hunting.
Let ’s all come along ! Do laboo hé !
Let’s go to Dugra hill. Dugra booroo té’ boo séna.
There are plenty. of bears there, Nendredo essoo bannako minna ;
and peafowl, and chicquera deer. ondo marako, ondo oréko minna.
Do you all scour the hill. Appédo booroo parrumté sangar
aweepé.

1840.]

We will stop the ghats.

There ’s a bear coming, Sir.

Dubro has shot him in the
back with an arrow.

This way, this way, he is cross-
ing over.

He’s hit ! he has tumbled into
the ravine.

It ’s a she bear ; there are two
cubs.

Hullo Sir, 1 ’ve shot a peacock.

_ Are there any deer in this jungle?

There are, Sir.

None now ; we made such a noise,
they must be all off.

Well ; let ’s try a little.

Don’t kill the bear’s cubs ; I will
rear them.

There was a tiger on Toongboo-
roo, last night. I heard him
roaring.

I think we shall get nothing here.

What do you think ? What is your

advice ?

Which is the way to Cherye?
Why, this is a very high hill.

The trees are all in flower, and
the water, is deep and clear.

What ? is this the Kurkye?

Of course ; What else?

The water is running very fast.

Are there alligators here ?

None now; there are in the
rains, certainly, but you can’t
see them.

Are there any fish ?

Vocabulary of the Ho language.

1085

Allédo gattee kesedkoa.

Baloo dara, gomké.

Dubro mee myl doia parré poit
keeai.

Niparté, niparté ! parrumoai.

Toyenai! Hooang ré enda goiénai.

Enga baloo dérang. Bar honking
minna.

Hy gomke! mara eeng poit goikeea.

Nee beer ré beerjeelooko minnachee?

Minna koa, gomkeé.

Bankoa& nado; essoo’lé sarriena
nirienako honang !

Mar ! nel namaboo.

En baloo honke aluppé goikeea
assoolkoaing.

Enang needa Toongbooroo ré koola

tykennai, eeng di ratanai aioo-
madaing.

Keng adatannaing, nendré chikani
o ka namoa.

Um chikanum héatingtanna, um-
ma sianré chikana’m kajeea ?

Oko hora Cheryeté sented do?

Essoo marang booroonee géderang !

Sabee darooko bahtanna, ondo nado

dah o ikeera, ondo toongé toongea.

Chia? niado Kurkye garra chee ?

Eya ando?

Dah do essoo harritanna.

Nendré do tyn! ko minna chee ?

Bankoa nimir do; gammadin ré
minna do minna, mendo kako
neloa.

Hakoo ko namoa chee ?

1086 Vocabulary of the Ho language. [No. 107.

Plenty of them. Essoo ko a.
We net them once a year. Sirma mootid allé jallum kotanna.
The large fish swim deep, and lie Marang marang hakoo ko ikir da ré
under the big stones. ko tyena, ondo marang dirree
latarré oogoorookoonako.
Where are you two off to? Okoté’ bena ?

We (two) are very tired, and are Essoo’ling lagiéna. Odaté’ling rooa.
going home.
I am very thirsty ; where shall Essoo’ing tetangiéna, okoréboo dah

we find water? namoa.
This spring is dry. Nee seting sood do hanjetiéna.
Eat some mangoes. Oolee ko jommén.
This is very sweet. Nia do essoo Sibilla.

Let’s all return home; it is get- Oa té rood’ boo ; aioobiéna.
ting late. :
It has been very hot to-day. Tising do essoo jétéiena.
I want to bathe. Eeng oranying.
We all bathe here, under the tree. Sabee hokoallé nee daroo soobaré
gé réanna.

Don’t go in here, somebody has Nendré do alum boloa, okoi do

been washing clothes. }jjia eet kidkeea.
Sikhoor swims very well, but Sikhoor essoo oiar etodna, men do
Harree dives better than he. Harree al taite essoo boogee

oonoom etodna.
How far is it from hence to Chye- Niaité Chyebassa sentea do chemin
bassa. sanging a’chee ?
About three coss. Appé gowdee leka.

Weather, &c.

It is very cold to day. Tising do essoo rabanga.

It is blowing hard. Hoio do essoo dara.

There is dew on the ground. Oté ré saparoom dah minna.

Tt has’nt rained one day, fortwo Bar chandoo iéna moosing do ka
months. gammakidda.

It is raining over Charree hill. | Charree booroo chattan ré gamma

tanna.

1840. | Vocabulary of the Ho language. 1087

Ooreemanda is hid in clouds. Ooreemanda booroo do reemeed ré
danang iena.
It is getting cloudy, and blows Reemeel hobowtanna, hoio essoo.
hard.
I hear the thunder : it will cer- Dara : reemeel saree aing aioomtan-

tainly rain to-day. na, tee sing batchiad gamya.
There is no moon, but the stars Chandoo do bannoa, mendo eepil-
are shining. ko jooltanna.

It is very hot (from closeness, in Essoo balbala minna.
distinction to sunshine or fire. )
It froze last night ; there was frost Enang needa jaké ratankiddal,

on the ground this morning. teesing seta ogé doomboo ré ra-
tang dah minna kanna.
I am wet through. Essoo eeng Joomiéna.

With a Prisoner, &c.

Did you steal Sangee’s money? Sangee a taka um kombookenna

chee?
No, I never stole it. Banno ; k’aing kombookidda.
Did you enter his house last Enang needa aia odté um boloiena
night. chee?
Yes, I went to ask for tobacco. Eya _ boloienaing, sookool eeng

asseea, menté.
Did you kill your son Kapore? Umdo amma hon Kapore goikeea
chee ?
Yes, I killed him. Eya, goikiddaing.
For what fault did you kill him? Chikan cheera ré um goikeedia?
He never committed any fault. |§ Missa do k’ai cheerakidda.

‘We were both starving. Rengé’ leeng gojotanna.
Thad nothing to give him to eat. Jometed do jan jeta do k’aing emai
dya.

He cried, and looked in my face. Réakiddai, eean medre nelkidai.
He was weak, and laid down Pé do ka tykidda, entenado otéré
on the ground. geetee enai.
6%

1088

He lay down in the jungle and
could not rise again.

Night was coming on, and I
heard the tiger roaring.

And I thought he would seize
you, my poor boy, if I left
you.

And so I killed you!

I then buried him in a ravine,

Lest the wild beasts devour him.

I went away slowly, for I was
weak and ill.

And when I had got further into
the forest, I thought I heard
him call.

And then I fainted away.

But he calls me now every day.

In the morning, and noon, and
night I hear him call, Father,
oh father !

So I cannot eat, I cannot work, I
cannot laugh, I can live no
more !

So hang me, Sir ; kill me quick,
and this wretchedness is over !*

It was a very dark night, and
Serdm tumbled into the well.

We called him, but he gave no
answer.

When they brought a light, we
found he was dead.

Vocabulary of the Ho language.

[ No. 107.

En beer ré geetee enai, ondo k’ai
tingoo rooy dya.

Needa hendiénte, koola o rétanna
aloomadaing.

Enkoola do jeedakanre habmiai
tord, eeng bagee endredo, menté
adakiddaing, koa !

Entenddo. Goikedmiaing !

Enté do hooang ré eeng topotadya.

Beer jeeloo do kako jomai, menté.

Maité eeng seniena, jan pé o ban-
nod, essoo eeng hassooiéna.

Ondo nado en beer ré bolokedté,
iewaing tannai, adakidaing.

Enté nado eeng goyenaing.

Mendo nddo dimsee ai kewaing
tana.

Setta ré, singee ré, needa ré kewaw-
ing tannai, Appooing, appooing,
hey appooing !

Enté k’aing jomdya, k’aing pytee
dya, k’aing landa dya, jeed do
k’aing jeed dya, na do!

Mar, fansee emding mén, mar,
buddee té goikeeing mén, gomké

enté chabiena nee gé !*

Essoo marang hendé needa tykidda,
Seerém choodré iew kanjooienal.

Allé essoo’lé iewkeea, k’ai gonga.

Enté sengel owliddako, maskal ki-
dallé, enté’lé nelkeea, goia kan-
nai.

* The above is taken almost verbatim from the confession of a Ho prisoner, who
delivered himself up after the murder of his son in the woods of Ooisooia in Koteguth-

peer, 1837-38.

1840.]

Vocabulary of the Ho language.

1089

I shall begin to-morrow. Bindrye Gapa eeng éted. Bindrye hola é

commenced yesterday.

onkooroo kidda.

Examples of the Imperative Mood, Future tense, &c.

You sing a song, and he will play Umdoorangémén, aido rootoo oran-

the flute, all the girls will

dance.

giai, ondo sabin erakosoosoon

ako.

Never steal, never take what is Ja emindreo alum kombooia, okoa

not your's.

Never covet another man’s goods.

Do to others as you would that
others should do to you. This
is the great secret of well-
doing.

Never take God’s name in vain.

Do not let them go to the river.
Go quietly, and peep over the

wall, see what he is doing.
Hear me well.

Ask me what you wish to know.

I speak for your good.

I will not deceive you.

Others have deceived you.

T)o not believe in false gods ;
there is but one God.

My God is your God.
What you say, he hears.
Whatever you do, he sees.

ammabeetee bannoa, enddo alum
eedeea.

Ja emindréo eta hoa beetee ré alum
malloa

Umchileka sabeehoko taité boogee
umnamtanna, enléka sabee hoko
umboogeekomén. Sabee boogee-
oted nerégé minna.

Sing Bonga 4 noomoon landa ba-
karé alum doia.

Garra par té alo kako sen o7 alum
seneecheekoa. |
Maité senketé, genil ré sangil nel-

leemén chikanai chikatanna.

Boogeeté aioomingpé.

Chikana’pé kooleea, enao koolee-
ing’pé.

Appea boogee nangenté kajee pé
tannaing.

K’aing chakad pé a.

Adong do chakad’pé kidda.

Sama Bongako aluppé mannating
kod; bonga do miad soomang
minna.

Eenga Bonga, enao appea Bonga.

Chikana’pé kajeea, enao aioom oai.

Chikana’pé chikya, enao nellai.

1090 Vocabulary of the Ho language. [ No. 107.

From his eyes you cannot hide. Aiamédté appé do ka ookoodja.
In trouble, he will deliver you. Appé mundookien dredo, bunchi-

ba’piai.
In fear, he will preserve you. Appé boroiendredo, do’péai.
Without him, you will perish. Ai k’ai tynredo, gojoapé.
With him, fear nothing. Ai tynredo, jan aluppé borya.

Believe in him, and he will give Sareeypé, sabin 41 ema’ped.
you all things.
He made you and can destroy you. Byked’peai, goikeepédya.

Keep him in your hearts. Jeeré do aipé.

Never forsake him. Aluppé bagai’pé.

I leave you; but remember my Bagé’ pétannaing; mendo eenga
words. kajee heating pé.

Fare you well. Boogee té tyn’pé.

Translations of Ho songs, &c. I have omitted. The Vocabulary

having grown more voluminous than I had anticipated.
: R. T.

A short account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur, in North Sind. By
Captain G. E. Westmacort, 37th Regt. Bengal N. I.

The recent achievements of the British Army in Sind and Kabul have
advanced our frontier to the Indus, and placed in our hands the fortress of
Bukur and the town of Sukhur in Khyrpoor, places of the first importance,
as they command the navigation of one of the finest rivers in the world;
the route by which an army can threaten our territories from the north,
and the productions of Persia and Central Asia are transported to Western
India and the ocean.

During a residence at Sukhur, in the summer of 1839, I obtained some
information about the country adjacent, which I have the pleasure to lay
before the Asiatic Society, in the hope, as little has yet been published
about Upper Sind, that it will be acceptable. The Government were
jealous of their subjects mixing with the British, and narrowed the circle
of my inquiries. I did not visit the interior of the country, and the
information is defective on points I had wished to elucidate, but it will be
found, I believe, tolerably correct.

1840.] Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1091

It is difficult to define the extent of territory belonging to the prince of
Khyrpoor, because intermixed with that of Hydurabad, but I shall describe
first his possessions east of the Indus, and afterwards those on the west
bank of the river.

The territory east of the river is included within the parallel of Lat.
26° 50’ and 28° 50’ N., and Lon. 68° and 70° E. It is bounded on the
north by the independent chiefship of Daodpootra; on the south by the
possessions of the Ameers of Hydurabad; on the west by the Indus; and
on the east by the Rajpoot principality of Jeysulmeer. Its extreme length,
measured from the Daodpootra frontier southward, is 100 kos,* or about 120
English miles ; and its breadth from east to west nearly the same.

Two-thirds of the district attached to the petty fort of Subzulkot in
north Khyrpoor belong to Noor Moohummud, the senior Ameer of Hydu-
rabad, and the remaining third to Meer Roostum of Khyrpoor. They
nominate their own governors and divide the revenues. Subzulkot is on
the route travelled by caravans from Kabul, the Punjab, and Northern
India, which pass through Buhawulpoor to Sind; and duties are levied at

_the custom-house on transit merchandise.

The purgunnah of Shikarpoor is often called Moghulee, from having been
peopled in the time of the Dooranee kings by Puthans and Moghuls from
Afghanistan. It lies near the northern limit of Sind, on the west bank of the
Indus, and the revenues and expences are divided into five shares, three of
which belong to Noor Moohummud and Nuseer Khan, the senior Ameers of
Hydurabad, and the remainder to Meer Roostum and his brothers. It
extends north-west to Rojhan in the province of Kuchee, about twenty-five
miles beyond the city of Shikarpoor, on the road to Kandahar. Southward
it reaches within about sixteen miles of Larkhanu in the purgunnah of
Chandkoh in Lower Sind, and has the Indus on the east. This district was
invaded several times by the Talpoorees prior to 1810, when Meer Sohrab
Khan, the father of the reigning Ameer of Khyrpoor, seized upon Sukhur,
and twelve years later wrested the whole of Shikarpoor from the royal
family of Kabul, and annexed it permanently to Sind.

North of Shikarpoor and west of the Indus, Meer Roostum holds the
districts of Boordgah and Keen, inhabited by tribes of Boordees and
Kuchees, who are poor, idle, addicted to plunder, and under imperfect
subjection. Boordgah is celebrated for its pastures, which nourish the

* The Khyrpoor kos is 1} or 14 English mile. “The people call it fifty kos from
Bukur to the fort of Shahgurh in the desert, on the confines of Jesulmeer, and the
same from Shahgurh to the city of Jesulmeer, and accomplish the whole distance
inten days. Subzulkot is forty kos from Bukur, or three days’ journey for a horseman,
and four for a pedestrian.

1092 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 107.

finest cattle, goats and sheep, of any district under this government.
It produces a good description of wool and wheat, joowaree, cotton, and
plenty of sakur, a red dye obtained from the flowers of tamarisk, which
grow on the banks of the Indus.

The country on the east bank of the Indus south of Daodpootra,
including Khyrpoor and the space below it, as far as the 26th parallel of
latitude, is called Surae, which means north in the language of Beloochis-
tan; and that on the opposite bank from Boordgah southward to the
purgunnah of Chandkoh, is called Moghulee. North Khyrpoor, comprising
Oobara on the Indus, and the space eastward to the Jeysulmeer boundary,
was called formerly Umeer Wuhun, and seems to have belonged in the end
of the 7th century of the Hijru, to Nusrut Khan, Sooltan of Mooltan, who ©
bestowed it as a dowry on his daughter on her union with Budr Deen,
grandson of Moohummed Mukaee, the venerated founder of Bukur.

Khyrpoor is lotted into shares among the brothers of the Talpoor
family, who subdivide them into portions for their sons, nephews, and
relations ; these are mixed with much confusion, and the same individual
holds lands in five or six different places. Meer Roostum, who occupies
the musnud, has a great deal the largest portion, but allows his brothers
to govern their districts and dispose of the revenues as they choose.
Their lands usually descend from father to son, but all acknowledge Meer
Roostum as the lord paramount, and assist him with troops in time of war.
On the birth of a male child in the prince’s family, he allots a portion of —
the royal lands for his maintenance.

Some of the districts into which Khyrpoor is divided are Se
small, and named after their chief towns. In general the inhabited spots
distant from the Indus, are scattered wide, and people call every place a
town which has forty or fifty houses.

The districts are as follow—

BOOnE, \ Under Meer Roostum.

Bara,

Subzulkot—Meers Noor Moohummed and Roostum.

Raotee—Ulee Ukbur.

MEErpOot, \ Nuseer Khan.

Ghotkee,

Roree, including the ancient city of Alore—Meer Roostum, Ulee
Ukbur, and Ulee Morad.

Khyrpoor, or Gagree—Meers Roostum and Ulee Morad.

Dijeekot—Meer Ulee Morad.

Raneepoor.

Halanee.

1840.] Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1093

Ludha,
\ Meer Roostum, Nuseer Khan, and Ulee Morad.

Gagun,
Mathelo—Meer Roostum.
Futtihabad.

The principal divisions of Moghulee are—
Shikarpoor,
Jutvee, | ones Khan.
Sukhur,

Noushuhra—Moohummud Husun.
Roopa—Meer Roostum.
Durbelo—-Ulee Morad.

Goonjaba,
Purtioor, Meers Roostum, Nuseer Khan, and Ulee Morad.

The reigning family is a branch of the Talpoor tribe, which came
originally from Shahzadpoor on the mountains of Kuchee, the most easterly
province of Beloochistan. Other writers have given an account of them,
and I shall merely state that their ancestor Byram Khan was minister
of state under Mirjan Surfuraz Khan Kalhora, by whom he was cruelly
slain with his son Sobdar about the year 1775. His death produced violent
disturbances in Sind, for he possessed extensive influence with his tribe,
and the people of the country. In 1781 Bejur, another son of Byram
Khan, shared his fate by order of Mirjan Abdool Nubbee, uncle of
Surfuraz Khan, which exasperating the Talpoorees, they rose in a body,
and having dethroned the tyrant, raised Futtih Ulee, the grandson of
Byram and chief of their tribe, to the government, which has continued
ever since in the possession of his family. This revolution occurred about
fifty years ago, in the reign of Timour Shah of Kabul, to whom Sind was
then tributary. He had endeavoured in the commencement of the struggle

to restore the Kalhoras, but was not latterly in a situation to assist them,
and formally invested the Talpoorees with the government.

Meer Chakur Khan, the grandfather of the reigning prince, was the
first of his race who obtained authority in Khyrpoor. He went blind
from age, and was succeeded on his death by his son Sohrab Khan,
who died also at‘an advanced age in 1830, and left five sons :

Meer Roostum Khan, who succeeded him.
Meer Ghoolam Hydur, (deceased.)
Meer Moobaruk Khan, (deceased.)
Meer Chakur Khan.
By another marriage :
Meer Ulee Morad.

1094 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [{No. 107.

Meer Roostum has issue seven sons :

Moohummud Husun.
Ulee Ukbur.

Mooreed Hydur, (dumb.)
Ulee Murdan.

Sher Moohummud.
Ullah Buksh.

Ghoolam Moohummud.

Meer Ghoolam Hydur left issue :
Moohummud Khan.

Uhmud Khan.
Moostufa Khan.

Meer Moobaruk died in 1839, and left issue five sons’:
Meer Naseer Khan, who succeeded to his father’s possessions.
Moohummud Ulee.

Fuzl Moohummud.

By another marriage :
Ulee Moohummud.
Wulee Moohummud.

Meer Chakur Khan has one or two sons, whose names I did not learn.
Meer Ulee Morad has issue three sons :

Kuka.

Sohrab.

Ghoolam Hoosyn, born 1839.

Nearly all the royal family dwell in the capital. The prince’s residence
is too insignificant to be called a palace, and has no appearance of splen-—
dour or magnificence. The habits and manners of the court have the
character more of a nomade horde, than a settled government. Little
etiquette is observed. The armed retainers of Meer Roostum crowd
rudely into his presence, and though he is frank and affable, most of
his followers are deficient not only in courtly polish, but the common
forms of good breeding.

From the proximity of Sindto Northern India, and the easy means of
communicating with that country by the Indus, it is strange that people
have borrowed none of the comforts and luxuries of their neighbours.
Sind was governed several hundred years by viceroys of the Moghul
empire, and has maintained an intercourse with Delhi since the invasion of
Moohummud Ghoree, in the end of the fourth century of our era. The
arts and manufactures are notwithstanding in a barbarous state, and with
exception of the silk fabrics of Thatta, exhibit no mark of good taste. The

1840. | Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1095

carpenter unites the profession of bricklayer, and is ignorant of the use of
the line and plummet. The smith can neither turn a hinge, nor fashion a
screw. The hills produce excellent lime, which is turned to no account,
and the public edifices which are at all remarkable, were built by foreign
workmen, or at least under the superintendence of foreigners.*

The houses of the better class in towns, are often on a par externally with
the cotter’s hut of India, and equally deficient in accommodation within.
While such is the state of the arts in towns, it is not surprising to find the
peasant ignorant of the common mode of thatching and building, and
though the banks of the Indus are clothed with grass, he covers his dwelling
with tamarisk boughs put together without order or arrangement.

The princes keep large packs of dogs, of a powerful and ferocious breed
peculiar to Sind, and pass much time chasing the boar in the preserves
and tamarisk woods near the Indus. They hunt on the battu system, and
sit in houses thatched with reeds, elevated many feet above the ground, in
openings of the jungle, and shoot the game which are driven through the
avenues by beaters and dogs. The Shikargah, or hunting preserves, are
surrounded, like those in lower Sind, with hurdles, thornwood, and reeds,
woven into a fence twelve feet high, and contain tigers, boars, wolves,
porcupines, hog-deer, jackals, hares, and foxes. Some of the most fertile
lands in Khyrpoor are reserved for this pastime, and overrun with accacia,
tamarisk, and underwood, which the people are prohibited cutting under a

‘severe penalty. Sometimes a multitude of peasants armed with sticks and
clubs are mixed with matchlock men, and surround the hunting thickets,
and by narrowing the circle, drive the wild beasts towards the Ameers,
who dispatch them with long and heavy barrel guns with flint locks. The
villagers are gathered together to assist in these expeditions, and view them
with fear and alarm. They are often injured by gun-shots and the attacks
of wild animals, and rarely paid for their labour. Sometimes they receive
-a small allowance of food, which is taken from the grain-seller at a fourth
less than the market rate, and bankers support the chase with loans forced
from them, and paid by an order on the revenue. They are left to settle
with the land owners the best way they can; they have infinite trouble to
collect their due, and never realize it in full.

* The great mosque at Thatta was built by a viceroy of Ourungzeeb, and is perhaps
the finest public edifice in Sind, but far inferior in beauty to the same class of buildings

in Northern India. The great mosque at Roree was founded in the end of the tenth

| century of the Hijru, by a Lieutenant of Ukbur. The minaret of Meer Masoom at

| _ Sukhur, was raised about the same period, and is a heavy, ill-proportioned column,

| without ornament. The carving of a few tombs of Kalhora and Talpooree chiefs at

| Thatta and Hydurabad is worth examination, but the architecture is deficient in
_ lightness and elegance. ;

-
iA

1096 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 107.

The princes besides keeping dogs, wear their hair long, drink wine, and
indulge in other practices forbidden to Moosulmans. They easily acquired
a taste for the delicacies of Europe, and sent to the British bazar at Sukhur
for Maragchino, Curacoa, and Cherry brandy, which they pronounced defi-
cient in strength, but superior in flavour to the fermented liquor prepared
from the date. Among the articles they purchased, were telescopes,
knives and forks, and white and coloured earthenware. Like their
relatives of Hydurabad, they have adopted the doctrines of the Sheeas;
though the largest portion of their subjects, both Belooch and Sindees,
profess Sooneeism, which is the prevailing doctrine in Beloochistan, where
a bitter feeling exists against the followers of Ulee. Though anxious
to make converts whenever a pretext offers, they do not persecute the
Hindoos for their faith, and I did not hear of their suffering cruelty and
insult on that account. The Hindoo carefully avoids giving offence, and
though not permitted to build temples and exercise his religion openly
within the walls of towns, has usually a small place of worship in the
suburbs; but he is forbidden to use music and bells, to blow the shell and
fashion idols, and a little’ red paint alone indicates the situation of
his gods.* _ The Hindoos visit the shrines of saints, and other places
of Moosulman pilgrimage, which they have endowed with a sacred
character. The Bhattees and Arores form the great body of Hindoos
in Khyrpoor. The latter are the trading class, and nearly resemble in
feature their brethren of Western India, from whence they originally
emigrated, but are more neglectful of their dress and persons, and lax
in the observance of their faith. They eat and drink of forbidden things,
partake of food that has been touched by Moosulmans, and smoke from
their pipes, and are held, consequently, in disrepute by the pure Hindoo of
Muthoora and Bunarus. Only very poor Moosulmans ride upon donkeys;
but they are kept commonly by Brahmuns and wealthy Hindoo mer-
chants and bankers, who do not consider it a disgrace to mount an ass,
while it is, on the contrary, regarded by a Moosulman as degrading. It is
hardly necessary to state that the Hindoo of India cannot touch an ass
without being defiled : to mount him upon one is to degrade him. The

* At Shikarpoor, there are many wealthy Hindoos, who have a Takoor Dwara
(Temple to Vishnoo,) and three temples to Mahadeo beyond the town walls. They
have idols, Artee and Sunkh, and practice the observances of their faith unmolested.
They say the privilege was obtained by a celebrated Sadh, who astonished the
Moosulmans by his miracles. When they threatened to circumcise him, he turned
their mosques away from Mecca, and his persecutors being alarmed at such conspicu-
ous proof of his power, to get them righted permitted him to erect temples and
worship the Deity in his own fashion. Tymoor, the son and successor of Ahmud Shah,

first established Hindoos in the town, and the reason of the Ameers treating them with
such indulgence, is owing to the benefits they confer on the country by their industry.

1840.] Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1097

ass is introduced in Sind into marriage processions, and carries the bride
and bridegroom. A great many Bhattees enter the service of government,
and fill some of the most important and trust-worthy offices. They are
treated with respect and consideration, but obliged, as the price of
servitude, to conceal their caste, to wear beards, and adopt the dress
and manners of their rulers. They fasten the collar of their chola, or
shirt, on the left instead of the right side, which is the only difference
‘in the costume of the rival sects. The mechanical arts and manufac-
tures are conducted entirely by Moosulmans; but shopkeepers, and
by far the greater part of the mercantile class are Hindoos, and
cordially detest the Belooch. They are frugal, temperate, and industrious;
their thoughts are directed exclusively to the acquisition of wealth, and
I am inclined to think the exactions of their rulers not quite so burthen-
some as they represent. They are a great deal the richest members of
the community, and contribute largely to the revenues of the country.
Meer Roostum, itis said, makes scarcely any distinction between his Hindoo
and Moosulman subjects, and is in this respect more tolerant than his
father Sohrab Khan, who sought opportunities to convert them to Islam.
During his reign, if a Hindoo was heard to speak lightly of the Moosulman

creed, or to deny his own faith in jest, he was immediately circumcised.
_ The law forbidding the Hindoo to exercise his religion should be abrogated ;

|
:
|

but in censuring the Talpoorees, we must not forget how recently the Jew
was persecuted in the most civilized states of Europe, and that in the
Punjab, and some Hindoo cities of western India, the Moosulman is not
permitted to build mosques and call his brethren to prayer.

The government of Khyrpoor is a military despotism, and if the Ameers
persist in their present arbitrary mode of raising revenue, they will shortly
reduce the country to a desert. Moosulman and Hindoo are subject equal-
ly to extortion, though the last is, from the nature of his vocation, more

frequently the sufferer. In their eagerness for wealth, the princes have

permitted the forts and public works that rose under former rulers
to fall into ruin, and trade and manufactures languish. The few who
have wealth carefully conceal it, and assume an exterior of penury, to
escape extortion. An irregular cess is levied from grain-dealers and
shopkeepers, according to the means each is supposed to have of paying,
and they are confined in the stocks and flogged if they withhold their
quota. A sum varying from two to thirty rupees a shop was extorted
in October 1839 from the grain-dealers at Sukhur, not a mile from the
‘British camp. Before the arrival of our troops the dealers never exposed
@ quantity of grain on their counters, for fear it should be seized or
plundered by the armed followers of the prince. They conducted business

1098 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 107.

in a small dark chamber behind their shops, but had latterly carried on
their transactions openly, and were disappointed and alarmed when they
found our civil and military officers were not authorised to protect them.
Espionage is carried to an extraordinary length. The officers of the
prince inform him when a merchant makes a successful speculation, and
a mechanic a superior article, and he demands a share of their profits,
which is regulated by no law, but by his own absolute will. The manufac-
turer is careless about improving his fabrics, from the little benefit he
derives from his ingenuity. There are persons in every community who
basely earn a livelihood by informing against their fellow citizens, and
to this class the sovereign looks for information. Neighbour is against
neighbour, and social intercourse destroyed, and each fears his associate
will employ the knowledge he obtains of his affairs for some bad purpose.
Under such a system it is not surprising that Sind exhibits the
shadow of its former prosperity—that the revenues are decreasing,
and yield a tithe of what an enlightened government would obtain
from them. The advantage conferred by the Indus as a medium
of communication with the ocean and Northern India and Central Asia
is sacrificed. The skilful artificer departs to regions under a milder admi-
nistration, where he reaps the profits of his industry. Useful arts are lost,
and I witnessed the departure of weavers, dyers, and other industrious
classes from their native towns, to escape the exactions of the governors.
Many have relinquished trade, and prefer to live quietly on a little, than to
amass a fortune which might tempt the cupidity of the government. The
people are not inferior to their neighbours in talent, but it cannot develop
itself under a withering despotism. Even the upper ranks are sunk in
ignorance, and possess neither the mental acquirements, nor the polished
manners of the Moosulman of India.

The laws are founded on the Koran, but corruptly administered, and an
offender escapes punishment by bribing the judge. The poor have little
chance of redress when their oppressor is a Suyud, or nobleman of the
military class. Fines are levied on trifling pretexts, and whenever it is —
possible, the Hindoos settle their quarrels without an appeal to the
governor, who, if a rigid Moosulman sometimes condemns one or both to
circumcision. In general the punishments are not severe; life is seldom
forfeited, and the principal Ameers alone exercise the power of life and death.

The revenue of the territory under the Ameers of Khyrpoor, including
the purgunnah of Moghulee, Boordgah, and Keen, is computed at twelve
lacks of rupees, of which Khyrpoor yields perhaps eight lacks. The
Ameers obtain part of their land revenue from the farmer in grain, and
part in money, regulated by the nature of the soil, and its proximity to

1840.] Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1099

water. The rate is usually a third and fourth of the produce of wet land,
and a fifth of irrigated land. They frequently alter the amount of the cess
in kind in Moghulee, from caprice rather than the failure or productiveness
of the crops ; this was not usual with the Moghul and Afghan sovereigns.

Land in Khyrpoor is classed under three heads,—Bosee or Belo,* Puko
or Pirjain,+ and Nohur. The Bosee lies on the banks of rivers and
canals, or it is flooded annually by the Indus, and requires no aid from the
water wheel. The Puko is at a distance from water, and requires to be
irrigated. Nohur, or waste land, is taxed at different rates, according to the
obstacles it presents to agriculture. In the district of Rosee, Meer Roostum
takes one-fifth of the produce the first year, and levies the full cess the
season following. Meer Mooreed Hydur, who has a manor in the same
district, taxes waste land the first year it is tilled one rupee the jureb, the
second year two rupees, and so on, increasing one rupee yearly till the
assessment reaches its maximum. In parts of Khyrpoor where there is an
uncertain supply of water, crops are valued when ripe by a government
officer, who levies according to the productiveness of the harvest. The
landholder sometimes gathers the crops without the officer, but if he
removes a sheaf before the prince has taken his portion, he is fined double
the amount of his assessment. The value of land is extremely low. Wet
land in the district of Sukhur is worth seven and eight rupees a jureb, and
dry land four and five rupees. A landholder of my acquaintance paid 300
rupees, eight years ago, for thirty jurebs of land, but it is worth more than
the average, from its proximity to the Indus, and town of Sukhur, where
there is a better market for produce than the interior of the country.
Garden land on the banks of streams, sells at from twenty to fifty rupees
the jureb, according to the number and description of trees it contains.
The mango yields the best return. The government, however, leave only
a sixteenth of the produce of gardens to the proprietor, and the only fruits
exempt from cess, are the Hubsora (Cordia myxa), the Plantain, and
Jummo (Eugenia jambos.)

The revenues and town duties are frequently farmed out by the year
to Izardars, who appoint collectors on a fixed salary, one to every large
village, and one to a circle of small ones. In Sukhur the monthly stipend
of these functionaries varies from 5 to 30 rupees. The Izardars, or
farmers, are either Moosulmans or Hindoos (Bhattees,) and are compelled
to fulfil their engagements, and well beaten if they withhold payment.
As the settlements are seldom for more than a year, they cannot, like
he reyenue farmer in some parts of British India, make their profits in a

* Pers. Silabee. +t Khooshkdako.

1100 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 107.

good season cover their loss in a bad one. To the Rueeyuts both systems
are the same, and he must pay under all circumstances the full assessment.
In Khyrpoor he is often grievously oppressed by the farmer, who thus
indemnifies himself for sums extorted by the prince. The prince appoints
an officer, called a Darogha, to exercise a surveillance over the Izardar, and
examine his accounts. He usually receives a monthly stipend of thirty or
forty rupees, and it is through him that the prince ascertains the receipts
from a district, and regulates his demands against it the following year.

Zumeendars hire labourers to till their lands, and let a portion of it
to tenants for rent or part of the produce, and they usually receive from
their landlord seed and agricultural implements. The lease seldom ex-
tends beyond a year, and the Zumeendar, after setting aside a third or a
fourth of the crop for government, divides the remainder into four parts,
three of which he gives to his tenant. The tenants often pay in kind
to the landlord, and he settles with the government in cash. In the
district of Syudabad of Moghulee, under Meer Roostum, they pay a third
of the crop to government, and a sixteenth to the landlord, but provide
seed and agricultural implements, and bear all charges of cultivation.
The prince also lets his land to tenants, and relinquishes half the crop to
them for the trouble and expense of cultivation. A similar system
obtains in a great part of France and Savoy. The Métayer of France pays
half the produce to the proprietor as rent. The proprietor supplies the
stock, the grain required for the first sowing, as well as for the support
of the Métayer and his family until the first harvest. The Métayer works,
sows, reaps; and he and his family feed on the produce, after which the
proprietor gets the remainder, (see Revenue Trimestrielle for April, 1828.)
In the lowlands of Savoy the Granger (another word for Métayer) pays half
the produce of his farm to the proprietor, mostly in kind.

There is a great deal of land in Khyrpoor subtracted from the revenues
for jaegeers to military chiefs and their followers. When the Talpoorees
conquered the country, they respected, as Asiatic princes usually do,
the sunnuds, or title deeds of sovereigns, who preceded them. There are
Suyuds, Puthans, and Moghuls in the purgunnah of Moghulee, who have
sunnuds granted by Ourungzeeb, Nadir Shah, and the kings of Kabul to
their ancestors, for services to the state, in virtue of which they pay only
a fourth of the crop and the whole of their ung is remitted. Persons of this
class without sunnuds, pay a half of the crop and half the established ung.

Some families of Sindee Zumeendars in Khyrpoor, whose ancestors were
converted to Islamism ages ago by the Arabs, hold their estates rent free;
a number of Suyuds enjoy the same immunity, and many more receive
pensions. Provision is also made for the Durgah, and shrines of holy men,

1840.] Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1101

which shelter a host of lazy Mogjawurs, who besides the allowance they
derive from government, are otherwise a burthen on the people.

Sales of land are rather frequent, and the law compels a proprietor before
he disposes of his estate to a stranger, to signify his intention to his neigh-
bours whose property adjoins. If they all decline to purchase at the
price offered by the stranger, the proprietor concludes the bargain, and
presents him with a title deed, signed by the neighbours, to prevent any
one disputing his claim hereafter.

Grain is trodden from the husk, out of doors, by six and eight oxen
abreast, and beaten afterwards with sticks to remove what particles
remain in the ear. It is winnowed in small shovel-snaped baskets of
moon) grass, and removed from the field on carts or boats. The process of
agriculture is cheap and slovenly, and two and three kinds of grain, and
grain and vegetables, are mixed in the same field. The Ameers let their
land to tenants by the year, and it is in a worse state than that of the
farmer, who superintends his land himself. Tamarisk stumps half burnt
encumber the fields, which are seldom weeded after the grain appears.
The cuts from the Indus are narrow, crooked, and carelessly dug, and
the earth constantly falls back into the cavities, and the peasant has to
do his work again. 7

Cattle sheds are built of reeds and tamarisk boughs, which are an imper-
fect protection from the weather. There are no mangers and troughs
to receive fodder, which is scattered about, trodden under foot, and much
of it wasted.

In the Purgunnah of Moghulee, labourers who cut wheat, gram, sesamum,
mustard, &c., receive two patees, or pinkees* daily of the grain they reap,
and their labours commence early, and terminate at noon, as it is impossible
to work later in summer, from the intense heat. The payment is always
in winnowed grain at the end of harvest. Women are not employed to
reap corn and sugar-cane. Joowaree and Bajree, are reaped in November,

and the labourer works from sunrise till sunset, and earns three patees

or pinkees of grain; a woman only half the quantity. For cutting rice,
the remuneration is two or three pinkees per diem. For sugar-cane two
annas (3d.) a day, and five or six pys (24d.) for hemp and tobacco; women
earn only half the sum. The farmer divides the pea harvest into seven
portions, two of which he gives to the reaper. Sometimes the Zumeendar
gives servants, permanently in his employ, one-fourth of his share of the
crop, which seems a better mode of remuneration than fixed wages, as it
closely allies their interest with his own, and they gain and lose in
proportion.

* A Pinkee is rather more than 3 ofa seer, and two Patees equal 13 seer.

1102 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [| No. 107.

The Ameers deal extensively in grain, which they horde and bring into
the market when a scarcity occurs, either from a failure of the inundations,
or the demands of levies in war time. Meer Roostum instead of alleviating
the distress of his subjects, and thwarting the combinations of grain
merchants, helps to raise the prices, and imitating Moohummud Alee in
Egypt, buys up and monopolizes the produce of his country.

The following were the common rates of land assessment in the district
of Roree on the north bank of the Indus,* for the harvest year 1250-51
corresponding with a.u. 1255 and a.p. 1839, levied in the Khyrpoor
currency.

Rubbee Harvest.

Rs. As.
Tobacco, >“... oat 455 see as hs «+. per gureb, 4
Opium, 0
Wheat, aoe ae 5a .. 14
Khiyar, RHORBER"o or + Masfur, ae 5 nae oo 12
Hemp, Cucumbers, Water and Musk Aico Fi. .—
Barley, 0

Ekura or Shumleet, a kind of iit one

Paluk, a kind of Spinach, Onions, the Ege plant,

Keenu or Urzun, a kind of Millet, soe a

Surshuf mustard (which is also collected in kind) gate
lic, cummin, anise and Wadsh or Badiyanu, ... :

Surshuf or Sirson, Moong (Phaseolus mungo), Jan or
Ujmood, and Pease (Ruwa,) are collected in kind,
(bhutaee) at the rate of a third of the produce per
jureb of wet land.

wo wowworh Fr PrP DD
ea
i=)

eel

Khureef Harvest.
Rs. As.
Sugar-cane,... atk 284 ube ie io, +. per gureb, 10 8h
Cotton, <— ae He ide ape AE . 4 12

Joowara (large maize) carrots, turnips, radishes, Toore, |
(a kind ofcucumber) Eroun, pumpkin, Kurela, a vege- |_______ 4. 8
table, (Momordica charantia), and Mehra, another
kind of vegetable,
The following pay in kind, a third if grown upon land
flooded by the Indus,.and if irrigated by the wheel,
only a fourth.—Rice, Bajra (Holcus spicatus,) Indigo,

* The harvest year terminates in the middle of the year of Higra.

1840. | Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1103

Mash, a kind of vetch (Phaseolus max,) Musoor
(Ervum lens,) Sesamum, Sure (Panicum italicum,) and
Chunna (Cicer arietinum.)

Land revenue of the district of Sukhur, on the south bank of the Indus
for a.d. 1839 :—

Rubbee Harvest.

Rs. As.
Tobacco, Hemp, Onions, Cucumbers, ... at. w+. per jureb, 5 4
Wheat, Joowaree, Cotton, Bajree, Moong, Pease, Gram,
Ujwain, Gushneez, Surshuf, and Sesamum, are asses-
sed in kind, at one-fourth of the crop per jureb of
wet land.
Khureef Harvest.
Rs. As.
Sugar-cane,... ate BE an Be “ae sae DEP FUreO,- OF oe
Warrots, * ... ate Mi ei ola ig ane G Neg
Turnips and Radishes, _... ios sae Ee . —— 3 4

The land revenue is calculated in Khurwars and Kasus, and a Zumeendar
on paying the dues to the Kardar, or governor, imprints his signet ring on
the officer’s book, at the foot of his account, as security against mistakes
and imposition hereafter.*

Table of Khyrpoor, or Shuhzadpoor, measures used in Khyrpoor and
the purgunnah of Moghulee :—

4 Chouthaee, or 23 Pa, ... ... 1 Patee or Patoee.
5 Chouthaee, or 3 Pa and 3} Ana, 1 Pinkee.

4 Patee, or 24 Seers,... ssa be Loyn:

4 Toyan, or 10 Seers, ... se bo RaSE

6 Kasu, or 14 Mun, a ca de ok hia:

10 Tokhu, or 15 Mung, ... «os 1. Khurwar.

Weights and measures used in the districts of Roree and Sukhur, the
lesser for precious metals, &c., and the rest for grain, oil, ghee, and other
commodities. The small weights vary a trifle in some parts of the country.

* The entry in the Kardar’s book is as follows:—
(Zumeendar’s name.)

Wheat, 4 Khurwar.
Government share 2 Khurwar.

. Zumeendar’s share2 Khurwar.
Government ung 6 Kasu.
Zumeendar’s ung 14 Kasu.

1104. Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 107.

8 Ruttee,... Fe aa ..» 1 Mashu.
114 Mashu,... dat ae «.. 1 Sohrab, or Kyrpoor rupee.
42 Mashu,... ate oe ental Pola,

G*> Tolas, ties Mk a cs at na.

4 Anas, or Chhutanks, ... .-- 1 Pa, or 24 rupees.

4 Pa, ue a co - 1 Seer, or 96 Sohrab rupees.
40) SCCES,) Pees: Sad fs --. 1 Mun (pukka.)
15 Muns, ... ‘i's Site ..» 1 Khurwar.

o GSeersyy ude. Li ae soo > de Dhura,

8 Dhura, ... <i ee sae?) Ah) Mam:

Land is measured by the eubit (Bootu,) Gundha, and Jureb.

5 Cubits make 1 Gundha.
20 Gundha 1 Jureb.

There are three kinds of Jureb. The first is measured by the Shahju-
hanee gundha, and about 150 English feet square. The second measured
by the Ruyutee gundha (the one in common use) 145 feet square, and
the third measured by the Imdadee gundha, only 135 feet.

The Khyrpoor cubit is employed to measure land, and is the same length
as that of India, or about 18 inches; it is measured from the point of the
elbow to the tip of the middle finger.

The Shahzadpoor cubit takes its name from a town in Beloochistan,
the birth-place of the Talpoorees, and is a measure extending from the
point of the elbow, over the tip of the middle finger, to the setting on
of the wrist, or about 26 inches. It is used to measure boats, cloth, &c.

The Shahjuhanee gundha is employed in the purchase and sale of land,
and consists properly of five Shahjuhanee cubits (73 feet); but the Tal-
poorees, to increase their revenues, have shortened it about three inches,
by measuring four cubits only in the regular manner, and the fifth to
the setting on of the little finger. This is the Ruyutee gundha.

The Imdadee Gundha is applied to Znam lands, and consists of five cubits,
measured from the point of the elbow to the tips of the four fingers and
thumb, equal to about 7 feet.

A few gold coins (Ushrufee) from India, find their way into the great
markets, and pass for more than their value. Among them are the Pootlee,
Gunga Ramee, Ukbur Shahee, Moohumud Shahee, and Sher Shahee.

The silver coins in circulation are :—

The Sohrab rupee, in which the assessment is calculated, struck at
Khyrpoor in the name of the late Muhmood Shah of Kabul, and worth
nearly one per cent. less than the New Company’s Rupee.

The Koree, or Hydurabad rupee, in which pensions are sometimes paid,
worth only 12 anas, or 25 per cent. less than the New Company’s rupee.

1840.] Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1105

When the British army arrived in Upper Sind, the people refused the
New Company’s rupee in payments for goods and labour, but prefer it now
to their own coin, which it threatens to supersede. The Company’s rupee
stamped with the head of the late William IV. is worth one per cent. more
than the Company’s rupee without his head.

The Sohrab Rupee is divided into fractional parts, corresponding with
those of the Company’s rupee in Northern India, as exhibited in the fol-
lowing tables :

Sind Coin. Indian Coin.

6 to 12 Kourees_ 1 Udhree. 6 Kourees 1 Tolee.
2 Udhrees 1 Dumree. 2 Tolees 1 Dumree
2 Dumrees 1 Kuseera. 2 Dumrees 1 Chhudam
2 Kuseere 1 Udhela. 2 Chhudam 1 Udhela
2 Udhele 1 Pysa. 2 Udhele 1 Pysa
3 Pyse and 3 Pyse and

1 a eee 2 ene yee
2 Pyse 1 Tukka. 2 Pyse 1 Tukka

51 Pyse 1 Sohrab Rupee

The implements of husbandry in Khyrpoor are cheap, and simple in
their construction ; and even the poorest peasant has a plough, but some-
times hires bullocks to work it. The daily hire of a pair of oxen for
agriculture is about the same every where, viz. four tukke, and the driver
gets five pys, or an equivalent in grain, and is not allowed to he absent at
noon to dine and repose. Two oxen are hired for a plough, or Persian
wheel, from dawn till sunset, for six or eight tukke, and relieved at noon.
Two pair will till a jureb of landin a day. The hire of a harrow (Sahur),
including the services of two men to guide, and four bullocks to drag it, is
one rupee per day, and half the sum if discharged at mid-day.

__ A plough, including a yoke for a pair of oxen, costs 18 tukke, or about
16d. English, half of which goes for labour. The items are as follow :—

‘ukke.

The yoke (Punjaree) is 2
The handle (Koor) 33 feet long ... 5
The shaft (Huriyn) 9 feet long . 5
The share (Choonee) 6
Total, 18

The wood is acacia and other common forest timber. The share is
about eighteen inches long, eight inches of which slide into a groove at
the foot of the handle ; it is shod with a thin plate of iron, fiye inches long,

1106 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 107.

and weighs a quarter ofa seer; but where the soil is sandy the plates are
only half the length, and cost three tukke. The iron is of an inferior kind,
and badly hammered, but strong enough to penetrate light and moist
soils, and there are no stones on the lowlands to impede the farmer’s labour.

The harrow is either a circular or flat beam of heavy wood roughly
shaped with the axe, and costs one rupee. It measures about eight feet
long, twelve inches wide, and six deep, and is drawn by four bullocks
harnessed to ropes.

For digging fields, wells, and canals, the people use a large iron hoe with
a handle two feet long, which costs two rupees. The iron weighs two seers,
and is beaten into a surface twelve inches long and nine wide. This and
the common axe are used to clear waste land; the pick-axe is unknown.
Burnt sticks and grass are almost the only materials used for manure.

The peasant weeds his land with a Rumbo, or broad chisel of iron, similar
to the Khoorpu used in India to dig the roots of grass. It costs either two
anas or two tukke. The reaping hook is filled with small sharp teeth
set edgewise, and costs two anas. A wooden fork of five or six prongs, two
feet long, is used to collect the stalks of grain and briers for hedges.

The other articles that remain to be noticed are, a square basket to
hold grain and food for cattle, fabricated by sweepers (Shekhree) of the
stalk of moonj grass, and sold at two tukke each; two or three shallow
baskets, shaped like an English dust-shovel, for winnowing grain, made of
the same material as the above, and worth an ana each; and a small
wooden rake and hoe for collecting the seed and grain stalks, worth
together about two tukke.

Water is raised to irrigate land by the Persian wheel, worked by one or
two oxen, or a camel, blindfolded, to prevent their shying; and a rude
awning of boughs is built over the well to screen the driver from the sun.
Sometimes the charge of the cattle is delegated to a woman, who sits like
the man behind the yoke, with her legs doubled up, and urges forward the
sluggish animals with a shrill cry and a whip of tamarisk twigs.

There are sometimes a dozen wells on a farm, and the same results
might be obtained from half the number properly managed. The Lut,
or beam, that connects the wheels with the ladder, is laid on the ground
instead of under it, which subjects it to friction, and retards the bullocks
who step over it at each revolution. Hemp and moonj rope are rarely
procurable in the hamlets, and the peasant fastens the water jars to the
ladder with flags and date leaves, which he gathers and twists himself.
They are constantly broken and displaced by the loosening of the ties, and
jars are seldom at hand to supply deficiences. The narrow broken troughs
which conduct water to the fields allow much of it to escape, and another

1840.] Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1107

evil is the encroachment of the river, which undermines the scaffolding of
the wheel, and compels the farmer to remove it to a new site.

A pair of bullocks perform a revolution in 15 or 18 seconds. A ladder
holds thirty jars, each containing from 24 to 3 quarts of water. On an
average they reach the top of a well three parts full, and an eighth of
their contents is lost from defects in the troughs and machinery. The
discharge per minute never exceeds fifty or sixty gallons.

A Persian wheel cannot usually be set in motion for less than sixty
rupees. The machinery is worth about twenty-five, but in districts where
wood is plenty and cut on the estate, it can be made for sixteen or twenty
rupees; the earth pots for raising water cost two rupees a hundred, and a
pair of bullocks thirty rupees.

The cost of a wheel in the districts of Roree and Sukhur is as follows :—

Rs. The.
The two wheels (chukur) which revolve at right angles, ... ... 15 0
(Where wood is plentiful 10 and 12 rupees.) /
The kanjur, a cross beam eighteen feet long, raised seven feet

from the ground on the trunks of date trees. It receives the

pivot of the horizontal wheel, and the oxen pass beneath it, ... 2 0
The driver’s seat (guddee) aplank ten feet long fixed to the pivot,

and inclined downwards, ... ih rr ald MA a) SSP ee
The ut, a circular beam resting on the ground, and connecting va
vertical wheel with the ba-ir, which it helps to support ... ... 2 8

The ba-ir or water wheel, about 33 feet wide, and 6 feet in diame-
ter. A ladder (mal) made of date leaves, passes over it and
holds from thirty to forty earthen pots (keengur.) <A principal
defect of the wheel might be cured by making the jars thicker,
and glazing them, which would prevent the water escaping
through the pores, and by separating the jars by a band of
rope or mat, the breakage that constantly occurs by their falling
on each other would be prevented.

The parch, or trough, five feet long, made of half the seat set

of a date tree, to receive the water from the pots, eel 0 13
The nesur, a second trough of date wood twelve feet long, swhicly

conducts the water from the parch to the field. ... a egies ae is |

In addition to the above there are six timbers which support the troughs
and water wheel. aid ie bv

The machinery is entirely wood, and those parts of which n eed ananice
the cost, are cut in the farm or forest by servants or hired labourers,
and shaped free of charge by the carpenter who contracts to repair the wheel.

The hire of men to cut the wood is about. ee st See O

1108 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 107.

The farmer usually contracts with a potter by the year to supply his
wells with pots, and remunerates him with a share of the crop. A Zu-
meendar of an ancient Mogul family who owns 140 jurebs of land at
Sukhur, pays the potter as follows :—

For every well in a sugar field, two rupees and seven tukke, and one
seer of goor (molasses) per jureb at each harvest. The same for a
jureb of cotton and tobacco, excepting that he gives a seer of dry tobacco
and uncleaned cotton, instead of goor.

For a well in fields of wheat and joowaree, without reference to the
number of jurebs, seven tukke and twenty-five seers of grain each harvest.
For these sums the potter also supplies the Zumeendar with pots for
domestic use.

The length of the well-ladder, and number of pots, depends of course
on the distance the water is lifted. The pots are a few inches apart, and
if a well is constantly worked, are replaced six or seven times in a year.

The carpenter contracts for a well on the same terms as the potter,
and repairs the machinery each harvest for two rupees and seven tukke,
and a seer of grain, or whatever is grown on the farm.

The cost of digging a cut or well (kooh) is five rupees in the Rubbee
harvest, and two in the Khureef. The rise of the Indus makes the dif-
ference in favour of the last, and often renders a shaft unnecessary.
None of the wells in Khyrpoor are faced with masonry, and when the
soil is light and liable to injury, a well is sometimes re-made four times
in a year: it is impossible to repair an imroad of the river, and the
farmer always removes the wheel to a fresh site.

A pair of well-bullocks cost rupees 30, a very fine pair rupees 40,
and an indifferent pair 15. Two pair will keep a wheel in motion from day-
light till dusk, and are relieved at noon. Where a farm has only one
well, it is worked all night, summer and winter, and the water jars
are renewed every month. In Daodpootra three pair of bullocks are
employed on a well in the day, and the same number at night. In
the Delhi territory, and other parts of Northern India, bullocks are
never worked at night ;* a pair labour all day and are allowed an hour or
two at noon to feed and repose. They are stronger and better fed
than those on the banks of the Indus, and the labour of lifting water is less
constant and severe in the Indian wells than Persian wheel, but the discharge
of water is only one half. The peasants of Hindoostan give their
labouring cattle oil cake and 13 seer of urhur (pulse or barley) a day ; or

* I have however frequently observed the contrary with sugar lands in the upper:
Doab.

1840.] Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1109

double the quantity of cotton seed. Cattle on the banks of the Indus are
subsisted on grain stalks.

The bullock-driver in Khyrpore gets five pys a day, and a boy only
three pys (10 shillings, and 3s. 5d. a month). He works from morning
till night, and eats his meals when he can, and frequently falls a sleep
from fatigue, in his master’s absence. Some Zumeendars hire bullocks
for wells at two tukkes each per diem.

A tenant pays his landlord six rupees a harvest for the use of a wheel,
calculated as follows :—

Rs. As.
The two wheels (chukur ), .....c.00 sesecscsoees 4 0
lag eK ayy Sayeed Hose taki. a denddader sas eeabaicare 0 8
Mee Mildae 2tierd al daa. oiins lecnaleide singe Sele ova sades 0 8
Me, Drivers Seats: is cece ohh. oes udteonscsaeeses's 0 4
he, Parch trou hy, jai ives sri edsn sdelsnewsviacdacssinn 0 4
Mies Nes Wty GOUGH... <ccsewssatearmaageagcdaceods 0 8

Orn

The tenant is at the charge of feeding and keeping the bullocks, and in
some instances repairs the wheel.

The small quantity of rain that falls in Sind, makes it almost needless to
store grain. The farmer heaps it in the air in a high and dry situation,
digs a trench round it, to drain off rain, and covers it with two or three
layers of mats made of gondlee, a kind of reed. He adds a compost of clay
and. chaff, which he beats into a cake, and smooths with his hands. A heap
(pullee) plastered with cow-dung, will bear the weight of a horseman, and
lasts several years. I saw their power to resist water at Sukhur in July
1839, where some heaps were exposed to remarkably heavy rain for two
days without suffering injury.

The peasants of Moghulee purgunnah, where date trees are plentiful,
cover their grain with mats made of the leaves, and to give additional
strength to the heaps, sometimes put a second covering of mats of the peel
of moonj grass, and over them one or two coats of clay and chopped straw.
Grain is thus preserved in situations where there are no means of
transporting it to the markets, and on the banks of rivers and canals
where the people inhabit temporary huts. But the farmer transports
his grain, whenever it is possible, to the mud floor of his cottage, which
is smeared with cow-dung, but has neither mats nor carpet, and spreads
it in the sun, five or six times a year to expel the weevils which would
otherwise destroy it in a few months. Wheat, rice, chunna (Cicer arie-
tinum), bajra (Holcus spicatus) and moong (Phaseolus mungo) will keep in

1110 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 107.

the air for three years, but the heaps are opened once in twelve
months to preserve them from insects. Joowaree (maize) and pease
are more liable to be injured by weevil than wheat, and will not keep
beyond twelve or eighteen months in the air.

Grain is also preserved out of doors in circular jars (goondee) of sun-
dried earth, capable of holding from eighty to twelve hundred pounds, and
taken out once a year, through a hole near the bottom of the jar, and
exposed a few days in the sun. A small quantity is kept in houses for
daily use in jars of sun-baked earth.

Khyrpoor produces all the grains and pulse common to India. Wheat
and joowaree are the staple, and belong to different harvests, and are
consumed in nearly equal quantities. The district of Roopa in Moghulee,
produces fine crops of joowaree and barley, and bajree and moong are next
to these the most common grains. Roree and Sukhur produce rice, but
Chandkoh, and the country south of it, yield the largest quantity of any
' district in north Sind. Chunna (gram) is collected in kind. The land
owners usually reserve their share of the crop for their cattle, and all that
finds its way to the market belongs to government. Indigo is chiefly
grown in the districts of Kyrpoor and Oobaro, and is the only dye used by
the lower classes for their trowsers and turbans. It is inferior in quality to
that of Bengal, but considerably cheaper. Sukhur and the village of
Kundura, four kos from Roree, are considered to produce tobacco equal in
quality to any in the province, but it undergoes no preparation beyond
exposure to the sun, and is dry and distasteful to the native of India.
Gotkee is famed for the quality of its opium, which fetches double the price
of that raised at Shikarpoor and elsewhere. The sugar-cane of the villages
of Ubdo and Napur, between Sukhur and Shikarpoor, has an excellent
character, and it is cultivated pretty generally throughout the province, but
is inferior to the produce of northern India and the Punjab. Sugar-candy
of an impure colour is manufactured at Khyrpoor and Roree. Large
quantities of poppy and garlic are grown at the Biriyah Loh in the district
of Khyrpoor, and hemp at Sukhur and elsewhere. Plenty of good cotton is —
raised in the northern part of Khyrpoor, and in the little district of .
Shahbelo, two kos north of Sukhur. It is one of the most important
products, and supplies the inhabitants with clothing. Looms are estab-
lished in all the principal places, but the quantity grown is not equal
to the demand, and a good deal of the raw and manufactured material
is imported.

Dry land (puko) intended to receive cotton, is watered before ploughing,
and every four or five days afterwards till the crop is gathered. Wet land
(bosee) is not irrigated, and the plough is passed over it three or four times,

1840.] Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. Wi

and five and six times over puko land. A square beam of heavy wood
serves for a harrow, and is drawn over the last as often as the plough, but
bosee is only harrowed twice. The farmers of Moghulee purgunnah never
manure land, but weed it when the sprout is a span high, and again when
it has reached the height of four feet, at the same time they move the soil
with a hoe, and throw it up round the roots to nourish and give them
vigour. The seed is sown in April, and the produce gathered in July.
The plant is often left in wet land till the following year, and yields a
second crop in May. It is generally of inferior quality to the produce of
India, but better than that of lower Sind. The gathering season lasts alto-
gether three months, but reapers attend only once or twice a week, as the
pods do not open in sufficient numbers to require their presence oftener.
The crop depends on the swell of the river. A jureb of bosee land yields
five muns of clean cotton, anda return of forty rupees after paying all
expenses: after deducting from this the government tax, amounting to a
fourth, it reduces the net profit of the cultivator to thirty rupees. Dry land
yields two and a half muns of cotton per jureb, and return of thirty rupees
after deducting the cost of labour, but government take a fifth, and leave
the cultivator twenty-five rupees. Black soil is scarce, and considered
rather better for cotton than puko land. It requires to be constantly
watered, and yields about two muns of clean cotton per jureb, seldom three
muns. Bosee cotton with seeds in it loses two parts.in cleaning, and puko
cotton one-third, but their quality and price are the same. Three and
three and half seers were sold in 1838 for a rupee, and three seers in 1839,
but a sixth less ifa purchaser took the pick ofthe warehouse. From twenty
to twenty-five seers of seed (wounuh) sold for the same money. Labourers
in cotton fields get an eighth or ninth of what they collect, which is a good
plan to stimulate their exertions. Some farmers give them only a sixth
of the harvest after the first gathering.
There are a great variety of greens and spinach, and among the herbs
eaten as vegetables that grow spontaneously, are purslain, and a species of
amaranthus. The gardens produce carrots, turnips, radishes, onions,
cucumbers, and several kinds of pumpkins, the egg-plant (bangun,) three
kinds of bean, pease, kurela (Momordica,) turnee, and mujoon, or dil
_pusund. The leaves of the carrot, mustard, and pea (until the pulse forms)

are eaten, and the root of the lotus (Neerapur), which covers the lakes and
marshes. Sesamum, capsicum, garlic, and turmeric abound, and the last is
used as adye. Among the varieties of spinach are chooka, pullee, thoon,
- mohra, loonuk, mureera, methee, paluk, and the leaves of the ekra tree.

The fruits are—the date, mangoe, plantain, pomegranate, apple, grape,

| lime, citron, fig, apricot, water and musk melon, pistachio, and keora

Law A

i Cc

1112 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. {No. 107.

nuts, several ‘kinds of wild plum, the tamarind, &e. Khyrpoor produces
two kinds of pomegranate: the best is full of large, white, juicy seeds,
and grows abundantly in the gardens of Roree, and at Ghotkee in north
Khyrpoor. The other kind is made into an acid shurbut, and the seeds
are dried and sold to poor people who cannot afford to purchase mangoes,
and form pickle with the addition of salt, dhuniyu, capsicums, and co-
coanuts. Unripe grapes are used for the same purpose. The flowers of
pomegranate are employed to dye leather for shoes and water bags.
A refreshing beverage is prepared from Keora flowers. The grape of
Khyrpoor is small and acid, and the only good kind procurable in the
country comes from Kabul and Persia. The apricots are small, hard,
and insipid, and the apples are a little bigger than crab apples, and rather
less acid.

Khyrpoor yields plenty of dates, and they form part of the food of the
lower classes, who obtain a strong spirit from the juice by distillation. By
far the largest quantity are at Shikarpoor and Bukur. The gardens on
the banks of the Indus at Bukur, and several miles below it, are a delight-
ful relief to the eye after the endless tamarisk woods of the lower Indus,
and rival the cocoanut groves of Bengal in beauty of foliage. The fruit is,
however, very inferior in size and flavour to the Arabian and Egyptian
date, though it surpasses the spurious kind of Northern India. The tree
emits, after rain, a disagreeable smell, and the leaves that fall into water
charge its colour in a few hours to a deep green, like that of a stagnant
pool, and are said to render it poisonous. The Kiya, a reddish coloured
maggot, about half an inch long, is born in the tree, and destroys the fruit;
the people apply fire to the outer crust of the stem, which is about three
quarters of an inch thick, and burn the coronet ofleaves, where the insects
breed. This severe treatment is seldom fatal to a tree situated in good
soil: the leaves appear in about a month, and fruit in the usual course, and
the tree is cut down if it does not recover soon after the period mentioned.
The date is not irrigated, but low situations on the banks of rivers where
the floods deposit a rich clay and fine loam are most favourable to its
growth, and not one in a hundred trees that are burnt perish, but from five
to ten per cent. in sterile soils. If rain falls on the date when nearly ripe,
it completely destroys the flavour, which happened in 1839. The harvest
begins about the middle of June, and terminates from the seventh to the
fifteenth of August, when the people consider the hot season at an end, and —
the weather becomes perceptibly cooler.

Dates are of four kinds, distinguished by their colour, shape, and flavour:
one is a pale yellow, a second a dark brown, a third light purple, and a
fourth a deep purple hue. The brown kind is the largest and best. The

1840. } Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1113

wholesale price in Roree of a mun of prime quality at harvest time is two
rupees, but one, and even two muns of inferior dates are sold for half the
money. From Rs. 1% to 2} are usually paid for a mun in the bazar during
harvest, but the price doubles after they are dried and pressed, and ad-
vances progressively. At Shikarpoor hey are more plentiful than at Roree,
and sell for about half the price.

The date is extremely heating if eaten in any quantity. Five or six days
exposure to a bright sun are sufficient to dry them, and the peasants
remove them to their huts in circular baskets (pinda) made of date leaves
or tamarisk boughs, each containing about forty-five seers, and tread them
into a solid mass. The fruit will not keep beyond twelve months, in
consequence of the ravages of small maggots, called siya and soosra.

The date is raised from seed, and sends forth many shoots from the foot
of the stem. July and August are the best season for sowing seed,
but it is put in the ground as late as October, and springs up in about
a month. The tree bears fruit the third year in good moist land, but
takes four or five years to come to maturity in salt sterile soils. A fine
tree favourably situated, yields sometimes three muns of fruit, which is the
maximum ; a bad one not a third of the quantity ; a jureb containing from
eighty to a hundred trees, yields, qn an average, a return of 320 rupees, but
government only leave the cultivator 20 rupees, or 1-16th, andlevy a duty of
twenty pys on every mun of fruit exported to foreign countries, and
carried for sale to other parts of Khyrpoor.

The people assert there are trees at Sukhur and Rooree two hundred
years old, but probably no part of the original stems remain; they use
the wood for door-posts, pillars, and water wheels, but never in the roofs
of houses. Insects destroy the core, leaving it to appearance, perfectly
sound, and it is not considered to last beyond five, or at the most, eight
years. The English at Sukhur, either from ignorance of this circumstance,
or the difficulty of procuring timber suitable for building, have converted
the date into rafters. Trees are felled only when they give bad fruit,
or have done bearing, and are worth from six to thirty anas, according

to size.
(To be continued. )

1114

A cursory Notice of Nayakote. By B. H. Hopeson, Esq. Resident at
the Court of Nepal.

Nayakote, or the hither Nayakote as it is often called, to distinguish
it from Nayakote of the Choubisi, is the name of a petty town and
district lying WNW. seventeen miles from Cathmandoo, by the high
road to Gorkha. The town (so to speak) is situated at the northern
extremity of the district, upon a spur descending south-westerly from
mount Dhaibung, or Jebjibiar, at about a mile distant from the river
Trisool on the west, and the same from the river Tadi, or Surajmatti,
on the south and east. The town consists of from 60 to 100 pukka
three-storied houses, in the Chinese style of Cathmandoo, chiefly own-
ed by the court and chiefs; of a durbar, called the upper, to distin-
guish it from the lower one on the banks of the Tadi, and of a temple
to Bhairavi, all in the like style of architecture. The town forms only
a single street, lying in an indentation on the crest of the ridge, and
is consequently not visible from below on any side, though the durbar
and temple, from being placed higher, are so partially. Nayakote, up
to the late war with the English, was the winter residence of the pre-
sent dynasty of Nepal: but as the situation of the town is bleak and
uncomfortable at that season, the court and chiefs then usually resided |
in mansions still standing at the base of the hill towards the Tadi, but
now a good deal dilapidated like the town residences, owing to the
court having been stationary at Cathmandoo since 1813. The dis-
trict, like the edifices of the great, bears marks of neglect, which are the
more palpable by reason of a considerable portion of it being devoted to
gardens and orchards, the property in a great measure of the owners of
those edifices. The elevation of the town above the level of the Trisool
must be from 800 to 1,000 feet, and the effect of this elevation in con-
cealing it is aided on the side towards the Tadi by a fine forest of saul
trees occupying the whole declivity. On other aspects the saul trees,
inherent to the whole site, are reduced to scrubby brush-wood by
perpetual injudicious cutting and defoliation, the leaves being used as
plates to eat from, and being perpetually carried to Cathmandoo for
sale there. This ridge has a soil of a deep red clay, and its general
form is rounded, but broken by deep ruts and ravines in most direc-
tions. Towards the Trisool west, and towards the Tadi south and

1840, | A cursory Notice of Nayakote. 1115

east, the declivity of the ridge of Nayakote is precipitous ; but towards
the junction of the two streams, in a south-westerly direction, the
hill falls off more gently, and about a mile and a half below the
town, spreads into an undulating plain, which occupies almost the
whole space between the rivers to their junction, and the ridge on which
the town stands. This tract may be represented as a nearly equi-
lateral triangle, two of the sides of which are formed by the rivers, and
the third by the ridge. This triangle is a plain, exclusive of the declin-
ing spur of the ridge—and is an elevated plain, exclusive of that north-
easterly angle lying on either side the Tadi, towards, and to its junc-
tion with the Sindhu at the base of Bhaloo Danra. This north-east
corner is on the level of the rivers, the rest are variously from 1 to 400
feet above their level ; and together they constitute the chief part and
body, as it were, of the lowland district of Nayakote, the rest, or legs
(so to speak with some aptness) of the district, being the glens of the
Tadi and of the Sindhu as far upwards, respectively, as the confluence °
of the Likhoo, and the base of Burmandee. The mountain ridges
enclosing the district of Nayakote, as above defined, are, beginning
with the Nayakote ridge itself, and circling east back again to it—-Maha
Mandal, Nerja (north of Tadi), Kabilas (dividing the Tadi and the
Likhoo), Bhaloo (dividing the Likhoo and the Sindhu), Dang-mai or
Burmandee, Madompoor, and.Ghoor (enclosing the glen of the Sindhu
on the south), Belkote (carrying on the same southern barrier down
the Tadi to Devi Ghaut), Jhiltoong (below the ghaut, but still
on the south of the river), Phirkiab (opposite to Jhiltoong on the
north of, and across the river), and Gowri and Samari-bhanjang
(running northerly up the Trisool to the Sunga, or bridge at Khin-
chat), where we complete the circuit by linking the last to the
Nayakote ridge, the two in that spot pressing close on either bank of
the river. With regard to size, if we speak of this tract as a whole,
it will not be easy to be at once precise and distinct ; but we may observe
in regard to the body of the district inclusive of the north-east corner
on the low level, that from Devi Ghaut direct, up the Trisool to the
Sunga at Khinchat, the length is four miles, by the road five miles; from
Devi Ghaut to the town of Nayakote from four to five miles through the
_ middle of the elevated portion of the district ; from Devi Ghaut up the
- Tadi to its junction with the Sindhu, four miles; and the same from the

1116 A cursory Notice of Nayakote. 3 [ No. 107.

latter point to Khinchat across the base of the triangle, from the Tadi
to the Trisool, again, and inclusively of the legs of the district from
Devi Ghaut to Burmandee, up the glens of the Tadi and the Sindhu is
six miles; and from the same point up the Tadi to its junction with
the Likhoo, eight miles. The maximum breadth of the entire district is
at the base of the triangle just adverted to, and here the distance by
the road from Bhalu Dawra to Khinchat is four miles. The mean
maximum of breadth however is not above three miles, that of the pla-
teau alone between the principal river, two miles. But, in speaking of
breadths especially, we should distinguish between those parts which
have been called the legs and the body of the district, the legs being the
subsidiary vales of the Sindhu and of the Tadi. The former of these,
then, from the base of Burmandee to the apex of the Bhaloo ridge,
where this glen merges in the larger one of the Tadi, is only from 200
to 400 yards wide; whilst the width of the vale of the Tadi in that
portion of it which extends lengthwise from the apex of the Bhaloo
ridge to that of Kabilas at Chonghora, is from 4 to ? of a mile: and if
we distinguish (as well we may) the low tract lying on both banks
of the Tadi, between the western extremity of the two last named
divisions, and the point where the Tadi gets compressed into a mere
gully on the upper confines of Belkote, (forming the north-east corner
just spoken of inclusively) we have a third tract, which is some 1,200
yards in medium breadth. The length, again, of the first of the
subdivisions of Nayakote is two miles; of the second, four miles;
of the third, one mile. All these three are tracts of the same character,
that is they are hot, swampy, rice beds on the level of the streams
that water them, except in the instance of the glen of the Tadi, which,
upon the right bank of the river, possesses a widish strip of land
considerably raised above the stream, and running under the Maha
Mandal and Nayakote ridges (where the court and chiefs have houses) to
where the latter spreads into the chief elevated plain of the district
above spoken of. That plain cannot be watered from the Trisool or
Tadi by reason of its elevation; and as the Nayakote ridge, whence
it is derived, yields no efficient springs of water, the plain is condemned
to exclusive dependence on rain. Every such plain or plateau is, in the
language of Nepal, a Tar; whereas the lower and perpetually water-
able tragts, above contradistinguished, are, in the same language, called

1840. | A cursory Notice of Nayakote. LLY

Byasi. The first of the three is the Sindhu Byasi, from the name of its
streamlet, the Sindhu; the next the Tadi Byasi, from its river; and
the third either Tadi Byasi also, or Sangum Byasi, from the confluence
of the Sindhu and Tadi within it. The Tar, or chief tract, is numer-
ously subappellated, as Pullo Tar, next Devi Ghaut; then Manjhi Tar ;
then Burr Tar, next the Nayakote hill; with various others parallel to
these and nearer the Trisool, towards which the plateau in general has
a tendency to sink step-wise, though never nearer the deep narrow
bed of that river than several feet, twenty or more. These Tars are
rather more wholesome and habitable than the Byasis, and capable of
more various culture, though chiefly of trees, since trees alone can
flourish deprived of water except from rain; and thus is, in part,
explained the great predominance of mangoe and other groves over
fields of agriculture in the Tar or Tars of Nayakote, which however
lovely at all seasons, boast no winter or spring crops, despite of the high
temperature of the place; the Tars are too dry, and the Byasis too wet
for such spring crops, though they be common in the much colder valley
of Nepal Proper. The difference of temperature between the valleys of
Nayakote and of Nepal Proper is occasioned by the difference of eleva-
tion above the sea. This difference amounts to 2,250* feet; and
the same cause affords us also the only apparent, but very far from
satisfactory explanation of the fact, that, whilst Nayakote is pestilently
malarious from March to November, Nepal Proper is free from this
scourge, all other circumstances being the same in each valley. The
lowlands of Nayakote, consequently, are but very thinly peopled, the
only permanent dwellers therein being several singular and affined
races of men, called Durri, Kumhal, Manjhee, Bramoo, and Dénwar, of
whom more hereafter, and some few Parbuttiahs and Newars. The
Newars build and dwell solely on the Tars. The Parbuttiahs will not
adventure even so far, but usually have their houses on the hills
around, and never suffer themselves to sleep in any part of the low
_ lands for a single night between April and November. In the Byasis,
then, are the houses of Denwars and their compeers only: in the
Tars, those of the above people and of some few Parbuttiahs and
_ Newars also, but in neither do the clusters of cottages hardly ever

* The valley of Nepal is 4,700 feet above the sea.

1118 A cursory Notice of Nayakote. [ No. 107.

reach the size of a village, and the dwellings stand for the most part
single and scanty. The whole district is said to contain 700 houses,
but I doubt it, even allowing 100 or 150 houses to the town; and half
the number in either case would probably be nearer the mark.

The soil of Nayakote contains a juster proportion of clay to silex
and calx than the soil of the greater valley of Nepal Proper, which
is derived principally from the debris of grantiic formations; and
hence we obtain an explanation of the reputed eminent fertility of the
former, and more, surely, of its celebrated potteries. The heights
around Nayakote are of inferior size, consisting on the northern side es-
pecially, mostly of iron clay, of very deep red tint; and the superficial
~ soil of the Tars is for the most part the same, the substratum being
however. usually gravel, whence the dryness of their soil is increased. ~

Tho soil of the Byasis also is clayey, but untinted luteous white, and
where unmixed with silex or other ingredients, even more tenacious than
the red clay. The pottery clays are exclusively of the latter sort. Mica,
so common in the great valley of Nepal, is here never witnessed. The
high temperature of Nayakote admits of most of the trees, forest and
fruit, as well as of the superior Cerealia of north Behar and the Tarai
being cultivated with success, though they cannot be raised in the
great valley. Nayakote has besides distinguished products of its own,
which are not found, or not found so good, in the plains of Behar;
these are the orange and the pine-apple. The forest trees peculiar to
the district, not found in the great valley, and identifying this of Naya-
kote with the Tarai and plains, are the Saul (Shorea robusta), Burr
and Pipal (Ficus Indica et Religiosa), Semal, or cotton tree, Pras,
Neem, and Mohwa. The Pinus longifola, and other mountain growths,
are frequently found mixed with these on the declivities around.

The chief of the fruit trees is the mangoe of various sorts, many
exotic and superior, though the celebrated Bombay mangoe is apt to
lose its flavour by swelling into undue and dropsical dimensions; the
tamarind, the Bair, the jack fruit or Bel, the Kathur, the Badhur,
the Pukri, the guava, the custard-apple, or Sharifa, and, in a word, all
the ordinary fruit trees of India, none of which, it should be added,
flourish in the larger valley. To the above we must subjoin the
following exotics grown in the gardens of Khinchat, belonging to the
government. Naril, or cocoanut, Supari, or betel vine, pear, apple,

1840. | A cursory Notice of Nayakote. — 1119

apricot (native), and plums of many kinds. All but the two first
of these, however, flourish as well, or better, in the greater valley,
being European products.

The smaller horticultural products of Nayakote are pine-apples,
(excellent,) plantains of many kinds and good, Jamans four sorts,
melons, but no grapes nor peaches; pines, plantains, and jamans are
denied to the greater valley, where however the orange—that boast of
Nayakote, flourishes. The better kinds of the Nayakote oranges are
equal to any in the world, so that our horticulturists in India should
endeavour to procure and propagate them. The agricultural products
of Nayakote resemble in general those of the greater valley of Nepal
Proper ; and as the latter have been fully described in print, I shall on
the present occasion specify only the peculiarities of Nayakote produce,
resulting from its more tropical climate. It has already been observed
that whereas there are two crops per annum in the greater valley,
there is only one in the lesser, because of the excess of moisture in the
Byasis, and of the total want of means of artificial irrigation in the
Tars. The Byasis yield only rice, which is not planted nor reaped at
the early periods prevalent in the greater valley, but at the later ones
usual in the plains of Behar; and the like is true of the sugar-cane,
which is grown on the skirts of the Byasis. In the great valley every
blade of rice has disappeared by the beginning of November, and half
the crop by the middle of October; the untransplanted sorts of Ghya
even sooner. In Nayakote the rice-harvest lasts till the beginning of
December, nay to the middle of that month, and there are then no
means of desiccating the fields rapidly enough for a spring crop.
The rice grown in the Byasis are different from those grown in the
greater valley, with the exception of Malsi and Touli, and even of these
two sorts there is but little. Munsera is the staple crop of Nayakote, and
of its several kinds, as Doodia, Gouria, &c. It is of a bright golden
hue, straw and grain, and longer in the stalk than our rices, to the best
of which it is equal in quality. Among the seventeen to twenty sorts

_ of rice grown at Nayakote, are the Mal-bhog, Krishen-bhog, and other

:
|

:
i
!
:

fine descriptions for which Phillibheet is so famous. None of these last
can be raised in the greater valley. The following are the names of
the Nayakote rices—

er
(

1120 Al cursory Notice of Nayakote. [No. 107.

Malsi, Krishen-bhog, Tsegoon,
- Touli, Bairini, Anandi,
Doodraj, Charinagari, Roodra,
Manseera, Jara Sari, Katonja,
Gouria, Mal-bhog, Tharia,
Kala Gouria, Jhagti, &e. &e.

The Ook, or sugar-cane of Nayakote, is incomparably superior to that
of the greater valley, and indeed to that of most parts of India. There
are five principal sorts, four of which are yellowish, and the fifth dark
red. I purpose to send specimens of these to Calcutta for examination.
Ook is grown on the skirts of the Byasis as well as on the declivities of
the hills near them. On the Tars, or plateau, or upper levels, are grown,
besides the ordinary rain’s produce of similar sites in the greater val-
ley, the superior sorts of Dall such as Arher, and cotton of inferior
quality, neither of which can be raised at all in the greater valley. Of
the whole surface of the Tars of Nayakote, a half probably is devoted to
gardens and orchards ; a quarter to fields of dry produce ; an eighth to
rice or wet produce, and the remaining eighth may be barren.

The genera of Mammals and Birds observed during a hurried visit,
under disadvantageous circumstances, were Nemorhedus (Ghoral), Sty-
locerus (Katura), Martes(Flavigula), Sciuropterus (Magnifirus), Scinrus —
(Locria), all common to the greater valley ; Corvus, Pastor, Coracias,
Alanda, Anthus, Motacilla, Budytes, Pyrgita, Phcenicura, Saxicola,
Pheenicornis, Dicrurus, Musciapa Tichodroma (Muraria) Picus, Paloe-
ornis, Clorhynchus, Totanus, Tringa, Egretta, Anas, Qurrquedula, Car-
bo, Mergus, Turtur, Euplocomus, Gallus, (Jungle-cock Baukria, ) Chee-
topus, Perdix, Coturnir, Hemipodius. Of these Gallus, Coracias, and
Palceornis, unknown to the greater valley, proclaim the qguast-Indian
climate of Nayakote; as Carbo and Mergus, also unknown there, do
its larger rivers. For the rest, the species as well as genera are those
common to both districts. The wall-creeper of Europe, supposed to
be confined thereto, is frequent in both.

The commerce and manufactures of Nayakote are too inconsiderable
to claim specific notice; but in the cold season, in this as in all other
smaller valleys of Nepal, booths are erected on the river-side by
traders and craftsmen from the great valley, who reside there for the
four coldest and salubrious months (December to March inclusive) ex-

1840. ] A cursory Notice of Nayakote. 1121

changing grain for rock salt with the Bhoteahs, both Cis and Trans-
Himalayan, dyeing the home-spun cloths of the neighbouring hill tribes
with the madder supplied by them and the indigo of Tirhoot, and
tinkering, and pedlaring, and huckstering, for the assembly collected
at this petty sort of fair.

It has been already observed, that the inhabitants of Nayakote con-
sist of several peculiar races, besides the ordinary Parbattiah tribes,
and the Mewars. Both the latter have been described elsewhere, I
shall therefore confine myself in this place to a short notice of the for-
mer, or Denwar Darre, Manjhi, Brannoo, and Kumhal. These tribes
are exceedingly ignorant, and moreover are disposed to use the little
wit they have in cunning evasion of all inquiry into their origin and
history, affecting to be hill men, employing the Parbattiah language,
and pretending to have forgotten their father-land and speech. In their
dark-hued skin, slender forms, oval faces, elevated features, and pecu-
liar dialect, barbarous patios as the last now is—may be traced, how-
ever, the indisputable signs of a southern origin. These men certainly
do not belong to the Tartaric stock of the mountaineers of Nepal,

but either to the ordinary stock of the Indian population (Indo-Ger-

manic) or to some of those fragmentous branches of it which still here
and there represent a preceding aboriginal race, as the Hos, Mundas,
Gonds, Bhils across the Ganges, and the Tharus of the Nepalese Tarai.
Between the last mentioned and the Denwars in particular, a distinct
affinity may be traced; but to verify and illustrate this affinity through
Tharoo helps, is as little feasible, as to do it through Denwar ones ;
and I shall only therefore venture to say at present, that whether the
Tharoos of the Tarai, and the Denwars and their compeer cultivators
of Nayakote, and of other similiar low and malarious valleys within
the hills (for in many others they are found), belong to the aborigi-
nal or to the ordinary stock of Indian population, they are closely
connected among themselves, separate from the Tartar breed of the
highland races, and, in the hills emigrants from the plains of north

Behar several generations back.

The Manjhis, Kumhals, Bramoos, Denwars, and Darrees inhabit with
impunity the lowest and hottest valleys of Nepal, just as the Tharoos

_ do the Tarai; and the Mundas and Oorans of Chota Nagpore, both as
| recent servants and settlers, merely in the case of the last two, who are

1122 A cursory Notice of Nayakote. | | No. 107.

chiefly mentioned here because of their participating with the races now
before us, in that singular immunity from malarious affection which is
not known to be the attribute of any other people whatever.

Wherever malaria rages from March till November, beyond the
saul forest and within the hills, there the Denwars, Durres, Bramoos,
Kumhals, and Manjhis dwell, and dwell exclusively ; sometimes collect-
ed in small villages, more usually in scattered cottages comfortably
built of unhewn stone, or wattles laid over with plaister, and furnished
with a pent and overhung roof of grass or rice straw, which is veran-
dahed towards the east. They follow the avocations of agriculturists,
potters, fishermen, and ferrymen, and at all these crafts, and more
especially at the second, they are very expert; the Kumhals of Nayakote
in particular being renowned for their workmanship even in the vicinity
of the very able craftsmen in that kind, whom the great valley produces.

These races of men affect a distinctness among themselves which is
fit only to make an enlightened stranger smile, though it may possibly
indicate different periods of migration from below, and of settlement
within the hills, or migrations from different parts of the plains. In
general the five tribes or races will not intermarry among themselves, nor
with any of the races around them; and they allege that their lan-
guages (dialects) as well as usages are distinct. But they all call
themselves Hindoos, though they neither believe in the sacred scrip-
tures of the Hindoos, nor accept the sacerdotal offices of the Brahmans.
With a general resemblance of manners and customs, they have some
trivial diversities of usage, as follows :—

Manjhis. Their priests are the old men of the tribe; in making burnt
or other offerings to their deities, they use no sacred or other words or
prayers. On account of births they are impure for four days: they
cut the navel on the day of birth, and four days afterwards make
a feast. On account of deaths the impurity lasts for ten days, but
under stress of business one day’s observance will suffice at the
moment, so that the other nine are observed afterwards. Denwars.
They allege that they came from the western hills; their priests are
their husbands’ daughters’ and sisters’ sons.* Impurity at births lasts _
for ten days, and the same at deaths: they will not eat pulse dressed by

* These purely arbitrary customs may serve hereafter as helps in tracing the
affinity of these and other semi-barbarous races throughout: the mountains and hills
of the Indian continent, the disjecta membra of its original population.

|
{

1840. | A cursory Notice of Nayakote. 1123

Brahmans, but rice, if it have ghee in it, they will. They some-
times enter into trade and service. Durree, Kumhal, Bramoo, have
a general resemblance of manners and customs with the last ; but they
will not eat rice dressed by Brahmans, whether it have ghee in it or
not, but will eat other things of Brahman’s dressing. None of the
five races has any written language or characters; but the inves-
tigation of their common connexion, and of their affinity with other
aboriginal races inhabiting other more or less secluded localities
throughout the plains of India, might still be managed through their
speech, their physical attributes, their manners and customs, if the Argus
jealousy of the Nepal government could by any means be charmed into
a more discriminating use of Chinese maxims of foreign policy.

Rivers falling within the above limits.

1. The Sindhu, rises from Sindhubhanjung, an offset from mount Mani-
chur, or the most eastern part of Sivapoor, the northern barrier of the
greater valley. The Sindhu has a course of about fifteen miles almost
due west, behind, or to the north of Sivapoor and Burmandi, through a
narrow fertile glen, which is somewhat interrupted by the projection of
the base of Burmandi, where the main road from Cathmandoo runs.
Above this point the glen often bears the name of Jansen; the river
is a mere streamlet drawing half its water moreover from the west aspect
of Burmandi, below the Resident’s Powah, or bungalow. It falls into
the Tadi at Narain, or Ghur Ghaut, being divided from the Likhu by
Bhaloo Danra, or the bear’s ridge.

2. The Likhu, a somewhat larger stream than the Sindhu, parallel to
it on the north, and separated from it by Bhaloo Danra. The Likhu
rises from above the Kabilas ridge, which divides it from the Tadi on the
north. The course of the Likhu, though in general parallel to that of
the Sindhu, yet radiates towards the north, as the Tadi does still
more. The Likhu is about double the size of the Sindhu, and has a
course of perhaps twenty miles; it falls into the Tadi at Choughora,
four miles above the lower Durbar of Nayakote. Its glen is cultivated

_ throughout, and has an average width of 300 yards in its lower part.
It is not a third the size of the Tadi.

The Tadt, classically styled Suryavatti, from it taking its rise at
Suryakund, or the Sun’s Fount, which in the most easterly of the twenty-

_ two little lakes of Gosainthan, is thrown off towards the east, as is the

1124 A cursory Notice of Nayakote. [ No. 107.

Trisul from the same point towards the west, by the loftiest of the
snowy peaks in the region of Nepal Proper, and which is consequently
the point of divergency of the nearest seven Gandasi on the one hand
and of the seven Consiki, or Cosis, on the other. The Tadi, however,
though at first put offin an easterly direction, is drawn round westerly to
mingle with the seven Gandacks, instead of joining the proximate Mi-
lamchi and Inalecini, or first feeders of the Sun Cousi, by a large ridge
running south from Gosainthan nearly to Sivapoor, and putting off later-
ally towards the west the inferior ridges of Kabilas and Nerja, which
separate the rivers Likhu and Tadi in all their lower and parallel courses.
The Tadi proceeding at first easterly, is gradually bent to the west by
the great ridge just mentioned. The whole course of the river to Devi
Ghaut, where it merges in the Trisul, may be thirty miles, ten east
and south, and the rest WSW. In its lower course, before reaching
Nayakote, it is bounded on the left bank by the narrow ridge of
Kabilas, and on the right by that of Nerja. It receives the Likhu
at Choughora, four miles above, or east of, the lower Durbar of
Nayakote, and the Sindhu at Narain Ghaut opposite to that Durbar.
In the rest of its course of about four miles WSW. to Devi Ghaut
it confines the great Tar plateau of Nayakote on the south, just
as the Trisul does on the north. At Narain Ghaut the Tadi in
December is thirty to forty yards wide, and two feet deep. It is
but little wider or deeper at Devi Ghaut, and consequently is not
a tenth of the size of the Trisul, which at the Sunga of Khinchat is
thirty-six yards broad and twenty-two and a half feet deep. The glen
of the Tadi is cultivated throughout, nearly, and in its uppermost parts
is said not to be malarious.

The Trisul, or most easterly of the seven Gandacks of Nepal, rises
from the principal of the twenty-two Kunds, or lakes of Gosainthan.
These lakes occupy a flat summit of considerable extent, that cannot
be less than 16,000 feet high, and lies immediately below the un-
rivalled peak variously called Nilkanth, Gosainthan and Dhanlogiri.
The lake more especially called Gosainthan is probably a mile in
circuit, and close behind, it from the perennial snow, issues by three
principal clefts (hence the name Trisul*) the river Trisul, or Trisul,

* The legend of the place states that Maha Deva went to the snow to cool his throat
which had been burnt by swallowing the kal kut poison, that appearing at the churn-

1840. | A cursory Notice of Nayakote. 1125

Gandaki. Its course is at first due west almost, for perhaps fifteen
miles, but then turns SSW. running in that direction for twenty
miles, and more, to Devi Ghaut. It is a deep blue, arrowy, beau-
tiful stream, conducting not only the pilgrim, to Gosainthan, but
the trader and traveller to Tibet; the road to Kerung in Tibet
striking off from the river where it bends (as you ascend) to the
east, and the town itself of Kerung being visible from Gosainthan
in clear weather, at the distance of perhaps thirty miles. The Trisul,
four miles above Nayakote, receives the Betravati at Dhaibung from
the NE. It is a petty stream, not having a course of above fifteen
miles from one of the resilient angles or bosoms of mount Dhaibung or
Jibjibia, the continuation of which ridge towards the west, and across
the Trisul, is called Salima Bharsia. This latter ridge conducts
another feeder into the Trisul from the NW. called the Salankhu, of
about the same size with the Betravati. Considerably south of the
Selima ridge, is the ridge called Samribhanjang, whence flows a third
and still smaller feeder of the Trisul, named the Samri Khola, which
disembogues itself into the Trisul from the NW. half a mile to a mile
‘below the Sunga of Khinchat. The valley of the Trisul is narrow,
and without any Byasi, or plain on the level of its waters, which flow in
a deep bed. The height, however, on one or both sides, supply numer-
ous rills for occasional cultivation, which is maintained as far up as
ten miles above Dhaibung, a considerable village, where the ordinary
Parbuttiah population begins to yield to the race called Kachar
Bhotiahs, or Cis-Hemalayan Bhotiahs. At Devi Ghaut the river Trisul is
passed by a ferry most jealously guarded; nor is the river thence to
Devi Ghaut permitted to be used for any sort of transport, or even for
the floating of timber, though the rapids (there are no cataracts) may
help the prohibition. A few miles below Devi Ghaut the streamlets
poured into the Trisul by the glen of Dhunibyasi, affords much better
access to the great valley of Nepal, by the route of the Trisul, than
that which follows that river to Nayakote and thence leads over
Burmandi. These better routes issue into the great valley at Thankote,
and at Ichangu Narain.

ing of the ocean threatened to consume the world. Maha Deva is called ‘‘ blue throat,”’
from the injury he sustained. He produced the river by striking his Trisul into the
_ snows.

1126

Fossil Shells discovered by Capt. Hay, 1st European Regiment, in the
neighbourhood of Bajgah, Afghanistan.*

The fossil shells of which the accompanying are rough sketches, were
all found by myself in the range of mountains between the Dundan,
Shikun, and Karekotal passes ; in fact nearly the whole at Bajgah. The
formations in which they are found are so various, that I shall leave
better geologists to describe them, but they are chiefly found in con-
torted strata.

No. 1. a and b. two views of the same shell.
2. Upper and under views of, apparently, the inhabitant of a
shell ; edges carinated : it is imperfect.
- Tuberculated, and considerably depressed.
. Plagiostoma ?
. A fragment only.

Oo Or -

. Gryphza. There are no less than six species of Gryphza

(1 think) found here.

7. Puzzles me. In appearance it is a Haliotis; but I have
seen some specimens with the remains of a second valve ; in
which case it would approach the Gryphza.

So many of the Gryphza being found here, would argue that
the water had formerly been of a considerable depth. Mass-
es of them are found, and apparently adhering to the rocks,
which they cover so thick and regularly, as to be quite a
coat of mail. -

8. Apparently a Univalve.

9, 10, 11, 12. Fragments of Bivalves.

13. Univalve costated.

14, 15, 16, 17. Bivalves. Specimens of 16 very perfect and closed.
18, 19, 20, and 21. Outlines of four species of Gryphza ? all
of natural size.

* Notr.—The publication of these drawings has, I regret to say, been long
delayed owing to circumstances I could not controul. The fossils whence
these are taken “ with many other valuable collections of geological speci-
mens,” says Capt. Hay, “and all my drawings,” were lost when H. M.
Shah Shooja’s 4th Regt. of Infantry retired from Bajgah.

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\

a \ ~

ee : We

Sa ve \
piles * Vature.

ome vena \\Ii

ye
le

sxralhian

I b Se
= 4

Saesae AS

Vik

Se
than Welsurel Siw

rin prima hypeorsrhly ce

Shewuty hinge & part of
pecortd vole herr:

=
very nucliern carved

1840. | Asiatic Society. 1127

22. Piece of Coral ?

23. Has passed into Limestone.

24. Cavity formed in a conglomerate by a Teredo: but the fish
itself, which is petrified, resembles a cork-screw; they are of
various sizes, all larger at one end than the other.

I have many other shells difficult to sketch, and two species of
Cidaris

I should be glad to have correct drawings presented to the Society,
as the distance is so great, that the probability is my collection may
never reach India, or even the eyes of a connoisseur, Each shell hav-
ing fragments of the rock adhering, will also enable me to classify their
geology whenever I may meet an experienced individual.

It may be well to state, that I met with no shells in any of the
mountain formations between Cabool and Syghan, where fragments are
first observable in a yellow sandstone.

The level of Bajgah above the sea is about equal to that of Cabool.

Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.
(Friday Evening, 5th March, 1841.)

The Hon’ble Sir E. Ryan in the chair.

Capt. W. Smitu, proposed at the last Meeting, was ballotted for, and duly elected,
to whom the necessary communication of his election, and rules of the Society for
guidance, was ordered to be forwarded.

The following gentlemen were proposed as Members ; viz.

Wexsy Brown Jackson, Esq. C. S. proposed by J. S. Torrens, Esq., seconded
by the Secretary.

FrepDERiIck BEavurorp, Esq. C. S. proposed by J S. Torrens, Esq., seconded by

the Secretary.
Witriam Masters, Esq. Head Teacher, La Martiniere, proposed by Dr. J,
M‘CLELLAND, seconded by the Secretary.

Library and Museum.

Lardner’s Cabinet Cyclopedia;—Geometry, .... ese wees asses
Smith’s Miner’s Guide, London, 1836, 8vo... .... weal nie bd by ee Py ag |
Chart to ditto, ditto, gobis aC !

Naturalist’s Rabinakps—aBitinaserildit ‘Natural History of tape by Smith,
vol, Ist, Edinburgh, 1840, 8yo. .... ae wees cece fen nae

1128 Asiatic Society. [No. 107.

Naturalist’s Library;—Introduction to Entomology, by J. Duncan, Edinburgh,

1840, 8vo. bles AAA race Soe ee aac of ane
Sleeman’s Report on the Depredations committed by the Thug Gangs of
Upper and Central India, Calcutta, 1840, 8vo. weed aera ee al
Society for the encouragement of Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce, Lon-
don, 1840, aie Shree Ke Nahas ontliere ti rela ne
Oriental Christian Spectator, vol. Ist, No. 1, and vol. 2nd, No. ee esos DP
London, Edinburgh, and Dublin Philosophical Magazine and oacal of Sci-
ence, vol. 17th, No. 110, October 1840, a eats Srerete Rivtels Pp

London and Edinburgh New Phrilosé eine’ Magazine and Journal of Bciches!
3d. Series vol. 15th, Nos. 98, 99, and vol. 16th, Nos. 100, 101, and 103, .... p

Magazine of Natural History, New Series, vol. 4th, No. 40, 55 “wae D

Calcutta Monthly Journal and Repository of Intelligence, 3d. Series, No. 69,
August 1840, and No. 70, 74, for 1841, .. coe a he eves PD

Annals and Magazine of Natural History, No 30, Outabé: 1840, a
Letters and Papers from the Société Royale D’Agriculture et de Commerce
de Caen (leaf, ) cee = sles Boos ait cose feos esos P
Journal des Savants, Aout, ]840, .... .. wees ee sees waiae. ap)
Annals de Chimie et de see per Gay, Lussac et Arago, Tome 72, Octo-
ber 1839, .... are sar ete aisioy erie Shas ee Ap
Glossarium Sanscritum, a F. Bopp, fueciolivte 1, Berolini, 1840,.... wee aD
Geneological Table of the Posterity of Timur, (in Persian) in leaf,.. one) P
On Batta ; Manuscript, (in German,) .... eee elaiwe ae ROE ye
For Distribution.—
(Notice, ) on Tea from Assam, 12 Copies.
(ditto, ) on Bengal Silk, 12 ditto.
(ditto,) on Jungle Silk, 12 ditto.

A Frame containing various coloured glasses ;—presented by D. McFartan, Esq.
Victoria Armenian Spelling Books ;— presented by Mr. J. AVDALL.
Burmese palm-leaf book with figures ;—presented by Capt. McLxop.

A box containing several impressions of coins in Sealing-wax ;

The plan of the Ghat to be erected to the memofty of the late Jas. Prinsep, Esq. ;—
presented by R. H. Rattray, Esq.

The Secretary submitted a copy of the ‘“‘Bon Zeen,’’ a Burmese Work on Natural
Philosophy, of ancient date ;—presented by Captain W. McLeop.

Read a letter from W. Dunsar, Esq. Assistant Surgeon, 5th Irregular Cavalry,
intimating the discovery of a coal bed in a village named Budlea, situated about 14
miles to the south of Hazareebaug. .

**On the banks of the Suncheraz, a small nullah,’’ writes Dr. Dunsar, “running
into the Haharoo, I first saw the coal, in a bed about three feet in thickness, with a
gentle dip or inclination to the west. It was splintery, very black, lying below a
friable sandstone and alluvium containing konkur. The bed seemed to be of great
extent, and I have no doubt that any quantity of coal can be procured at this place.

18-40. | Asiatic Society. 1129

} brought some specimens, and found that those from near the surface did not burn
well, the other burned very well indeed, without a great deal of smoke, and leaving
an inconsiderable quantity of ashes.”’

Read a letter from Mr. Secretary Bususy, of the 3)th December 1840, enclosing
copy of a dispatch from the Honorable the Court of Directors, requesting that the
Asiatic Society will enable the Government to carry into effect the wishes of the
Honorable Court in respect to all Zoological and Entomological Collections deposited
in their Museum on the part of Government, or by persons conducting Missions on the
part of the Government.

Resolved—That the papers be referred to the Officiating Curator for his Report.

Read a letter from Professor Witson, of 12th October 1840, offering copy of two
Lectures by him, on the religious belief and practices of the Hindoos.

Read a letter of 16th May 1840, from the Secretary to the Society of Antiquaries of
London, forwarding the 28th vol. of Archeologia, for the use of the Library of the
Society.

Read a letter from the late Lieut. W. Lovepay to Lieut. Col. Sracy, with a
sketch by the deceased of the Etawah Chuttree (in the vicinity of Neemuch) and
copy of the inscription found there.

Lieut. Lovepay writes, ‘I have but little to add by way of information, merely
that returning one day from shooting, wearied and unsuccessful, I was much struck
with the elegant appearance of this Chuttree; and resting under its shade, examined
with surprize, and no little gratification, the elaborate sculpture of the pillars, of one of
which I send you a separate sketch ; the date of the inscription (Sumbut 1130)
caught my eye, when I immediately transcribed the whole. I do not send you a
translation, as the Devee Nagree is clear and easily read, with the exception of two or
three words, which our-Calcutta friends will soon rectify, The inscription is on an
upright stone slab, on the top of which are sculptured in alto-relievo, eight figures,
representing the Rajah and his seven wives, to whose memory the edifice has
been raised.”’

Read a letter, dated Cabool 24th December 1840, from Capt. W. E. Hay, reporting
the loss of the whole of his fossil shells (sketches of which he had furnished) on the
retreat of the Shah’s 4th Infantry from Bajgah, together with many other valuable
collections of coins and geological specimens, and all his drawings. Captain Hay adds,
however, that he had accumulated a number of others from Bokhara, Samerkand,
Balkh, &c. enclosing at the same time, some impressions of apparently ancient Hin-
doo coins.

Read a letter from Lieut. Alex. Murray Macerecor, of 3lst January 1841, with

casts of coins intaglio.
-He writes “I have sent cast of a Jupiter seated on a throne, holding a
Minerva on the palm of his right hand, a sceptre occupies his left, and the Eagle is

1130 Asiatic Society. ; | No. 107.

seated by his right foot; it is an intaglio found at Rome, during some excavations
there, and given to me by a gentleman lately arrived from Europe, via Rome and
Naples. The other is an Jbex of the Alps, found at Pompeii by the same person.
Both are cut out of cinnamon-coloured agate, or perhaps a species of ruby, for it
partakes of both, though more of an agate. The Cupid I found last February at
Kanoje; it likewise is on a cinnamon-coloured agate, but does not seem a very well cut
gem. I cannot find the gold coin mentioned in any of the Prinsep Plates. One of
the casts is of a silver penny of George III; curious only in not now being a current
coin.”’

Read a letter from Lieut. H. ComsBs of 12th December 1840, forwarding a drawing
of a coin in his possession for my information, with reference to the letters marked
thereon. On the coin are figures; that with the spear is evidently male, with a glory
round the head, the other witha crescent is a female. On the obverse is a male figure
naked to the waist, with a fanciful tail.

The Secretary informed the Meeting that the subjects of the four foregoing commu-
nications would be noticed in the Asiatic Journal more fully, with lithographed draw-
ings of the sketches by Lieut. Lovepay, and of the impressions of such of the coins
as have not been already noticed.

The Secretary noticed the presentation by D. McFartan, Esq. of a handsome
stained window-glass.

Read a note by the Secretary, with an estimate of charges for preparing coloured
lithographed copies of the late Dr. Lorp’s Zoological Sketches of Cabool, and sug-
gesting the reference of the choice of sketches to be published to a Sub-Committee,
whom the President would request to undertake that duty, in communication with the
Curator of the Society.

Dr. HurrnaG et and Dr. Spry were selected by the President to form the Com-
mittee, and on the motion of Professor O’SHAuGHNEssy, the name of Dr. PEARSON
was added. To the discretion of these gentlemen, was left the sketches to be
selected for publication. On the motion of Professor O'SHAUGHNESSY, seconded
by the President, Dr. Pearson’s name was also added to the Committee of Papers,
to supply a vacancy.

Read a letter of 18th May, 1840 (of which the following is a copy) from Professor D.
Forses, of King’s College.

To the Secretary of the Asiatic Society of Bengal.
Sir, London, 8 Alfred Street, Bedford Square, 18th May 1840.

I should not have deemed the accompanying trifling essays of sufficient importance
to be offered to your Society, were it not that acomplete copy of the Jdmi al tawdrikh

1840. | Asiatic Society. 1131

has been just discovered among the MSS. of the India House. It is a copy of the
original Persian, transcribed A.H. 1081 and 1082, and belonged to the celebrated Dr.
LerypeEN. It contains the whole of the author’s Historical Works except the lives of
Ghazin Khan and Uljayto Khan, which may be considered biographical rather than
historical. I have now the volume before me, through the kindness of Professor
Witson, who for many years was the ornament of your Society. Of this precious
work, I am now engaged in drawing up an abstract for the next number of our Journal.
The accompanying letter which appeared in our last number refers to the Arabic
version of the work, which unfortunately is incomplete; perhaps by the exertions of
your Society the lost fragments may yet be recovered, and I venture to say that
we have still public spirit enough among us to publish this second volume both in
Persian and Arabic if procurable, You have of course received Quatremeré’s magni-
ficent volume on the life and reign of Hulagon Khan. The portion of the author’s
works which we wish to publish, would be infinitely more interesting, particularly the
histories of China, India, and the Franks, all of which are perfect in the Persian
volume now before me, though none of them is quite complete in the Arabic.
Should your Society be in possession of either the Persian or Arabic, would you kindly
inform me of the same, and oblige, Yours obediently,

D. Forsss.

ee ee

A letter, read at a late Meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and
Ireland, on the recovery of a (supposed) lost volume of the Jami al Tawdrikh of
Rashidud-din.

P. S.—Since the above letter was printed in the Society’s Journal ; a complete copy
of the Jdmi al tawdrikh in Persian has been found in the Leyden collection of
MSS. now in the East India House Library. An analysis of this rare volume will
appear in the next number of the Society’s Journal.

D. Forses.
8 ALFRED STREET,

18th May, 1840.

‘Letter of Professor Forbes, on the Recovery of a lost portion of the Jami al
Tawartkh.
«SiR,

‘Mr. W. Moruezy has kindly presented to me a copy of his interesting letter
addressed to Major-General Briggs, respecting the portion of the Jdémi al Tawdrikh,
now in the Society's Library. About the time when Mr. Mortey’s communication
was passing through the press, I accidentally fell in with a much larger portion of the
Jami al Tawdrikh, comprising one half the original volume, of which the Society’s
fragment forms about one-fifth. ‘The two fragments have been clearly proved (as

| you will perceive hereafter) to be parts of the same grand original; and it is curious
_ enough, that after many years, perhaps centuries of separation, they should have at
last met in a portion of the earth so remote from their native city.
| ‘That portion of the Jdmi al Tawdrikh, which forms the subject of the present
hasty and imperfect communication, belonged to the late Colonel John Baillie, a
distinguished member of the Asiatic Society. Shortly after the death of that eminent
Orientalist, his house in town was let, and his books and manuscripts wefe tempo-
rarily removed to the house of a friend in Soho Square, previous to their being con-

1132 Asiatic Society. [N 6. 107!

veyed to the family estate in Inverness-shire.* They have remained however undis-
turbed in Soho Square ever since. A few weeks ago I happened to have a pupil
who lived in the same house, and from his description of some of the MSS. I felt
and expressed my wishes to see them, in which request I was most readily indulged.

‘The first, indeed I may say the only, work that caught my attention was a large
Arabic manuscript of a historical nature, written in a beautiful and ver y old Naskhi
hand, with many pictures very creditably executed, all things considered. On the
back of this rare volume is written in a distinct Persian hand “ Tarfkh i Tabari,’’ and
as if this were not sufficient, there is a note written in Persian, on a blank page, folio
154, of which the following is a literal translation—‘‘ The name of this book is The
Tarikh i Tabart, (the History or Chronicle of Tabari,) the author’s autograph. The
whole number of leaves when complete, amounted to 303; now however, some one
has stolen and carried off one half of it, or about 150 leaves. It was written by the
author’s own hand, in the year of the Hegira 706 (a. p. 1806-7).”

‘The information intended to be conveyed in this note, is, unfortunately rendered
very suspicious, by the date given in the conclusion ; as Tabari had flourished some
450 lunar years earlier. On examining the work itself, I found that the Muham-
medan history came down tu the last of the Khalifas of Bagdad ; hence it could not
be the original Tabari. As D’Herbelot, however, has mentioned two writers who
have continued the history of Tabarf down to their own times, I thought this might
possibly be one of them, and in order to verify the circumstance, I took the Persian
version with me next day to compare them; but after making the most liberal
allowance for the freedom generally used by Oriental translators, I found that the two
could never have been intended for the same work.

‘Resolved, if possible, to arrive at some satisfactory conclusion respecting the MS.,
I requested a very intelligent nativet of India to accompany me to see it. The
moment this gentleman looked at it, he told me that whether it was Tabari or not, he
had seen the identical book some months back in a house where he visited. On
further inquiry, I learned that the book to which he alluded belonged to the Asiatic
Society. Next day I examined the Society’s MS. and found, as I had concluded,
that it forms part of the half that is missing in Colonel Baillie’s MS. In proof of
this, I may mention that the ink and the handwriting are the same in both. The
length and breadth and number of lines in each page are the same, and the paintings
are in the same style in both. The works had been numbered originally by leaves
or folia, as is usual in Oriental MS.; these numbers still remain on the second page
of each leaf, and every leaf of the Society’s fragment is missing in Colonel Baillie’s
work. There is no question then, that as Sadi hath it, ‘‘they are limbs of one
another,”’ for assuredly they originally consisted of but one work.

‘Colonel Baillie’s MS. contains at present lol folia or leaves, being as nearly
as possible one half the original number, as stated in the Persian note. The last
leaf is numbered 218, so that sixty-seven leaves are wanting to complete the work
from the beginning to the last leaf now remaining. Of these, there are seven leaves
in the Society’s fragment on the history of Muhammad. ‘They are numbered
(in their order) 57, 58, 63, 64, 66, 70, and 74, all of which are, of course, missing in
Colonel Baillie’s MS. Ifthese seven leaves were restored to their places in Colonel

* Colonel Baillie’s Books and Manuscripts are entailed property.
+ Mir Afzal Ali, Vakil from the Maharaj of Satara.

1840. | Asiatic Society. 1133

B.’s MS. and the remainder of the Society’s fragment subjoined, they would altoge-
ther form a volume of 210 folia, there being still a deficiency of ninety-three leaves.
This goes on the supposition that the number originally consisted of 303 leaves, as
stated in the Persian note.

The contents of Colonel Baillie’s MS. may be conveniently classed under three
distinct heads.

‘Ist. From the commencement to folio 41.

‘This portion of the work is perfect, with the exception of the first and second leaves ;
but the loss of these is greatly to be lamented, as. they may have contained a general
account of the whole volume, and an outline of its contents. This part is occupied
with the history of Persia and Arabia from the earliest times down to the birth of
Muhammad. At the same time the author has inserted, apparently in chronological
order, copious accounts of the patriarchs and prophets of the Old Testament; also
of Alexander the Great and his successors. :

‘2nd. From folio 41 to folio 154.

«This portion commences with the genealogy and birth of Muhammad. It then gives
a minute account of his life, and the history of his successors down to the capture
of Bagdad by Htlaktii Khan, a.u. 654—a.p. 1256. This part of the work is strictly
confined to the history of Muhammad and the Khalifas, the events of each year being
detailed separately, with the date prefixed. In this division there are missing
altogether forty-six leaves; but by replacing the seven leaves already mentioned
as contained in the Society’s MS., the lacuna will be reduced to thirty-nine, the
greater part of which occurs between folios 70 and 107 inclusive, which treats of the
history of the early Khalifas. From folio 107 to 154 there is no hiatus.

‘3rd. From folio 154 to 217.

‘The third part treats of the history of Persia under the Ghaznavi, the Saljuki,
and the Atabeg dynasties. Like the first, it is of a somewhat miscellaneous character :
the history of Persia is its leading feature. At the same time the author notices,

in chronological order, such illustrious personages and remarkable events as came

within his knowledge among other nations, particularly among the Christians. In this
portion there are nineteen leaves missing, and these being towards the end, I cannot
say how far the history extends—probably to the author’s own times.

‘Folios 217 and 218, (the last in the volume,) are occupied with the history of the
kings of Kh’arizm. How much of the original volume this subject occupied is uncer-
tain. From 219 to 248 inclusive, there is a breach which, for the present, we cannot
repair. At folio 249 the Society’s MS. commences the history of Khata, and proceeds
uninterruptedly to folio 300, 7 we could put faith in numbers, of which more hereafter.

* Supposing then the two MSS. were re-united, there would still be at least the

following deficiency :— Fol.
In Part Ist, containing the preface, &c. .. ore J he eR MES HRD.
In —— 2nd, Muhammad and the early Khalifas, : 39
In —— 3rd, the latter history of Persia, &c. Gisaiets aatey Te |
Between fol. 219 and 248 inclusive, (subject uncertain) .. atataik mad al
Folia 301, 302, and 303, atthe end... ont oe : ee

Total eeer eeee 93

1134 Asiatic Society. [No. 107.

‘[ have reason to suspect, however, that the volume consisted originally of more than
303 leaves. In the Society’s MS. there is a lacuna of some leaves in the life of
Shakmuni, while the numbers of the folia proceed without any interruption. This can
be accounted for on the supposition that the folia were numbered some time after the
work was written, but previous to its present dismemberment; and it will be perceived
that the ink used in the numbers differs considerably from that of the text. The per-
son who wrote the numbers may have known as little about the nature and contents of
the work as the writer of the Persian note, who called it The History of Tabari; and
hence, I should think, arose the mistake.

‘I have no means of ascertaining in what part of India Colonel Baillie procured his
MS., but I should say, most probably at Lakhnau, where he was long resident. That
the Society’s fragment came from that quarter, within the last fifteen or sixteen years,
can be easily proved. There is a duplicate of the life of Shakmuni in the Society’s
Library, transcribed at Devi, a.village or district of Lakhnau, in May, 1823*. ‘That
this was done from the Society’s original is all but certain, for the same hiatus occurs
in the copy as in the original. The transcriber there mentions, in a note, that ‘‘there
is one leaf missing (in the original) ;’’ but I am afraid, if we judge from circumstances,
that ten leaves would have been nearer the mark. In the life of Shakmuni there are
twenty-one sections, of which about ten are lost (from the seventh to the seventeenth).
Each section before and after the last part occupies at an average a single leaf.
I cannot believe, then, that the ten lost sections could have been comprised in one leaf,
particularly as what remains of the seventeenth section alone occupies a leaf and
halfa page. It is not unlikely, then, that there may be other lacunz which may haye
escaped the notice of the person who numbered the leaves—a point which can be
ascertained only by a careful perusal of the work itself.

‘Should this brief account be deemed worthy of insertion in the Journal of the
Asiatic Society, (perhaps, in company with Mr. Morley’s more ample communication, )
it may prove the means of exciting our numerous Orientalists in India to make
inquiries for the remaining fragments of this rare volume.

‘There is every reason to suppose that both the portions of the work now in London,
came from Lakhnau ; and in that quarter it is probable the rest may yet be recovered.
Mr. Morley has given an accurate fac-simile of a portion of folio 74, and I may add,
that where no breaks occur, each page contains thirty-five of such lines. Finally,
such numbers as I have stated to be missing, will, most probably, have remained on
the leaves of the lost fragments, which may thus be easily identified.

‘ Nearly two years ago I had the honour of requesting the attention of the Society to
some rare Oriental works mentioned in a Persian catalogue of the library of Farzada

Kuli, or some such name. In the historical department of that catalogue, one of the
first books entered is, ‘“‘ The Chronicle of Tabari, the author’s autograph, in the Arabic
language, with seventy pictures of Saints, his Eminence the Prophet, and sundry
kings, very rare.’? Now I strongly suspect that the work here described, is none other
than Colonel Baillie’s MS. of the Jami al Tawdrikh. The number of pictures in
Col. Baillie’s half, is really seventy, and among these is a protraiture of Muhammad.
The writer of the catalogue received the work as he found it marked on the back, and
in the Persian note, folio 154, without troubling his head about its contents. What

* Vide Mr. Morley’s Note, page 23,

1840. | Asiatic Society. 1135

renders this supposition still more probable is, that the Jami al Tawarikh is not
mentioned in the catalogue as one of Farzada Kuli’s books. Upon the whole then,
there is good reason to infer that Colonel Baillie’s MS. some forty years back, was
one of the many rare works described in the catalogue of Farziada Kuli’s library; and
if that treasure be not ere now dispersed, I should suggest that search should be made
for it in the kingdom of Oude.

‘Before I conclude these hasty remarks, I cannot help observing that the Jami al
Tawdrikh does not seem so very scarce a book among eastern writers,* as M. de
Quatremere would lead us to suppose. It is inferred, for instance, that Mirkhond and
Khondemir were either ignorant of its existence, or borrowed from it without acknow-
ledgment. Now the fact is, that Mirkhond, in the preface to the Rozat-al-saffa,
mentions this very work as one of the sources to which he was indebted for his
materials. His words are,¢ ‘‘Kh’dja Rashid tabfb, sdhib-i Jami, that is, Khaja
Rashid, the physician, author of the Jdmi,’’ i. e., The Collection, or Universal
History. Of Khondemfr, I do not happen to possess a copy, but at all events, there
can be no reason to suppose that he was ignorant of the Jami, as he must have read
the works of his immediate predecessor, Mirkhond. It would be endless, as well as
uSeless, to mention other writers who allude to the Jami al Tawdrikh, In the intro-
duction to the fourth volume of the Kimiya-e-Sa’ddat, the author expresses his
obligations to the Jami al Tawdrikh, of Kh’aja Rashid, the wazir. Even the very
thieves who stole the Society’s fragment out of the volume now in possession of
Colonel Baillie’s successor, seemed to have very well known what they were about,
for the fragment is marked, ‘az Jami al Tawdrikh,’’ i.e. out of the Collection of
Histories.

‘In the Society’s MS., No. 14, already alluded to as being a duplicate of the old
fragment of the life of Shakmuni, there is prefixed (in Persian) an account of the
author and his works, of which, as it is not long, a translation is here subjoined. “ It
is well known that the Jémi al Tawdrikh, compiled by Kh’aja Rashid al-din,
contains a history of the whole world, both as regards the lives of the prophets, and
the manners and conduct of the kings of every region. In the same work the writer
hath also given a sketch of the history of India; for he had learned something of the
tenents of the sages of that country from (competent) people, and part (of his infor-
mation) he had from the book of Abul rfhan Birtnf, who having frequently travelled
to India in the service of Sultan Mahmid, the son of Sabactagin, had held intercourse
with the sages ofthat country. After he had made thorough proficiency in the science
of the Indian philosophers, he translated, from the Indian language into the Arabic
tongue, the book of Patankal, or Patanjal, which is a collection of all the sciences,

* It has been suggested to me, that the Jami al Tawdrikh, alludedto by Mirkhond, W&c., refers
only to the Tarikh i Ghdzdni, or first volume, but not to the last three. I must say, however, that
I cannot perceive why these writers should have so misapplied the term Collection of Histories, to
the history of a particular nation, which, besides, had a separate title of its own. I may further
mention that, ina MS. in my possession, entitled Majma al Ghardib, the Jdmi al Tawérikh is
quoted on a matter of chronology which is assuredly from the latter volumes, stating that, ‘‘ from
the fall of Adam to the birth of Muhammad there had elapsed 6102 years, six months, and
ten days!”

Role tena lo rab Ons koSy> mi ;
F

1136 Asiatic Society. [ No. 107.

and one of the most valuable works of the sages of Hind, (like the Kitab i Shaffa, by
Shaikh al-rasi.) It contains an account of all their various sects, and the history of
their ancient kings, also the life of Shakmuni, who according to their opinion, and the
testimony of Kamakshari al Bakhshi al Kashmiri, is the guiding prophet of the people
of Hind and Khata. ‘To this work he gave the name of Patanjal, a copy of which he
carried away with him.

“‘Since the history and actions of Shakmuni, who was once the prophet of the people
of India, have, through the lapse of time, sunk into oblivion, I, the meanest of God’s
servants, Abd ul Kadir, resident of Devi, of Lakhnau, have transcribed the following
account of him from the Jdmi al Tawdrikh. And, at the request of the high in
dignity and rank, Major Herbert, I have made a translation of it into easy Persian.
In certain parts the original was defective and obliterated; these defects, with their
proposed corrections, I have marked on the margin. Deo soli scientia.”’

‘I have nothing further to add respecting this rare and ancient work, except to
express my regret that it has not been deposited in the Society’s library, where it
might be accessible to Oriental scholars. There may be other valuable MSS. in
Colonel Baillie’s collection, which I have not had time to examine; and I shall only
mention here, a very fine copy of the Mahabharata. It is beautifully written on one
roll of fine paper, laid on cotton or silk, and abounds with well-executed paintings,
representing most of the complicated events described in Hindu mythology. I believe
it contains the whole work, as the writing is extremely small, though very distinct.
The roll is about 220 feet long, and I should say from four to five inches wide within
the margin, which is ornamented and illumined throughout.’

I am, Sir, yours faithfully,
8, Alfred-street, Bedford-square, D. Forsss.’
26th October, 1839.

«*P.S. In the preceding letter I have alluded to a Persian MS. in the Society’s
possession, entitled a Catalogue of the Library of Farzdada Kuli. This work is
frequently quoted by my friend M. Garcin de Tassy, in his Histoire de la Litterature
Hindoui et Hindoustani, lately published; for which reason I beg leave to subjoin
the following extract from an account of it, which was read at one of the meetings
of the Royal Asiatic Society in 1838.

‘“<¢The accompanying MS. is a catalogue of books in the Arabic, Persian, and
Hindu languages, amounting, on a rough estimate, to upwards of 2,000 volumes.
It is fairly written and well arranged, the works being classed under the different
subjects of which they treat, as may be seen by referring to the second blank leaf at
the beginning, where I have given an abstract of the contents,

“<¢ Of the works here mentioned, many, I believe, are unknown, even by name in
this country ; but there is one in particular which merits attention, as it has been
long given up for lost by the Orientalists of Europe. I allude to the original Arabic
text of the Chronicles of Tabari, which is here described (p. 10) as follows :—‘ The
Chronicles of Tabari—the Author’s Autograph, with seventy portraits of prophets, his
Eminence the Apostle, and various princes, Iv THE ARaBic LancuacE—RARE.’

‘‘Here then it is evident that the original of Tabard existed (in all probability) in
India within the last forty or fifty years. Unfortunately there is no date, nor name of
person or place mentioned in the book, from which we could discover of whose library _

1840. | Asiatic Society. 1187

it is the catalogue. The last words are the writer’s name, Davar Bakhsh, a piece of
information of no great consequence. On the first blank leaf some one has written,
barbarously enough, in Roman characters*, what I believe is intended for Persian, and
apparently signifies, ‘A Catalogue of the Library of Ferzada Kole ;’ but even
this affords us very little enlightenment. I am led, however, to infer from circum-
stances—in the first place, that the book has been written within the last forty or fifty
years; this is evident from its mentioning (p. 90) the Diwan of Sauda, a Hindustani
poet, who died only a few years before the commencement of the present century.
Secondly, it is a catalocue of the library of some prince, as may indeed be inferred
from its extent, but still more from an expression that occurs in page 95, viz., ‘A list
of the books remaining in the old chest belonging to his August and Sublime
Highness.’ Thirdly, and lastly, there is every reason to infer, that the prince alluded
to was Indian, from the number of Hindi books mentioned in the Catalogue, and in
the list referring to the old chest aforesaid. i

‘¢< Tf the above inferences may be relied on, we have reason to hope that the original
and genuine text of Tabarf, the Livy of Arabia, may yet be recovered. It would
seem that an ancient manuscript of it did lately exist in India, and is, in all proba-
bility, there still. As to its being the autograph of the author, I believe we are to
take that expression ‘ cum grano salis’ as we do the originals of Corregio and Rubens,
&c., so very plentiful among picture-dealers and amateurs. But whether the MS.
here alluded to, be, or be not, the author’s own copy, is a question of minor importance.
The main object is to rescue it, ere it be too late, from that state of obscurity in which
it at present lies, and to that end I have been induced to lay this brief and imperfect
notice of it before the members of the Asiatic Society. It is probable that some indi-
vidual out of that learned body may be able to trace the history of the MS. catalogue
here presented. The booksellers from whom I had it, could tell me nothing as to
whence it came, or whose it had been.

*<* It would be tedious to notice many ofthe rare works mentioned in the catalogue;
there are a few, however, which I cannot pass over. In page 11, we have ‘The
Mustafa Nama, in the metre of the Shahnama, containing the history of Persia
(or rather of Islamism) from Muhammad to Tahmasp of the Suff family, amounting
to 104,000 couplets, beautifully written, and ornamented with gold dust.? Such is
the literal translation of the description given of this stupendous work, which is very
nearly twice the size of the Shahnima, and embraces a period of about a thousand
years,

‘** Further on, among the works on Philosophy, Logic, and Rhetoric, are mentioned
several pieces translated from Aristotle, Plato, and other wise men of Greece, all of
which are highly interesting. There is also a Persian translation of the Makamat
of Hariri, which would be invaluable in explaining many passages of that learned,
but, to us, obscure writer.’

**To the above remarks, written nearly two years ago, I must now add my altered
belief that the Tarikh i Tabari, mentioned in the catalogue, is nothing else than
Colonel Baillie’s MS. of the Jémi al Tawdrikh. This I infer from the identity of

_ the description given of both, and, above all, from the number of pictures agreeing in

both. The doubts which I might feel as to the genuineness of Tabari’s autograph, do

* It runs thus,—Ferisht Khootab Khaona Ferzada Kole.

1138 Asiatic Society. [No. 107.

not apply to the Jami al Tawarikh. Tabari lived a thousand years ago; and Rashid
al Din finished his history only as far back as a little more than half that period.
That the Jami al Tawartkh is really and truly what it purports to be, viz, the author’s
own copy, written under his own inspection, I have not the least reason to doubt, as I
have seen manuscripts of an older date in as good a state of preservation. Should any
of your readers feel sceptical on this point, they may easily satisfy themselves by

carefully examining the hand-writing and paper, and comparing the same with others
of the corresponding era.”’

| D. F.
The Secretary noticed that he had made inquiries through friends in the North-

Western Provinces to procure a copy of this highly valuable work, and had intimation of
the existence of a copy of the Ist vol. in Arabic said to be at Lahore. He however
believed that his correspondent (a native bookseller at Delhi) possessed the work him-
self. He had made some exertions to ascertain the condition of the volume, which he
subsequently gave up.

The Secretary communicated the intelligence of the discovery of papers of value
among certain MSS. volumes which were deposited with the late Mr. JamEs
PrinsEp’s books at the Society’s Rooms. They consisted chiefly of MSS. of
Capt. Herbert, the greater part of which were notes Astronomical, Chemical, and Geolo-
gical, together with results of his Himalaya Survey, observations which was thought
not to have been published. At any rate it was incumbent on the Society, thought
the Secretary, to examine these papers carefully by a Sub-Committee ; agreeably to
that suggestion, Major Forges, Professor O’SHauGcuHNEssy, and Lieut. Broome
were requested to afford their valuable aid on the occasion. The Secretary further
reported that among some old records of the Physical Class, Asiatic Society, were found
several Catalogues of Minerals in the Museum, supposed to have been lost, of the

collections by Coulthard, Rose, Streave, &c. &c.

The Secretary reported to the Meeting that some months ago he had communicated
with Mr. W. C. Hurry, onthe subject of a Chinese Dictionary compiling by
the Rev. J. M. Cauiery, and that he had requested from that gentleman certain
documents connected with the undertaking. These were now received, and sub-
mitted. It was resolved, that these should be referred to the Committee of Papers for
consideration and report.

Read letter from Mr. J. AvDALL, of the 5th March 1841, forwarding for presen-
tation to the Asiatic Society, a copy of his ‘‘ Victoria Spelling Book,’ in Armenian,
divided into two parts, and embellished with 24 engravings.

Read the following report submitted by the Officiating Curator for the month of
February last :— |

1840. | Asiatic Society. 1139

“HH. W. Torrens, Esa.

Secretary Asiatic Society.
“e-Sir,

**T have the honour to submit as follows my report for the month of February.

““ Geological, Mineralogical, and Paleontological Departments.—Proceeding at
every spare moment, with Catalogues, of which a part are now at press : and with the
numbering and arranging of collections.

«‘The two cases of specimens forwarded by the Honorable the Court of Directors,
under the care of Captain TREMENHEERE, as a basis for a Museum of Economic
Geology, have been imported, and their contents temporarily arranged; but before
putting the labels we have to fit up the interior of two out of the three cases. Another
case is wanting to exhibit this collection properly, and several others to contain the
additions we can make to the Museum from the Society’s collections and from dona-
tions, and for those expected from England. The report on this collection has been
made and sent in to you.

‘* We have some valuable additions to these departments, which will be noticed in
the account of additions to the Museum.

** Mammelogical, Ornithological, and Osteological Departments.—Several additions,
which will be detailed at the conclusion. I beg to report that we can make up
another box for the Honorable the Court of Directors; it will consist nearly as
follows :—

**]. Skeleton of a Fox (Indian) prepared by us.
**2. A small box of fresh-water shells, being part of a collection presented by Mr.
Stocqueler.

“3 00 Skins of Birds,
Z ae with horns, Duplicates from Sir A. Burngs’ Collection.

8 Fishes of the Indus,

‘IT may suggest here that we point out to the Curator of the Museum of the Court of
Directors, the great facility with which, if approved of by the Court, he might procure,
in exchange for such specimens as he already possesses, some of the many which we
require for the Museum of Economic Geology. It is scarcely possible to send home a
skin of a bird, a skeleton, or a scull from India for which some duplicate may not be
obtained in exchange, which would be of utility to us here.

‘‘Three large cases of specimens have been sent down by Mr. Cuarkg, Political
Agent at Umballa, which upon examination prove to be the collections made by
Sir A. Burngs, on his mission to Scinde, to which many of his drawings now in the
hands of the lithographers relate. They seem unfortunately to have remained for
the whole time without any care whatsoever, and many are wholly destroyed !

‘¢ Mr. Clarke informs us that the collection has been inspectedby Dr. Jameson, who
has promised a report upon it. The contents of the chests were as follows :—

memes retained forthe Museum): °6 2. ise asbise lise tldhieet ee bilg lee Madd

——— duplicates, to be senthome, .. «e «2 ce «8 «2 ec 6 of of OO

—-.—— rotten, and thrown away, vo cette a intel Worelhdiere Mt srehr. iota oe

Hep Asiatic Society. [No. 107.

Sculls with Horns.—for the Museumsae a Se ek, ee ee I
dupligates, for sending ome, sere 8) Py gO° Mee Bees eae, Se

Total,

Horns .—for the Museum, ee ee se ee ee se eo ee ee ee ee

duplicates, for sending home, ee es ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee

Total,

duplicates forsending home, .. .. 2 «we os

Total,

7
2
+)
7
Fish.—for the Museum, ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee ee l
8
9
Porpoise scull, Alligator, Iguana, Lizard, Turtle, &c. altogether. .. .. «. 7
Snakes in spirits of wine, rotten and thrown away. .. «2 « «+ «+ 13
Skins of animals rotten and thrown away. .. .. «2 «os «+ of «os oe 8

N. B. Claws and beaks of birds, and sculls of animals, preserved when worth do-
ing so.

Fish Reptiles &c.— Nothing more to report.

‘* Donations.— Have been numerous and important. I have already noticed Sir A.

Burnes’ collection, to which we have to add the following :—-

Dr. Spitspury—a chest of Fossil bones from the Nerbudda.

Col. MacLEop—two boxes, being series of geological specimens collected by the
late Captain PEMBERTON on his mission to Bootan. No catalogue with them.

H. Pippineton, Acting Curator.—A collection of Cotton, Coffee, Sugar, Tobacco,
and Tea soils, &c. from India, Mauritius, United States, Singapore, &c. many of them
analysed. 7 Specimens of Burdwan Iron ores analysed. Specimens of the earths
used in the curious glazing of native Sugar-pans.

G. Ewspank, Es@.—A young panther. Skeleton for the Museum.

Mr. D.. E. Roprigurs.—A pink-headed Duck, Fuligula caryophillacea—Museum.

Mr. H. P. Vizerre.—A Snipe, Scolopax—? Museum.

Purchased.—2 Wild Geese, Anas indica or black-hooded Goose. 1 Skeleton; 1

stuffed,—Museum. 1 have the honor to be, Sir,
| Calcutta, Your obedient servant,
lst March, 1840, H. PIDDINGTON,

Actg. Curator, As. Soc. Museum.

The Society having been requested by Government, by a letter from Mr. Secretary
Bushby of the 3rd February last, to submit a report of their Curator on the speci-
mens brought by Captain Tremenheere, and deposited with the Society for the basis
of a Museum of Economic Geology, and in what manner they were of opinion
additions to the present collection may most usefully be made to it—Read the

following report from Mr. H. Prppineton, dated 26th February, 1841.

1840. | Asiatic Society. ; 1141

H. Torrens, Esa.
Secretary, Asiatic Society.
Su,

In obedience to the commands of the Right Honorable the Governor General in
Council, conveyed in Mr. Secretary BusuBy’s letter to you, under date 3rd February,
I have now the honor to submit my report on the collection brought out by Captain
TREMENHEERE, as a basis for the proposed Museum of Economic Geology. I should
state perhaps, that Mr. Bususy’s letter only reached me on the 10th instant, and
that I have also been delayed by the necessity of referring to Captain TREMENHEERE’S
Memorandum, which I have only this day obtained from Bishop’s College Press.
I have incorporated with the report, my views as to the additions which may most
usefully be made to the Museum, and as to the manner in which these may be best
obtained. I remark, that the Society in general is referred to on these points, but as
my ideas relative to them are necessarily connected with the facts and views comprised
in the report, I have thought that I might, without presumption, and even with some
convenience, as to perusal, combine them in one statement.

I.—The collection brought out by Captain TREMENHEERE, is a valuable basis for
a Museum of Economic Geology, but it should be borne in mind, first, that it is only a
commencement ; and next, that it is almost a purely English collection. The little we
yet know of Indian Geology has taught us that, on many points, there are wide
differences from the received systems at home, extending even to the absence, or great
rarity, of whole formations, and the presence of others which have no known corres-
ponding types in Europe, or indeed in any part of the world; and it is quite possible
that her mineralogy, when better known, may also produce its novelties. Hence we re-
quire,—if we wish to render our proposed Museum complete, as a light to the acquisition
of existing knowledge, and a guide to future research, and this more especially in an

‘economic point of view—a complete English and foreign series of specimens, by which

the student and speculator may well understand their systems and processes, and a
complete Indian one, fully to comprehend and avail ourselves of our own. I mention
this in the first place, that I may not appear desirous of embracing too much, or to be
remarking in any spirit of depreciation upon what the liberality of the Honorable the
Court of Directors and the Government of India have allotted to the Society.

II. Coal.—The present collection comprises 51 specimens of coal and anthracite,
from various coal fields. Those from several other English coal fields, as I learn
from Captain TREMENHEERE’S report, are to be sent out. To these I suggest should be
added specimens from the Scotch, and if possible from the French, Belgian, and
American coal fields; with a series of specimens from each, illustrating also the coal
formations and pseudo-coal formations; as for instance, that of Brora in Sutherland-
shire. As we improve our mining systems and our mining knowledge, we shall probably
obtain better coal.* We require also a set of sections of the coal measures of

* It may be perhaps doubted if our Indian coal has yet had fair play! The amount of our
experiments as yet seems to have been, the burning of Indian and English Coal upon grates and in
furnaces made for the latter, and then to pronounce the Indian coal as inferior! It is so no doubt,
but it might produce far better results in grates and in furnaces adapted to it, on the principle

_ that every kind of coal requires a different arrangement of these, to produce its maximum effect,

This remark is not perhaps exactly in place here, but the importance of the subject may excuse

its introduction.

1142 Asiatic Society. [No. 107.

different districts. These are not always published, but many of those which are not
so may perhaps be obtained for us by the Honorable Court, through Mr. De ca
BEcuHE, or by the efforts of members and friends of the Society through their connec-
tions at home.

I allude to American specimens here, and shall have occasion to do so again in the
course of this report, because there are peculiarities connected with the Geology of
both North and South America, which render every light obtainable from those
countries of the greatest interest to us. The use of anthracite in metrallurgical
eperations, is but recent in England, and I am not aware that it has yet been used there
for steamers, though the Americans are said to use it very extensively in their
steam-boats. Models of all kinds of anthracite furnaces are an object of much
importance to India, where this combustible is so often found.

III. Lron Ores and Smeltings.—The collection comprises about forty specimens of
iron ores, their lodes, smeltings, and slags. We must recollect, in relation to this
most important metal, in which India is so rich, that a considerablé portion of the
Indian ores of it, are varieties of the black or protowided class, as magnetic iron-ore,
titaniferous iron-sand, iron, glance, &c. though we have, as in Burdwan, and many
other places plenty of the other kinds, of the finest quality, while the majority of the
English wrought ores belong to the Red and Brown, or peroxided and carbonated
classes. Again: the whole system of English iron-smelting in the present day is one
of smelting by coke; whereas the finest European irons, as the Swedish, Biscayan,
Catalonian, some of the German, and all our fine Indian irons, are made by the
charcoal process. Many of our rich ores are moreover situated where wood is abundant,
and even a nuisance, and likely to be so for a long period of years; while coal
(or coke) were it only from the want of roads, must be for a long time out of the
question in such situations, to say nothing of the limestone.

Hence I should say, that it is a great desideratum in an Indian Museum, to possess
specimens of the Spanish, Swedish, German, Corsican, Elbese, Pyreneean, and other
ores of iron,.of known fine qualities, worked by charcoal only, and often affording
excellent iron at a single operation, as many of our simple native smeltings are known
to do. As a guide to the Indian speculator, these ores, with descriptions or models
of their furnaces, and full accounts of their processes (when these are not to be found
in standard works of easy reference here) may be invaluable, as shewing him how
to direct his efforts most advantageously and upon a scale, perhaps, better suited to his
means than are the vast operations which the English iron-master, from the confined
rates of profit, and excessive competition at home, finds indispensable. I may add in
reference to this matter, that strange as it may appear to those unacquainted with
the subject, there is scarcely any question of metallurgic chemistry upon which so
little is known as that of the ores of iron !

IV. Tin Ores.—In this department the collection is very complete; from the lodes
and ores, their roasting, stamping, washing, and smelting, down to the refuse of the
furnaces. Ina word, almost nothing is here wanting, and I embrace with pleasure
this opportunity of saying that the mass of the specimens in all classes appears to be
what may truly be called working specimens, as distinguished from the show specimens
of the mineralogist’s cabinets, and thus of much higher value for our purpose.

‘The Tin assortment consists of about 20 specimens of ores and lodes of various kinds,
and of about 24 of the ore in various states of preparation, its smeltings, refuse, &c,

1840. | Asiatic Society. 1143

_ Tin is an ore little found except in England, or in the Eastern Islands, and Malayan
Peninsula (we know nothing of the Tin mines of Mawar or Ava) but with such additi-
ons as we shall be able to make to the collection, from specimens already in the Muse-
um, we may consider it as tolerably complete with respect to this metal. The desiderata
are—good accounts of the Saxon and Bohemian works, and ores, with specimens. Of
the Chinese and Malay Tin smeltings of the Eastern Islands, with samples of their
ores; and specially of their refuse or slags, which last ave probably well worth exami-
nation. It is said that both silver and gold have been found in them; and there is a des-
cription of Tin brought from Borneo, which is sold to the Chinese at Sooloo, and other
places, for exportation, at a very high price; this is said to contain one or both of the
precious metals. For our Eastern provinces, the investigation of every fact of this
kind is of high importance.

V. Copper.—The copper ores are about seventy in number. They are also
mostly an English assortment, comprising only the ores most usually found and
worked in England. Several of the Indian, Asiatic,* and American copper-ores
now in the Museum, will form valuable additions to this series. Our desiderata here
are however numerous, we require some of the continental ores of Europe, and a series
from South America, especially of those which exhibit the mixtures (or combinations)
of copper and silver, or copper and gold. Weare promised, I observe, as with the
tin ores, samples of the English ore in all the stages of its progress, from the mine till
it leaves the smelting house, with its slags, which are so instructive to the working
speculator. But we require these both from England, where the smelting of copper
is a separate trade, and the poorest ores are turned to the best account, and where all is
performed by coke; and also from such countries as South America, many parts of
Germany, &c. where charcoal alone is used. It is evident that even under the most
scientific management, the modes of smelting, as governed by the fuel, must greatly
influence results. The preceding remarks (at p. 9.) on the fuel, which may
be available in certain situations, fully apply to copper as to iron works.

VI. Lead Ores.—We have but nine of these (of but one or two varieties) in the
collection ; and these again, with one or two expections, of the commonest kinds.
Every thing therefore is to be acquired in this department. We can supply something
as to Indian specimens from the Museum. The lead ores, independent of their value as
lead, deserve high attention, particularly those of the argentiferous class, which in
fact run into the silver ores, containing at times so much silver, as to render the lead of
little or no importance. :

VII. Antimony, Manganese, Zinc, and Tellurium.—We have in the collection but
eight or ten specimens in all of the three first of these metals, though they are all
of importance ; we shall be able to supply a few from the Society’s, but we may say
pretty nearly, that every thing is wanting in this section. The Indian and Eastern
ores of antimony are deserving of great attention, for none of them have been yet
examined, and they are so commonly met with, that some will no doubt in the end
be found to belong to the class of antimonial silver ores. I mention the auriferous
Tellurium in the section on gold. Captain TREMENHEERE’S paper announces, I ob-
serve, an assortment of ores and specimens relating to zinc and the manufacture of brass.

* Asiatic copper ores. With reference to my remarks at pp. 4 & 5, I may mention here as a
confirmation, that we have in Colonel Burney’s collection of minerals from Ava, an ore of copper

(with the same half-roasted from the Burmese workings) which is certainly not a common one, and
perhaps new to the English miner at least.
7G

1144 Asiatic Society. [No. 107.

VIII, Silver.—We have but three of these ores, but we shall be able to supply
several South American, and other specimens, from the Society’s collections. We
require, however, series of the European and American silver ores with their lodes,
preparations, and smeltings. I mention particularly here, the Mexican and Peruvian
silver ores, because some of them would, from their earthy appearance, and the small
proportion of metal they contain, be passed by as mere red earthy soils or iron ores,
which in fact they are. Some of these ores are from the staples of some of the great mines
of Mexico and Peru, and it may be possible, that we have also deposits of these ores on
the flanks of the Western Ghauts; or in other situations of which the geological
features approach to those of South America, though upon a smaller scale.

«© TX. Gold.—There are no ores of this metal in the collection, and but very few in
the Museum. It is indeed generally obtained from washings, but it is of importance
to us to have specimens of all its ores, particularly of the auriferous iron ores, and of
the telluretted gold ores of Hungary, which so much approach those of antimony.
We require also the alluvial and diluvial soils in which gold is found; and especial-
ly drawings or models of the American washing-frames, which are so extensively used
at the gold-washings of Virginia, Georgia, and the Carolinas. These are cheap and
effective, and perform so much work ina day, that many tracts which had formerly
been abandoned by the gold-washers as too poor, have been washed over again to a
good profit. It is evident that this is what is required for the gold-washings of
Southern India, (and for the auriferous sands of our rivers, where labour, though
cheap, is made dear by being applied in the expensive and wasteful process of
hand-washings.

“© X. Quicksilver.x—There are no ores of quicksilver in the collection. We shall
perhaps be able to supply one or two, but this metal is both so important as an
article of commerce, and as an agent in the separation of the precious metals by
amalgamation, that we should by all means obtain an assortment of its few ores,
and specimens of the deposits in which they occur, from Spain, Idria, and South
America. We shall not Ihope be thought too sanguine if we hope that when the
numerous carboniferous deposits of India are better known and studied, mercury
may be found. We know that it exists abundantly in Yunan, most probably in the
formations in which it has always, hitherto been found, and it is therefore quite
possible that it may be found on our Eastern (Assam or Cacher) frontier. Like
silver, one or two of its known ores might easily be passed over. The metallic-
looking ores of any mineral we know, are sure to attract attention; it is the
rubbish-like, earthy-looking ones, therefore, which specially demand a place ina
Museum of Instruction.

‘* XI. Arsenic.—We should not omit to collect all the ores and lodes of this metal
which so much abounds in India and to the eastward. Independent of its value as
an article of commerce, its frequent association with the precious metals may
induce a hope that a careful examination of its ores might lead to some discoveries.
It is probable that we are yet far from knowing all the combinations of this Proteus
of the metals with others.

‘« XII. Bismuth, Cobalt, Chrome, and Nickel.—The ores, lodes, and every sort of
information relative to these metals, should not be neglected. Some of these are

1840.] Asiatic Society. | 1146

but little known, and new ones it is possible may be discovered. The uses of some
of them (Bismuth, Cobalt, and Nickel) are probably only limited by their prices,
and what they, or other metals now almost considered as curiosities, might become,
if more abundant, the history of Chrome fully testifies.

«« XIII. Alum, Soda, Borax, Amber.—Specimens of the Alum-slates of Europe, of the
Soda earths of Egypt and India, of the Borax and Boracic acids of Italy and Thibet,
and of the Indian ambers, are also desiderata, In reference to one of these only,
I may mention that I have ascertained that the soda earths of India may be purified
and discoloured by a very simple process, and thus great tracts of land now barren
and valueless, may yield crops as valuable as the barilla-fields of Spain, or the kelp-
shores of Scotland.

** XIV. Agricultural Geology.—-Captain TREMENNEERE’S report adverts so ably to
the now well recognised importance of this branch of the science, that no remarks of
mine in this respect are necessary. The collection contains a few specimens of
soils from Cornwall, but there are no labels or descriptions with them. Capt.
Tremenueere informed me, that on account of his hurried departure, he was no,
able to find his notes, but hoped to be able to send them tome, I have had the
pleasure of contributing, from my own cabinet of soils, about forty specimens of
Cotton, Sugar, Tobacco, and Tea soils ; many of which are anaiysed. These are from
America, the Mauritius, Singapore, various parts of India, &c.; and I am advised by
Mr. Srikeman, Secretary to the East India and China Association, that through the
active assistance of Lord John Russext and Sir John Cam Hosunouse, a chest of
West India Sugar soils is now on its way to me on the ship ‘‘ Lord Melbourne,”’
for the purpose of comparative analysis with those of India and the Mauritius.
A great desiderata here are Sugar soils from the valley of the Mississippi, and from
Demerara ; for itis evident, that for Bengal the analogy mainly to be looked for is
that between soils forming, as here, the alluvion of rivers. The volcanic soils are
more likely to prove guides for those of Central and Western India. It should
be borne in mind that we require for India not only the soils for tropical productions,
but those also for the productions of temperate climates. At this moment, for
example, one of the most valuable acquisitions we could obtain, would be a few
specimens of soils from the hop gardens of Kent and Sussex! as a guide to the
gentlemen who are so zealously endeavourirg to introduce that valuable plant.*
In this department, then, nothing can come amiss to us ; for we may always dispose
most advantageously of every thing. 1 forbear, for the sake of brevity, entering
into the list of what we principally require.

“© XV. Mineral Manures.—The Mineral manures, from the peat of the jheels, so
extensively used in India, to gypsum, which is now the main support of a large
portion of the agriculture of the older American states, though its use is unknown
here, should not be omitted in our collection, The kunkers of all kinds might,
there is no doubt, be often available as a valuable manure, if their use as such
was known.

* Specimens of the soils of the best sheep-pastures from England, Germany, Spain, and particu-

larly New South Wales, would be also valuable guides; for it is certain that the quality of wool
depends as much on the soil as on the grasses.

1146 Asiatic Society. [ No. 107.

“XVI. Architectural Geology—Stones employed for Architectural or Engineering pur-
poses ; Ornamental Stones, as Marbles, &c.—Of these the collection contains but one or
two specimens. We have many of cornices, capitals, and images, which would afford
much instruction, though the antiquity of but very few of them can be known
The conditions of climate here are so different from those of Europe, that it may
be difficult to establish correct comparative views, though we need not on that
account neglect European specimens, and the results of their experience. We
require however, more especially, specimens of stones, bricks, and marbles from
ancient Indian buildings and fortifications ; with, of course, the dates of their
erections, when these can be ascertained. These it should be remembered are
desirable both when they have well, and when ill withstood the effects of the
climate ; for both are lessons to the architect. It should be carefully noted if
they appear ever to have been protected by plaster, paint, or casing; specimens
from more recent erections, particularly where exhibiting signs of early decay, should
not be neglected. The tomb-stones of the early European settlements might
perhaps afford good practical lessons in this respect. The church of Bandel bears,
I think, the date of 1680, and it is possible that many tombs of at least a century
old, might be found, either European or native, of various materials.

‘« The foregoing remarks hold good for the ornamental stones and marbles. Our
Museum affords a very few of these, and a geological series of specimens from
the sandstone quarries of Chunar, by Captain Franxtin.

‘XVII. Mortars and Cements.— We have nothing of this kind in the collection, nor
in the Museum, as far as I have yet seen ; but the field which these afford for curious
and profitable research, and the great public and private advantage to be derived
from a thorough investigation of it, isimmense. It would appear that many of the
native cements of former times were, like those of the ancient Romans, even more
durable than the brick or stone with which they were used, and very far superior to
any thing which can now be made, even with the greatest care. It is then, well
worth our attention to procure also from the ancient buildings, both of India and
Europe, specimens of the mortars and cements. All the limestones which can be
obtained, from the kunkurs up to the pure marbles, are of course desiderata, as
being the raw material of the cements. I should add to these, specimens of the
corals, and of the fresh and salt-water shells so extensively used for making lime in
India. We are quite ignorant as yet of what may be the effect of mixing the shell
and stone limes in various proportions ; of what is owing to the Silica alumina, and
oxides of iron in the kunkurs, to the phosphates (from the shells or the iron of the
kunkurs) and to all these with the various proportions of lime and magnesia, which
form the bases of the cements. These are great objects of research, for which
the first requisite is to have series of specimens at hand ; without which they
must always be imperfectly examined, and most frequently will not be so at all.

“XVIII. Materials for Road Making.—These, 1 need not say, are of primary
importance. It is true that expence frequently prevents their being carried far,
though sometimes a road may carry the materials for its own extension. But
there is another point of view in which the collection of both good and bad
materials for road-making may be important, when the subject comes to be

1840. ] Asiatic Society. 1147

scientifically considered. I mean that of the combinations of the different materials
to be found at hand, or made at a small expence;—thus, we know that throughout
the great basaltic district of India the elements of the Puzzolanas are every where
found. We know that durable roads have been constructed of volcanic materials.
We know that minute proportions of ferruginous or calcareous matters have often
extraordinary effects in consolidating earthy materials. But of what is available,
or how it should be used, in any given part of the country, we are totally ignorant.
It is evident that Indian road-making requires, if possible, more than the careful
aggregation of materials to resist the torrents of the rains, and the heats of the
dry weather. It is probable that it is yet a science to be created between the
chemist and the engineer.*

“‘ XIX. Plastic Geology.—Clays and earths for pottery and other manufactures.—Of
these we have none in the collection, and none, particularly so described in the
Museum. Our first requisites are series of the English and other European pottery-
clays, and of those from China, if obtainable. The scouring and pigment earths,
and fire clays, of all kinds, are also required. Very good fire clays are found
in Burdwan, Rajmahl, and near Moorshedabad. I have been able to contribute
specimens of the earths used in the curious red varnish of the native sugar-
pans, which is of extraordinary durability.

‘«« Apart from the improvement of our domestic manufactures, it is quite possible
that some of our Indian clays may well pay for exportation.

«‘ XX. With respect to how all these desiderata may be best obtained, the Society
should, it is evident, first make known its wants, both in Europe and in India, by
printing detailed memoranda, and offering exchanges where these can be desirable.
From Europe we may doubtless count greatly upon the liberality of the Hon’ble the
Court of Directors, and that of the many old and tried friends to India who seek but
to know how they can best serve her. Scientific Institutions, and such associations
as the Royal Agricultural Societyt will no doubt be ready to meet our wishes. As
a matter of purely commercial interest also, we must not forget to address the
Chambers of Commerce, and the principal commercial houses connected with India
both in England, on the Continent, and in America. There are doubtless many
gentlemen amongst these who only desire to find individuals or public bodies ready
to receive their suggestions and contributions, and assist their inquiries.

** In Indiawe shall doubtless find many mercantile men, and members of the Services,
ready to move their friends at home, or in various parts of India, in our behalf. To
Capt. TREmENHEERE'S suggestions of assistance from Officers and Assistants of the
Revenue Surveys, I should add, that we may obtain much from the principal and
subordinate Collectors of all ranks, the Civil Surgeons, Planters, &c. and I doubt
not that it will be the pride of the Society to see justice done to their contri-

butions.

* The recent introduction of Asphatum as a material for roads and pavements will occur
here as a case in point.

+t I am not sure that this is the correct title of this body.

1148 Asiatic Society. [ No. 107.

‘¢ The foregoing report will I fear be thought too long, though I have endeavoured,
by abstaining almost wholly from explanatory notes and quotations in support of
some of the views advanced, to make it as brief as possible. It will not I hope be
forgotten how vast are the questions to which almost every paragraph of it leads.
I have adverted in it, more than once to the high importance of the proposed
Museum, in common with all institutions of the kind, as affording a ready access
to much of what the student and speculator could not otherwise hope to obtain a
sight of. 1 would farther remark, for this cannot be too well borne in mind, that in
India we require, of necessity, much more assistance than in Europe, to prosecute
successfully researches of this kind. We require this from the vast unexplored
fields on all sides, and because the labourers in them are so few, and so liable to be
interrupted by illness or change of residence, that, unless the objects of research are
within their immediate reach, the mere time occupied in collecting them involves a
thousand chances of fatal interruptions. We require it, moreover, because it so sel-
dom occurs in India that the talent, the time, and the pecuniary means, are all
found together. Those who have the time and the talent, lack the means ; and those
who have amply the means and the knowledge, can rarely afford the time, unless at
the sacrifice of their health, of which we all know more than one melancholy exam-
ply. Itis thus that so little has been done by the English in India in the way of.
researches of this kind, and that we have often, unjustly enough, borne the reproach of
indifference or of ignorance. It is thus I would then respectfully urge, that we
require far more assistance than in Europe, where, from the abundance of talent,
means, disposable time, settled modes of life, great facilities of communication,
and of reference ; and almost perfect knowledge of every existing resource, the
student or speculator has, so to say, a mere pastime, in comparison with the difficul-
ties which beset him in India:—India! a field of research so vast, that no man can
even guess the extent of it; and he would bea bold one who would venture to
pronounce to what its investigation may not yet lead us.”

Calcutta, I have the honor to be,
Asiatic Society’s Rooms, Sir,
26th February, 1841. Your obedient, humble Servant,

H. PipDINGTON,
Actg. Curator As. Soc. Museum.

It was resolved—That a copy of this interesting document be forwarded to Mr.
Secretary BusuBy, for submission to the Right Honorable the Governor of Bengal.

The President noticed the presentation of the plan and section of the Ghaut about to
be constructed to the memory of the late James Prinsep, Esq. by R. H. Rartray,
Esq.

Resolved—That Mr. Ratrray be thanked for the same, and that it be hung up in
the rooms of the Asiatic Society, as requested by that gentleman. ,

For the presentations and contributions, the thanks of the Society were accorded.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ASIATIC SOCIETY.

The Galvanic Battery in its various Practical Applications as an
Igniting Agent.—By Lieut. R. Batrp Smitn, Bengal Engineers.

INTRODUCTORY REMARKS.

The dependence of the action of the Galvanic Battery on chemical
principles, the excitation of that action by the employment of chemical
agents, and the habit of considering the Battery as an instrument of
scientific research rather than of practical utility, have tended, to a
certain extent, to excite impressions unfavourable to its extensive ap-
plicability in engineering operations. Practical men naturally dread
employing any agent of whose nature they are not thoroughly
cognizant, and are therefore liable to be prejudiced against the Battery,
by finding themselves unable to apprehend the rationale of its effects.
To aid in the removal of such an impression, it may be remarked that
an acquaintance with the theory of the Battery, is by no means
essential to the comprehension of its mechanical details and applica-
tions, as a little experience would immediately prove. A few op-

portunities of observing the Battery in action, of noting the different

manipulations, such as forming connections, apportioning solutions, &c.
_ will, with common intelligence, enable any one to employ it indepen-
dently. The remembrance of what has already been done, both at
| home and in this country, will also tend to remove any farther pre-
judice which may exist against the practical application of the Galvanic
Battery.

No. 108. New Series, No. 24. 7H

1150 The Galvanic Battery. [ No. 108.

Having long been impressed with a sense of the great economical
importance of the Battery in all the varied operations in which the
explosive force of gunpowder is employed, and having had an ex-
cellent opportunity of becoming acquainted with its details during
the progress of the demolition of the barque “Equitable,” in which
I had the pleasure of being employed under Capt. Fitzgerald, I was
led to prepare this paper, in the hope of rendering the experience
then attained, available to the fullest extent for the benefit of
others under similar circumstances. After a considerable portion
of it had been written, I learned that a pamphlet by Col. Pasley
on the same subject was in course of publication, and I therefore im-
mediately laid my paper aside. On receiving Col. Pasley’s pamphlet,
however, I found it was entirely confined to details of his own plans,
and as experience had proved that these admitted of most material im-
provements and modifications, I conceived my paper might still be
useful, and accordingly resumed and completed it. The original plan
has been extended by the addition of a section ‘on the Theory of
the Battery,” in which the recently published views of Sir Michael
Faraday on this long disputed point, have been briefly developed ; and as
his researches have entirely removed it from the domain of “ doubtful
knowledge,” as he himself terms it, to that of inductive certainty, the
addition may prove interesting to those who desire to understand the
principles as well as the practical applications of the Galvanic Battery.

_ Section I.— The Construction of the Galvanic Battery.

The elementary form of the Galvanic Battery consists simply in the
interposition, between two plates of different metals, (usually copper
and zinc) of a fluid capable of exerting some action on one of these
plates, while it has none, or at least a different one, on the other. A
communication established between the plates, either by direct contact,
or by the interposition of some conducting substance, then admits of
the circulation of a current of Galvanic electricity.

It would be foreign to the design of this paper, to dwell upon the
various combinations and modifications of the above elementary Battery,
by which different compound circles have been formed ; and information
concerning these is the less called for, since all have been recently

1
}

1840. | The Galvanic Battery. 1151

superseded by an arrangement due to Professor Daniel, in which the re-
moval of the defects of former constructions has been accompanied by
some most important and peculiar advantages. Of this alone, there-
fore, will the details be given, and as zine is procurable in this country,
both in the massive and laminar states, a simple modification of the
constant Battery adapted for the use of each, will be described.

In the original form of the constant Battery in which the zinc is
[Fig. I. a.] used in solid rods, the copper element consists of a cylinder of
that metal in its thinest obtainable state. The cylinder is formed, as
shewn in Fig. I, with a small collar, and to one side of it a small copper
cup to contain mercury, or a clamp-screw socket for facilitating
metallic connections throughout the Battery, is attached.

The zinc element is a rod of that metal, varying in diameter and
[Fig.I.b.] length, according to the strength required for the Battery,
perforated at one extremity by a thin piece of wood, which, on the zinc
being inserted within the cylinder, rests on the collar, and prevents
any direct contact of the two metals. The rod is usually amalgamated
with mercury, as will subsequently be described, and its exterior end is
made to terminate in a small mercurial connecting cup, or clamp-screw.

The principal objection to the earlier forms of the Battery arose
from the rapidity with which the energy of their action was found to
decline. On this being traced to the deposition of particles of reduced
oxide of zinc on the copper plate, in consequence of certain chemical
actions within the cell, its recurrence was prevented in the constant
[Fig. I. c.] Battery by the interposition of a membranous partition be-
teen the two metals. This membrane is usually made of ox gullets,
and is so constructed, as readily to fit on to the collar of the copper
cylinder. Thus, then, the Battery when complete, with the exception
of the solutions, consists, (1) of the copper cylinder ; (2) of the mem-
brane within this; and (3) of the zinc rod separated from the copper
by the membrane. The dimensions vary according to the strength
required for the Battery; that employed by Col. Pasley in his experi-
ments in February 1839, consisted of 10 cylinders, 21 inches high, by
34 ditto in diameter, with zinc rods one inch in diameter.

The modification of the constant Battery necessary for the employ-
ment of sheet zinc, consists simply in making the copper cells rect-
angular instead of cylindrical, and the adoption of this form is much

1152 The Galvanic Battery. » [No. 108.

accelerated by employing pasteboard instead of ox gullet partitions, a
suggestion due toDr. Q’Shaughnessy of Calcutta. The details are as
follow;—

1. The dimensions having been decided upon, a piece of sheet copper of
[Fig. II. a.] the proper size, is to be formed into a rectangular cell, the
junctions of the side pieces and bottom being soldered with hard brass
solder. As the power of a Battery is considerably augmented by bring-
ing the opposite surfaces of copper as near as possible to each other,
the edge and bottom pieces of the cell are usually very small in propor-
tion to its sides. When the latter are 14” or 15" square, the former
may conveniently be made half an inch in breadth. A small connecting
tube, about an inch in depth, or a connecting screw soldered at the
top of one of the edge pieces completes the copper element.

2. The partition cases are made of common strong brown pasteboard,
[Fig. II. c.] two pieces of this being laid together, and their edges or three
sides compressed between strips of teak wood, half an inch in breadth,
1-8th in thickness, the length being regulated by the dimensions of the
copper cell into which the case should slide easily. Screw nails of
copper, if such are to be obtained, but otherwise of iron, passed through
the teak binders and the pasteboards, render the case water-tight at
the edges, and complete its manufacture.

The zinc element consists of a piece of the sheet zinc of commerce
[Fig. I. b.] (spelter) of such a size, as to admit of its readily passing in-
side the pasteboard case, and rounded off, as shown in the sketch.
A thick copper wire is soldered to it, to facilitate the connections
throughout the Battery, by dipping into the mercurial cupsabove described.

A Battery of this rectangular form was used in the destruction of
the barque ‘“ Equitable,” having side pieces 14" x 14”, edge and bottom
ditto 14° x 1", pasteboard cases 133" x 131”, and zine plates
12” x 12", the number of cells employed being 12.

Section I].—Of the Exciting Solutions for the Battery—their nature,
preparation, and proportions.

It has been found by experience that strong chemical action on the
zinc of a Battery, with the interposition of a good conducting solution
between the zinc and the copper, are the conditions by which powerful
galvanic action is insured. ;

1840. | The Galvanic Battery. 1153

With the constant Battery, solutions are always employed in pairs, of
which sulphate of copper invariably forms one, and sulphate of soda or
dilute sulphuric acid, may be used indiscriminately as the other. A
saturated solution of sulphate of copper, or blue stone, is prepared by
adding this substance to boiling water till the water ceases to dissolve
it, and then allowing the mixture to cool. Should any crystals of the
blue stone be deposited during the cooling, it is a satisfactory proof
that the solution is fully saturated; if no such deposit takes place it is
advisable to add more of the salt to the water. A simple method of
ascertaining, during the progress of preparation, whether the solution
has reached the point of saturation, is to place a single drop on a piece
of glass, and mark if minute crystals, or solid matter, are immediately
deposited, if so, the addition of blue stone may be discontinued. The
proper strength will readily however be estimated after a little ex-
perience from the intensity of the blue colour of the solution. A pro-
portion of one part of blue stone to three parts of water by weight,
has been found by experiment to be most effective, and a large copper
cooking vessel is perhaps the best utensil for boiling the mixture in.
The sulphate of copper is obtained in the bazaar under the name of
~“ Nila tutiya,” and at an expense of from five to seven annas per Ib.

The solution of sulphuric acid, or vitriol, hitherto employed in the
cylindrical Battery, is made by mixing one part of strong acid with
eight parts of water.

The solution of sulphate of soda, or Glauber’s salts, which has been
used with the blue water in all the experiments to be stbse-
quently detailed, is prepared by dissolving one part of the salts in eight
or nine parts of warm water, and allowing the mixture to cool
before use. Its native name is ‘ Kari nimuk,” and it is obtainable to
any extent at the trifling expense of two rupees per maund.

It is unnecessary to notice the numerous other kinds of solutions
which have been proposed, as the preceding are at once effective,
abundant, and simple, and will amply suffice for every practical purpose.

| Section III.—Of the Arrangements for bringing the Battery into
| action, and the precautions to be observed thereupon.

_ The first step towards bringing the Battery into action after all
_ the preceding details have been completed, is to charge the cells with

1154 The Galvanic Battery. [No. 108.

the exciting solutions. The membranous bag of the cylindrical Battery
is to be filled with the dilute solution of vitriol, so that this may be in
contact with the zinc rod, and the space between the membrane and
the copper is to be charged with the saturated solution of blue stone.

In using the rectangular Battery, it is necessary to soak the paste-
board cases in the dilute solution of sulphate of soda, till they are
thoroughly saturated. Each copper cell is then to be made about two-
thirds full of the blue stone water, and subsequently the damped paste-
boards are to be respectively inserted. The solution of soda is then
to be poured inside the cases till the blue water rises to within an inch
of the mouths of the cells, care being taken that no extensive inter-
mixture of the two liquids takes place. In this case sulphate of soda
is in contact with the zinc, and sulphate of copper with the copper
elements of the battery.

The cells having thus been charged, the small connecting cups are
then to be partially filled with mercury, and to complete the circuit
throughout the entire battery, the wire attached to zine No. 1, is made
to dip into the cup of copper No. 2; the wire of zine No. 2 into
the cup of copper No. 3; and thus the zines of the series are to be
each connected with the adjoining coppers. By this arrangement, a
copper cup is left vacant at one extremity of the battery, and a zinc
wire unemployed at the other. These are usually called the poles, and
through them the power of the battery is directed as occasion may
demand.

When the zine plates are new, the solutions well made, and the con-
nections perfect, indications of activity may usually be obtained a few
minutes after the battery has been charged. The junction of the two
poles by means of a short piece of copper wire having one of its ex-
tremities terminated by a small portion of very fine platinum or iron wire,
will afford immediate proof of the circulation of the galvanic current,
by the heating of the small wire to a degree dependent on the inten-
sity of the action. Should it appear that the ignition is not so deci-
ded as might be expected from the size of the battery, it is probable some
accidental interruption has occurred within the circuit, and the action
of part of the cells been thereby neutralized. To ascertain the locality
of this interruption, the test-wire is to be retained in contact with one
pole, and the platinum at its extremity made to communicate with each

eS gt ae a ee ae ne

1840. | The Galvanic Battery. 1155

cell in succession, beginning with the most distant. Passing thus
along the battery, the total cessation or marked diminution of the heat-
ing power at any one point will indicate the accident to have taken
place there, and on examination it will usually be found that either
the connecting wires have slipped out of the mercury cups, or that their
extremities have become corroded, and unfit for insuring perfect metal-
lic contact, or that the connections have been imperfectly made. The
removal of the impediments will be indicated by the full development
of the power of the battery, in the intense ignition or fusion of the fine
test-wire.

When batteries of a considerable number of cells are employed, it
increases materially their igniting power to make the cells act in pairs
by connecting two zinc plates directly with two copper cells, so that they
may act as one, but with double their former surface.

Reference was formerly made to the propriety of occasionally
amalgamating the zine plates and the extremities of the connecting
wires. With the former this is effected by washing the surface of the
zine with a weak solution of sulphuric acid, and then applying a little
mercury, which immediately combines with the zinc, and renders its
surface bright and smooth. Care must however be taken in handling
plates after amalgamation, as they become exceedingly brittle. To
amalgamate copper wire, the simplest plan is to brighten the surface,
and then to rub the brightened portion with a piece of soft leather to
which a little mercury has been made to adhere by means of a thin
coat of tallow. After continuing the friction for a short time, adhesion
of the mercury to the copper is effected.

The mercury employed in these manipulations generally becomes
impure, it may however be purified again sufficiently for use, by
straining it through a piece of fine cloth of any kind, by which the dust
&c. is removed.

When the object for which the battery was put in action has been
accomplished, the zinc plates should be immediately withdrawn from
the pasteboard cases, and well washed with pure water till all the
black deposit which will be found upon them is removed.

Having recently had an opportunity of perusing Sir Michael Fara-
day’s admirable “ Researches in Electricity,” I am indebted to that
work for the following remarks relative to some farther precautions to

1156 The Galvanic Battery. [ No. 108.

be observed in the use of the Galvanic Battery :—‘ Weak and exhausted
charges, should never be used at the same time with strong and fresh
ones in the different cells of a trough, or the different troughs of a
battery ; the fluid in all the cells should be of the same strength, else
the plates in the weaker cells, in place of assisting, retard the passage
of the electricity generated in, and transmitted across the stronger cells.”

“In the same manner, the association of strong and weak pairs
of plates should be carefully avoided.” ‘“ The reversal, by ac-
cident or otherwise, of the plates in a Battery has an exceedingly
injurious effect. It is not merely the counteraction of the current
which the reversed plates can produce, but their effect also in retarding,
even as indifferent plates, and requiring decomposition on their
surface in accordance with the course of the current, before the latter
can pass, is very deleterious. I find in a series of four pairs of plates
of zinc and platina in dilute sulphuric acid, if one pair be reversed, it very
nearly neutralizes the power of the whole.” Another very serious
impediment to the full action of the battery, is the deposition of copper
on the surface of the zinc. This generally arises from the extensive
intermixture of the solutions in consequence of imperfections in the
partitions. Great attention ought therefore to be paid to keeping
these water-tight at their edges, so that intermixture may only take
place through the pores of the substance composing them. In my own |
experience, I have occasionally found the entire igniting power of a
large twelve cell battery lost, from the preceding cause, and I find
Faraday repeatedly cautions us against it.

Section 1V.—Of Conductors—their nature, uses, and modes of
construction.

When the Galvanic Battery is required to produce its igniting
effects at a distance, as is the case in all mining operations, a path
must be provided along which the generated current can find a ready
and uninterrupted passage. Such a path is best furnished by metallic
wires, the conducting power of the metals being very much superior
to that of any other class of substances. Of the metals, copper is
invariably preferred, in consequence,of its high conducting power, its

|
}

1840. | The Galvanic Battery. 1157

ductility, flexibility, and cheapness. The dimensions and other details
connected with the conductors are determined by the nature of the
circumstances under which they are to be employed, which may he
classed under three heads :—

I. When the conductors are simply led along the surface of the
ground, as in blasting rocks in quarries.

II. When the conductors are led under the surface of the ground,
as in military mining.

III. When the conductors are immersed in water, as in sub-aqueous
mining operations, for the removal of sunken vessels, or rocks in the
beds of navigable rivers, &c.

In the first case, the conductors require no protection whatever, and
may be formed of naked wires, care being however taken that while
the operations are in progress, no metallic contact takes place between
them. This might be effectually guarded against by inserting corks or
pieces of wood between the two wires, at convenient intervals, through-
out their length.

Our information relative to the best arrangements for conductors
employed in military mining operations is still very limited, a few
experiments due to Colonel Pasley being all that has yet been
published on this branch of the subject. It is only at establishments
where military works are continually being executed, that facilities for
experiments of this kind can be obtained, and it might be worth while
on the part of Government to sanction a series of them, at the head-
quarters of the Sappers and Miners at Delhi, where, during the practice
season, all the requisite facilities would be readily available. Colonel
Pasley employed the same conductors in his military mining expe-
riments as in his sub-aqueous explosions; they were elaborately in-
sulated by repeated applications of water-proof composition, tape, and
spun yarn, as will be more fully described hereafter. Although I feel
considerable hesitation in venturing to express an opinion on a strictly
experimental point, I am yet inclined to believe that, especially in dry
earth, the minimum of insulation will suffice; a single covering of
tarred tape to each wire, would, I believe, prove effectual under such

| circumstances.

In the third and last case, when conductors are immersed in water,

the arrangements for insuring their efficiency are necessarily more
| UI

1158 The Galvanic Battery. [ No. 108.

intricate. Water, especially when holding saline matters in solution,
being a good conductor, its contact with the wires during the passage
of a galvanic current would tend much to diminish the igniting power
of this ; to prevent such an effect is therefore of primary importance in
the formation of conductors for sub-aqueous operations. Colonel
Pasley, to whose zeal practical science is so much indebted, has des-
cribed a very effectual method for insuring the insulation of conducting
[Fig. III. a.] wires. In his plan “A 14 inch new tarred rope of the
intended length of the conducting wires is passed slowly through boiling
Stockholm tar, which renders it impervious to water,—a necessary pro-
cess, or the rope on becoming wet after the wires are attached to it, as
described below, would shrink one foot in 100 feet, and draw the wires
into kinks.” Two copper wires 5. each 20 feet longer than the rope,
after being annealed, are separately coated with water-proof composi-
tion (made by melting | tb. of pitch, 2 oz. of bees’ wax, and 2 oz.
of tallow together, taking care that it never boils) and are covered
with cotton tape, which is bound round the wire while the composition
is hot. The wires are then bound to the rope by strong packthread, c.
a turn being taken round each wire every time to prevent the
d. possibility of their shifting. This being done, they are to be
bound round again with coarse tape 14 inch wide, after another
e. coating of composition has been laid on. Lastly, the whole must be
served with new tarred yarn, and again paid over with the composition,
when the process is complete. These arrangements, there ean be no
doubt, would be most effective in preventing any water from reaching
the wires, but the resulting conductor is objectionable on account of its
very great weight, and the difficulty of managing it when its length is
considerable, especially in situations where strong tides and currents
[Fig. V.] are to be contended against. In a modification of this plan,
adopted in some experiments in Fort William, to be subsequently
detailed, the preceding objections were, to a considerable extent,
a. removed. The rope and coatings with tape were entirely dis-
pensed with, the wires were each served with tarred rope yarn, over
6. which a coat of dammer and grease was laid, the two wires were then
lashed together by rope yarn, another coat of composition applied, and
the conductor was complete. Five hundred feet of conductor, or one
thousand feet of wire were thus prepared, immersed in salt water,

IS inl ok to — rie es

}

1840. | The Galvanic Battery. 1159

subjected to great strains, and were found most effective. The only
objection to the plan arose from the tendency of the thick wire to
break, and difficulty of reaching the fracture in consequence of the
strong adhesion of the insulating material to the wire. This of course
admits of being readily obviated by annealing the wire, or employing a
rope of small wires, instead of one thick one.

Another method for making conductors for sub-aqueous explosions
[Fig. 1V.] characterised by great simplicity, and possessing several im-
portant advantages, has been suggested by Dr. O’Shaughnessy. In this
a. only one wire is insulated, by passing it through a series of corks,
which are subsequently coated with water-proof composition, and
wrapped round with wax cloth, or some other impervious substance.
b. The second wire remains unprotected, and is simply tied with
twine to the corks. The chief objection to which, in practice, this plan
has been found subject, has arisen from the breaking of the corks across,
and the consequent exposure of the insulated wire to metallic contact
e. with the other, or with adjoining substances. This objection
might be removed by serving the corks round with yarn, which, without
destroying the buoyancy they possess, would effectually remove the
danger of accidental contact, or by covering the wire with tape and
water-proof composition, prior to its being passed through the corks.
In all cases, however, in which charges are employed at great

depths, more perfect insulation than this plan affords would, it is con-

ceived, be essential. Under pressure, the corks become saturated
with water, and the consequence is that there is then no actual insula-
tion of the wire. To form a perfect conductor, the plan for entire
insulation ought therefore to be adapted for that portion of the wires
passing vertically downwards, and the corks should be used for the
horizontal portion; lightness and buoyancy will thus be combined

_ with complete insulation of that part where insulation is essential,

and all risk of failure from accidental metallic contact, or diminution
of the heating power of the battery, avoided.

The length of conductors is regulated by the limits of danger from
the effects of the explosions, beyond which it is essential to the securi-
ty of those engaged in the operations, that they should extend. This
limit will necessarily vary under varying circumstances, and cannot

_ always be determined with perfect accuracy. In blasting rocks and

1160 The Galvanic Battery. [No. 108.

military mining, where the charges are carefully calculated to produce
certain definite effects, the limit of danger may generally be known, or
at least easily determined, but where large sur-charges are employ-
ed, experience is still required to shew accurately the extent to which
their effects will reach. On this point Capt. Fitzgerald, in his report
on the operations for destroying the ‘‘ Equitable,” remarks, “the limit
of actual danger with a charge of 2050 tbs. of powder, in a depth of
thirty feet of water, may from such experience as this single instance
affords, be calculated as something beyond 120 feet. At 200 feet it is
conceived that a person in a substantial boat would be perfectly safe,
alike from the effects of the waves and the fragments of the wreck ;”
but should the charge be fired directly from a boat, he recommends
“ that for charges of the above description, the main conductors should
not be less than 250 feet in length.” These remarks must of course be
received with the caution required by the limited experience on which
they are founded, but they will furnish some standard to which, under
similar circumstances, reference can be made. The depth of water most
materially influences the limit of danger, which rapidly diminishes as
that increases. In Colonel Pasley’s operations at Spithead, when the
depth was about ninety feet, the limit of danger appears to have been
scarcely beyond fifty or sixty feet, although the charges ranged between
2000 and 2500 ibs., and instead of a lofty column of water being
thrown up, the elevation of the surface over the charge appears to have
been but slight, and the visible disturbance comparatively trifling.

In long conductors, it is impossible to have the wires continuous
throughout, and the proper formation of the junctions is of essential
consequence to their efficiency. The ends of the wires to be connect-
ed should either be strongly brazed together, or if this may be impracti-
cable, they should be twisted together in the smallest possible twists
for a length of at least six inches. A few turns, or imperfect contact,
should never be considered sufficient, as such connections diminish the
igniting power of a battery most seriously, while, on the other hand,
well made junctions do not perceptibly affect it. To prove this, a thin
wire, 1-20th of an inch in diameter, and 100 feet in length, was taken, and
the minimum number of cells required to ignite dry saltpetre cloth as-
certained. When the experiments commenced, five junctions existed
in the conductor itself, while there were two more at the poles of the

1840. | The Galvanic Battery 1161

battery, and other two at the extremities to which the platinum igniting
wire was attached. With these nine junctions, five cells of a battery
14 by 1 caused saltpetre cloth to ignite, but four cells were not able
to effect this. New junctions were made at the termination of each
experiment, till from nine they extended to twenty-four, and still the
same strength of battery sufficed to insure the ignition. The junc-
tions were carefully made, and the contact rendered as perfect as
possible. ’

When the distance from which a charge is to be fired is increased,
either the strength of the battery, or the diameter of the wires
employed, must be increased also. The exact proportion existing
between these increments has not yet been decided, and the results of
experience, as far as it has extended, must on this point guide our
proceedings. Colonel Pasley states that with a battery of 10 cylinders,
21 inches high and 34 inches in diameter, having zinc rods 21 inches
long and one inch in diameter, he invariably succeeded in igniting
charges at 500 feet distance with copper wires 1-5th of an inch in diame-
ter. The following experiments were made in Fort William with a bat-
tery of the rectangular form, consisting of 12 cells, each 14 inches square
on the sides, having edge and bottom pieces 14” by 4.’ The zine
plates were new and unamalgamated, the pasteboard cases in good
order. The solution of sulphate of copper in the proportion of 1
of salt to 3 of water, the sulphate of soda 1 salt to 8 water. The
quantity of the former in each cell was 24 tbs. by measure, of the latter
3 tb., and the battery was found to be in excellent action a few minutes
after the solutions were poured in. ‘The igniting effect was as-
certained by bringing a small piece of platinum wire, forming part of
the circuit, in contact first with dry cloth saturated with saltpetre, and
afterwards with fine dry Dartford powder.

Experiment 1. The length of the circuit in this experiment was
300 feet, each conductor being 105 feet long, and composed of three
strands of copper wire, each 1-20th of an inch in thickness, twisted
like a rope. With four cells immediate ignition of saltpetre cloth
was effected, but with three cells it was not till after some time, that
the same effect was produced. With four cells the powder ignited
readily, but I found it impossible to effect ignition with only three

cells.

1162 The Galvanic Battery. [No. 108.

Experiment 2. The same conductors reduced to 50 feet.
2 cells produced immediately ignition of the cloth.
1 cell singed the cloth, and made it black, but could not
ignite it.
2 cells caused the powder to explode directly.
1 cell caused the powder to smoke, but could not ignite it.

Experiment 3. Conductors of single wires, 1-20th of an inch in
diameter and 50 feet in length each, were now employed, and the
following results obtained :—

4 cells ignited saltpetre cloth immediately.
3 cells merely singed it.

4 cells ignited powder immediately.

3 cells had no effect whatever.

Experiment 4. The same conductors were employed, but thin brass
wire was substituted for platinum.

5 cells caused the ignition of saltpetre cloth.
6 cells ditto of powder.

This experiment involves a question of some importance; viz. the
substitution of some other material for platinum, which in this country
is most exorbitantly expensive. An interesting series of experiments
might be made on this point, by which our resources could not fail
to be increased.

With the full power of a 12 cell Battery, I have frequently ignited
charges of powder in water, at distances varying from 450 to 500 feet,
employing insulated conductors; and by such a Battery was the final
destruction of the ‘‘ Equitable” effected, where the conductors were 150
feet in length, 120 of which were placed horizontally, the remaining 30
vertically in the water.

Before concluding this Section, it may be well to describe some
expedients which, under certain circumstances, have been employed
for the purpose of diminishing the lengths of conductors. The idea of
effecting the completion of the galvanic circuit by means ofa self-acting
mechanical arrangement, appears to have originated with Mr. Martyn
Roberts, who claims to have been one of the first who applied the
Battery to useful purposes. With the details of Mr. Roberts’ apparatus
employed in his blasting experiments in Craig Leith Quarry, I am not
sufficiently conversant to be able to describe it, but in blasting, such

1840. | The Galvanic Battery. 1163

an apparatus would seldom, if ever, be necessary. It is in removing
obstructions to river navigation, where strong tides and currents are to
be contended with, making it essential that the conductors employed
should be reduced to their minimum length, that self-acting dis-
chargers may be employed to the greatest advantage. We are
indebted to Dr. W. B. O’Shaughnessy for an ingenious plan for such a
[Fig. VI.] discharger, of which the following are the details. The dis-
charger consists of two distinct parts, having distinct offices, one being
intended for completing the circuit, and effecting the ignition of the
powder, the other for breaking the circuit, should any accident delay the
explosion, and so rendering it perfectly safe to approach the Battery, and
if possible ascertain and remove the cause of failure. These two objects
[Fig. VI.] are effected by causing wires to pass, as shewn in diagram No. 6,
into four glass tubes partially filled with mercury. Over these, fixed in
a small wooden framework, is placed a watch, for the hands of which a
thin piece of sheet copper is substituted. This is fixed on the arbor
of the hands, and each extremity carries, suspended from a short arm, a
copper wire, bent like the letter U. The length of the legs designed
for completing the circuit is so regulated, that on the copper hand
being set to any specified number of minutes, they will not come in
contact with the mercury in the tubes till that time has elapsed. Mean-
while the legs of the other wire have been immersed in the mercury of
their tubes, but if the circuit is completed without ignition, then
the copper hand continuing to traverse the dial of the watch in four or
five minutes more lifts them out, breaks the metallic continuity of the
circuit, and thus effectully prevents all risk in approaching the Battery.
This form of discharger was successfully employed on the occasion of
the first explosion of the ‘“‘ Equitable” in the river Hooghly, but it was
then apparent that the utmost delicacy was requisite in making its
adjustment. This delicacy and minuteness of detail must always
prove serious defects in any form of apparatus employed in practical
operations, in which so many risks of derangement are incurred, and in
the case of the watch-discharger, the expense is an additional objection.
The idea of employing such an apparatus, having however been sug-
gested, there was comparatively little difficulty in designing a form of
it which should not be liable to the preceding objections, and one was
accordingly contrived, which was successfully employed throughout the
remaining operations for destroying the “ Equitable.” The principle of

1164 The Galvanic Battery. [No. 108.

this will readily be understood by a reference to Diagram No. 7, by
{Fig. VII.] which it will be seen that only two mercurial tubes, with one
bent wire, are employed. The wire ¢. c. suspended with its legs
dipping a little way into the tubes, is attached by means of a thin
metallic chain and hook to a loop of string (saturated either in saltpetre
or powder, so as to make it readily combustible) which passes through
the composition of a portfire a. from which, prior to its being fixed
in the wooden stand, part of the paper casing has been removed, as
shewn at h. h. This portfire burning down, ignites the combustible
string, and the bent wire falls by its own weight into the mercury, thus
completing the circuit. Should any accident delay the explosion,
then another portfire 6. calculated to burn four or five minutes
longer than a. discharges a weight d. d. attached to it by means
of a loop of string, rendered combustible as before. This weight
on falling, raises the bent wire to which it is fixed by means of a
thin chain, completely out of the tubes, and thus effectually breaks the
circuit. On the first occasion on which this portfire stand was
employed, it was discovered that the composition of the portfire a.
just as it burnt out, fell into the tubes and checked the free action of
the apparatus, but this was immediately afterwards rectified by the
addition of a small copper plate e. for the portfire to rest upon, in the
centre of which an aperture was pierced, just large enough to admit of
the combustible string passing through. Throughout the very exten-
sive series of experiments, which was made to test the action of
the apparatus prior to its employment, on the occasion of the final
demolition of the “‘ Equitable,” no instance occurred in which the com-
position, even in the smallest quantity, fell into the mercurial tubes, and
this result was the more satisfactory, as some considered the above
defect fatal to the practical utility of the plan. Its susceptibility
of derangement was severely tested on the day of the explosion, as the
water was very rough, and the wind high, so that the boat in which the
apparatus was fixed, was continually coming in collision with the
neighbouring row-boats, and although large quantities of the solutions
of the batteries were thrown out in consequence, no part of the port-
fire stand was in the least degree disturbed, its subsequent action being
as complete as could have been wished. The expence of the portfire
stand is extremely trifling, as it may be made of any old materials
which may be available.

——

1840. } The Galvanic Battery. 1165

Section V.—Of the Application of the Galvanic Battery in
Blasting Rocks.

The arrangements necessary for the employment of the Battery in
blasting operations, are exceedingly simple. The blast hole having
been prepared, and the charge introduced, the igniting wires must be
inlaid in a conical piece of wood, and fixed in the grooves prepared for
them by a thin wedge of wood, as shewn in Diagram No. & The
[Fig VIII. a.] igniting wires projecting about an inch beyond the base,
or larger end of the cone, must be connected by a fine platinum or
iron wire, and round this a cartridge of finer priming powder must be
placed. The cone is then to be inserted in the blast hole, and by
gently pressing it down and turning it round, the larger end should be
made to rest on the charge. A tamping of small fragments of rock
must then be poured in over the cone, and the whole arrangements are
complete. The main conductors should then be attached to the
priming wires, and on the circuit being completed at the Battery
explosion will ensue. In the event of the common methods of tamping
being employed, it would perhaps be the best plan to continue the use
of the priming needle, and have an open communication from the
surface through the tamping to the charge. The priming wires, inlaid
in Opposite sides of a bamboo, could then be introduced, and the
igniting wire placed in direct contact with the powder of the charge.
Had there been satisfactory grounds for believing sand a good
tamping material, the use of the battery would have been much
facilitated, as it would only have been necessary to pour the sand into
the blast hole after the wires had been properly arranged; but I have
in another place detailed some experiments, which, as far as they
extend, militate against the employment of this material in blasting,
and confirm Colonel Pasley’s previously expressed unfavourable
opinion of it.*

For blasting rocks under water, a very slight modification of the
existing plan will admit of the use of the Battery. The tin case in
[Fig. IX. a.] which the charge is to be lodged, must be made with a
collar about three inches high, and 14 inch in diameter. A wooden
plug 6, must be turned to fit closely into this collar, and grooves +

* Professional Papers of the Madras Engineers, Vol. I.

(mo.

1166 The Galvanic Battery. [No. 108.

of an inch deep, cut on its opposite sides. These grooves c. are then
partially filled, either with common sealing wax or dammer, and
the priming wires, previously heated, are made to bury themselves in
this. The wax being again softened, a strip of wood is to be forced into
each groove over the wire, and every aperture through which the water
_ could force its way, is thus closed. The plug having its inlaid wires con-
nected by the igniting wire, and having a small cartridge attached, must
then be driven into the collar of the case, and it only remains to con-
nect the priming wires with the main conductors, lower the charge into
the blast hole, and complete the circuit. An arrangement like the pre-
ceding was employed in an attempt to fire a charge of powder at the
bottom of an artesian well in Fort William, and although the pressure of
the water was so great that case after case was burst, yet on no occasion
could it be discovered that the water had reached the charge through
the plug. A coating of sealing wax, and a tin cap, protected the
exterior end of the plug, and prevented the water from passing through
the pores of the wood, but this was rendered necessary only by the
great depth of water, which was nearly 480 feet.

In some operations, as those for deepening the Pambaum Passage,
[Fig. X.] common quart bottles have been used to contain the charges,
and when the depth is moderate, I have found, by a great many experi-
ments, that if the priming wires in these are carefully passed through
good corks, driven home and coated exteriorly with water-proof com-
position, the Battery seldom fails to insure their explosion.

Section VI.—Of the Application of the Galvanic Battery in Opera-
tions for removing Sunken Vessels from the Channels of Rivers,
&e. &e.

The great value of the Galvanic Battery as an addition to the
resources of the engineer, has in no instance been so fully demon-
strated as in operations for removing the wrecks of vessels from the
channels of navigable rivers, &c. Every one who has obtained his
experience from actual practice in such operations, will be ready to
bear testimony to the uncertainty, the danger, and the expense of the
arrangements previously necessary for effecting the ignition of the

1840. | The Galvanic Battery. 1167

sub-aqueous charges. The employment of the Galvanic Battery as
the igniting agent, removes, to a great extent, these objections, and
although, in sub-aqueous operations it is at present next to impossible
to foresee and provide against every source of failure, yet the probabi-
lities are now strongly in favour of success, whereas formerly they
inclined in the opposite direction. Every successive series of opera-
tions wili furnish us with new information, and every failure of which the
cause is detected, will point out to us new precautions, so that in time
we may expect to see the arrangements for employing the battery so
fully matured in all their details, as to illuminate entirely those sources
of accident, which in the existing state of our practical acquaintance
with the subject, are so apt to escape undetected.

An object of primary importance in all sub-aqueous explosions, is to
render the cylinder in which the charge is to be placed, perfectly water-
tight; for, as Colonel Pasley remarks, ‘if there be even so much as a
pin hole to admit the water, it will inevitably reach the powder. The
material of which the cylinder must be made, will be determined
by the depth of water over it. For any depth less than 50 feet,
experience warrants me in stating, that a cylinder of wood, prepared
like a common cask, bound with iron hoops, having staves an inch
thick, and carefully coated exteriorly with sheet lead, will be found
effective. Such a cask or cylinder, five feet nine inches long, three feet
eight inches bulge diameter, and three feet three and a half inches end
diameter, was on one occasion of failure during the operations against
the “‘ Equitable,” left at the bottom of the river Hooghly, under a pres-
sure of fifty-one feet of water, for twenty-six hours, and on being raised
and immediately opened, it was found that the entire charge of 2050
tbs. of powder it contained, was as dry and serviceable as when it was
originally put in, and was in fact the identical powder with which, a
fortnight afterwards, the final demolition of the vessel was effected.
This may be considered sufficient to shew that within depths of fifty
feet, wooden cylinders cased with sheet lead, can with safety be employ-
ed. With a depth of ninety feet Colonel Pasley appears to have found it
necessary to have recourse to wrought iron cylinders, but the limit at
which the employment of wood becomes impracticable, has not yet
been ascertained. We must wait the results of other experiments ere
any decided opinions can be expressed; but Iam inclined to think that

1168 The Galvanic Battery. [No. 108.

when the depth exceeds sixty-five feet, a wrought iron cylinder will be
found necessary.

For the priming apparatus, the following will, I conceive, be found
[Fig. XI.] the safest, and most simple plan. The priming wires a.
must be inlaid in grooves on opposite sides of a circular rod of teak
wood, 6. about 1’ 3’ long, in the manner formerly described (when
detailing the experiments in Fort William) with sealing wax and
wedges, c. An iron tube, formed of a part of an old gun-barrel,
about 1’ long, and having an iron flange 4’’ square, carefully soldered
upon it d. at about three inches from one extremity, must be prepar-
ed, and into this the teak rod with its inlaid wires must be carefully
driven, till one end is flush with the exterior end of the tube, or that
nearest to the flange. Over this must then be laid a thick coating
e. of melted sealing wax, which both prevents the water forcing its
way through the pores of the wood, and also keeps the priming wires at
their points of issue from metallic contact with each other. The
interior extremities of the priming wires, f- must then be connected
by the igniting platinum wire, which it has always, as far as my
experience goes, been found necessary to solder to the copper with
gold solder. A small cartridge of fine dry Dartford or mealed powder,
must then be placed in immediate contact with the platinum. The
apparatus might now be introduced into the cylinder, and by means
of the flange and screws, fixed there; but it is of much importance
to have the means of insulating the priming from the main charge,
so that in the event of water penetrating to the one, it may not
communicate with the other, and it is also very desirable to have the
means of inserting and withdrawing the priming apparatus with
facility, so as to rectify any accidental derangement which may take
plate, and these two objects are fully effected by the following plan,
g. due to Capt. Fitzgerald. A metallic protecting case is pro-
vided for the priming apparatus, and made a fixture within the
cylinder f. At its mouth a fine screw, at least an inch in length, is
made, and on the iron tube, immediately beneath the flange, there must
be cut a corresponding screw. By these means the priming apparatus
can be screwed in, or removed at pleasure. In finally fixing it in the
cylinder, washers of leather covered with white lead must be placed
beneath its flange, and the small fixing screws must be carefully

1840. | The Galvanic Battery. | 1169

brought home. Over all a disc of sheet lead, must be soldered, &. and
the arrangements of the cylinder, with the exception of the loading,
are then complete. The latter is to be effected by setting the cylin-
der on one end, and pouring in the powder through an aperture,
about an inch in diameter, in the other. This aperture must after-
wards be filled by a wooden plug, and all the stray grains of powder
being carefully removed, a piece of sheet lead must be soldered over it.

It is an object of some importance to those conducting sub-aqueous
operations, to be enabled at any time to assure themselves that the
interior circuit of the wires is complete, without being obliged to with-
draw the priming apparatus itself. Col. Pasley recommends that this
should be done by introducing a portion of slightly acidulated water
inté the circuit, and noting whether decomposition occurs ; but this is a
most dangerous plan, and ought never to be adopted. The decomposition
of a single grain of water, according to Faraday’s recent researches,
requires a current of electricity sufficiently strong to keep a platinum
_ wire 1-104th of an inch in diameter and eight inches* long, at a dull red
heat as long as the decomposition is in progress, the guantity of elec-
tricity maintained undiminished. The platinum wire we employ is
considerably thicker than the preceding, but still the risk of premature
explosion by Colonel Pasley’s plan is very great. The danger is removed
by employing a very weak galvanic circle and a galvanomeier, but as
the latter can seldom be met with in this country in its perfect form,
I may be permitted, before concluding this section, to describe a simple
substitute for it, employed during the operations against the “‘ Equitable”
[Fig. XII.] safely and successfully. A piece of copper wire about
1-12th of an inch in diameter, and fourteen feet long, was coiled on a
rectangular wooden frame-work, a. 6'’ long, 3’ broad, and 1’’ deep,
care being taken to preserve the metallic coils throughout from mutual
contact, 56. The magnetic needle of a small theodolite was then
mounted on the point of a common needle, fixed in a thin wooden
stand. On placing this within the frame-work, with the coils passing
above and beneath it, and directing a galvanic current excited by the

* The above length is stated merely to give some definite idea of the danger incur-
red ; but Faraday states that if the wire were a hundred or a thousand inches in length,
and the cooling circumstances alike, the same effect would be produced as if it were
no more than half an inch.

1170 The Galvanic Battery. [No. 108.

insertion of a circle, composed of a single piece of copper and zinc,
each 2” by 1’, into a glass of very slightly acidulated water, through the
wire, the needle was immediately affected. Sometimes it merely
trembled violently on its pivot ; at other times its deflection was con-
siderable, and it never failed to indicate the passing of a current when
the circuit was complete. It is only therefore necessary to make the
apparatus to be tested a part of the circuit, and if it does not interrupt
the circulation of the current, the same appearances will be observed.

The cylinder is lowered to its position near the wreck to be de-
stroyed by means of rope slings and guys. It is usually slung under
the bows of a vessel, having davits or fixed pulleys, through which the
suspension ropes are led. At the time appointed for lowering the
cylinder, this vessel is moored directly over the wreck, the bows being
just over the spot destined for the cylinder, and the lowering is
effected by gradually allowing the suspenders to glide over the davits
till it is felt that the bottom of the river has been reached. A very
simple and ingenious plan for insuring the descent of the cylinder in a
horizontal position has been suggested by Capt. Bowman, and consists
in marking the two suspending ropes at intervals of a foot or eighteen
inches apart. By noting these marks, which are alike at corresponding
distances in each suspender, the position of the cylinder can imme-
diately be seen, and if one end is lower than the other, the proper
correction can be made.

On connecting the main conductors with the priming wires, the
greatest possible care must be taken to ensure perfect contact through-
out the junctions. Over each junction a piece of wax cloth or canvas
should be wrapped, so as to prevent any contact of the conducting
wires at those points, and it is sometimes advisable to lash a rough
wooden case over the whole of this part of the apparatus.

Section VII.—On the Theory of the Galvanic Battery.

The first step towards the establishment of Galvanism as a branch
of physical science, was made by Galvani, Professor of Anatomy at Bo-
logna, in the year 1790. The accidental observation of certain muscu-
Jar contractions in the limbs of a frog lying in the immediate vicinity

1840. | The Galvanic Battery. 1171

of an active electrical machine, and the subsequent discovery that the
same movements were produced by touching the limbs with two pieces
of different metals, led him to announce that he had discovered a new
kind of electricity resident in the muscles of animals. This announce-
ment caused great excitement among men of science at the time, and
Galvani’s experiments were repeated, with various modifications, in all
parts of Europe, being viewed with much curiosity, and giving rise to
numerous speculations. The convulsions in the limbs of the frog only
took place, it was observed, while sparks passed from the machine, and
this fact therefore proved no more than that the muscles or nerves, or
the two together, formed a very sensitive indicator of electrical action.
It is on the subsequent remark, that by the contact of dissimilar
metals, the same convulsions were produced, the science of Galvanism
is founded.

The theory by which Galvani accounted for the phenomena he had
discovered, was that the electricity originating in the brains of animals
is distributed to every part of their systems, and resides especially in
the muscles. The different parts of each muscular fibril he conceived
to be in opposite states of electrical excitement, and the contractions
to be produced whenever the electric equilibrium was restored. This
during life was effected through the medium of the nerves, and after
death by the intervention of metallic conductors. To the metals
themselves he traced none of the peculiar effects produced, considering
them quite passive, and only necessary as furnishing channels of
conduction for the animal electricity.

These opinions of Galvani were very decidedly opposed, and foremost
among his opponents stood Alex. Volta, Professor of Natural Philoso-
phy at Pavia. By him it was maintained that the electricity was
developed entirely by the contact of the two metals, and that the
muscular convulsions were merely the effects of the passage of the
electricity, thus developed, through the nerves and muscles of the
animal. The views of Volta were far clearer and more distinct
than those of Galvani, and to him belongs the true credit of having
called into being the science, which in compliment to him, has been
called Voltaic electricity as well as Galvanism. The latter is perhaps
‘the more common of the two, and I have therefore retained it in
this paper, but it must be remarked, that the term Galvanic Battery

1172 The Galvanic Battery. [ No. 108.

involves an anachronism, since this instrument was invented some
time after the promulgation of Galvani’s experiments, and no portion
whatever of the credit due to its invention can be claimed for him, it
being the result of original and independent investigations by his
opponent Volta. In explaining the action of the Battery, Volta
assumed that during the whole time the two dissimilar metals were
in contact, a certain force was in constant operation, tending to effect.
the transfer of electricity from the one metal to the other. To this he
gave the name of electro-motive force. Thus when zinc, and copper are
in contact the alleged operation of this force is to impel the electricity
from the copper to the zinc, so as to maintain the latter in a posi-
tive state relative to the former, which is itself in this case negative. If
therefore the redundant electricity of the zinc be by any means
carried off, and the deficiency of the electricity of the copper be
supplied from other sources, the electro-motive force will immediately
renew this difference of condition, and thus maintain a continual
eurrent of electric power, flowing always in the same direction. The
office of the fluid in a Battery, according to Volta’s theory, is simply
to conduct the electricity from one metal to the other, and its conduct-
ing power determines the effective quantity of electricity which
actually circulates in the Battery. The force ultimately generated was
conceived to be the sum of all the forees acting in each cell separately,
since the impulses given by the electro-motive force to the circu-
lating electricity, were all in the same direction, and each added
its effect to that of the preceding ones. Hence then the interposition
of any substance between the two poles of a Battery subjected it to
the influence of this powerful electric current. The chemical action
of the fluid on either of the metal plates was considered by Volta as in
no way connected with the origin of the electricity developed, and his
theory consequently took no cognizance whatever of its existence. It
was soon however observed, that in thus neglecting chemical action,
Volta had committed an important, indeed a fundamental error, since it
was found that the quantity of Galvanic effect was always in propor-
tion to the energy of the chemical action, and that the extent of surface
of contact between the metals, had no relation to the quantity of elec-
tricity developed. It was farther found, that metals did not invariably
stand in the same electrical relation to each other, but that this rela-

18-40. | The Galvanic Battery. 1173

tion was determined by the chemical properties of the fluid, with which
they were placed in contact. Facts like these were quite irreconcil-
able with Volta’s hypothesis, and pointed clearly to the very important
relation which obtained between the chemical action of the fluid on the
immersed metals, and the development of the Galvanic energy. Dr.
Wollaston, by whom chiefly Volta’s theory was shewn to be untenable,
conceived that the current of electricity was originally determined by
the oxidation of the zinc, that the fluid of the circle served both to
oxidise the zinc and to conduct the electricity which was excited, and
that the contact between the plates served only to conduct electricity,
and thereby complete the circuit. ‘Succeeding philosophers, did not
receive Dr. Wollaston’s views as thus stated, and Sir Humphry Davy
proposed another theory intermediate between that of Volta and the
preceding. He adduced many experiments in support of Volta’s state-
ment, that the electric equilibrium, is disturbed by the contact of differ-
ent substances, without any chemical action taking place between them.
He acknowledged however with Wollaston, that the chemical changes
contribute to the general result, and he maintained that though not the
primary movers of the electric current, they are essential to the conti-
nued and energetic action of every Voltaic circle. The electric excite-
ment was begun, he thought, by metallic contact, and maintained by
chemical action.

Such was the state of the question, when, in 1834, Sir Michael
Faraday undertook the investigation of the source of the electricity in
the Voltaic or Galvanic Battery. The contradictory evidence, the
equilibrium of opinion, and the variation and combination of theory,
which he found to characterise the labours of all preceding writers on
this subject, forced him to repeat and examine the facts stated, and use
his own judgment upon them in preference to receiving that of others.
His previous discoveries of the identity of electricity and chemical affi-
nity, of the power derived from the action of the Battery, with the
power to be overcome in any body subjected to its influence, gave him
the means of examining the question with advantages not before
possessed by any, and of which he has made such admirable use, that
doubt can no longer be said to obscure the subject.

- Faraday had always coincided in opinion with those who maintained,
that action of the Battery was continued by chemical action, and that

1174 The Galvanic Battery. [No. 108.

the supply constituting the current was almost entirely derived from
that source, but whether metallic contact or chemical action originated
and determined the current, was by no means clear to him. To set
this point at rest, was therefore the first step in his investigations, and
seeing no reason if metallic contact was not essential, why true decom-
position by an electric current should not be produced without it, even
in a simple circuit composed of two pieces of metal and an interposed
fluid, he accordingly instituted some beautiful experiments under this
impression, and persevering, ultimately succeeded in obtaining the
most satisfactory evidence that metallic contact was not necessary to
the production of the Galvanic current. This was farther aptly proved
by referring to the spark which appears when the wires of a pair of
plates in vigorous action are brought in contact with each other.
This spark is occasioned by the electricity passing through a thin stra-
tum of air, and its production proves that electro-motion really occur-
red while the wires were separated, and anterior to any actual contact
between them being the result of the action of pure, unmixed chemical
forces.

From his experiments, Faraday accordingly felt warranted in con-
cluding that the electricity of the Voltaic pile is not dependant, either
in its origin or its continuance, upon the contact of the dissimilar
metals with each other; that it is entirely due to chemical action, is
proportionate in its zntensity to the intensity of the affinities concern-
ed in its production, and in its quantity to the quantity of matter
which has been chemically active during its evolution. Thus when

zinc with the oxygen of the water which determines the current, and
though the acid is essential to the removal of the oxide so formed, in
order that another portion of zinc may act on another portion of water,
it does not, by combination with that oxide, produce any sensible
portion of the current of electricity which circulates : for the quantity
of electricity is dependent on the quantity of zinc oxidised, and in defi-
nite proportion to it: its intensity is in proportion to the intensity of the
chemical affinity of the zinc for the oxygen under the circumstances, and
is scarcely, if at all, affected by the use either of strong or weak acid.
But in considering this oxidation or other direct action upon the metal
itself, as the cause and source of the electric current, it is of the utmost

1840. | The Galvanic Battery. 1175

importance to observe, that the oxygen or other body must be ina
state of combination, and not only so, but combined in such proportions
as will constitute a substance capable of decomposition, since without
decomposition the transmission of a current cannot take place. The
presence of such a substance is therefore essential to the action of a
Voltaic circuit, and so intimate is the connection between its decompo-
sition and power of transmitting a current, that if the one be checked,
the other is checked also, and if the one be stopped entirely, the other
stops with it. No Voltaic Battery has been constructed in which the
chemical action is that only of combination ; decomposition is always
included, and is, according to Faraday’s belief, an essential chemical
part.

But as the quantity of electricity set in motion by the decomposi-
tion of a certain quantity of anelectrolytes or decomposable substance,
is definite in its action, and cannot by any means be increased beyond
a fixed limit, it is evident that the action of each cell of a Battery is not
to increase the quantity, but the intensity of the current circulating.
A single pair of zinc and platinum plates throws as much electricity
into the form of a current by the oxidation of 32°5 grains of zinc, as
would be circulated by the same alteration of a thousand times that
quantity, or nearly Stbs. of metal oxidised at the surfaces of the zinc
plates of a 1000 pairs, placed in regular Battery order, because at each
cell, the quantity of electricity is expended in producing the decompo-
sition of its equivalent of the exciting electrolyte, without which de-
composition, as was before remarked, the current could not circulate at
all. Hence then the action of each cell is to impel forward the quan-
tity of electricity due to the oxidation of the zinc in any one cell, and
thereby to exalt that peculiar property of the current, which we de-
signate intensity, without increasing the quantity beyond that due to
the zinc oxidised in that one cell. The waste of power in our com-
mon Batteries, in which the zinc of commerce is used, is so enormous
as to be almost incredible. Faraday asserts that the chemical action
of a grain of water upon four grains of zine can evolve electricity
equal in quantity to that of a powerful thunder-storm, and that with
zine and platinum wires one-eighteenth of an inch in diameter, and
about half an inch long, dipped in dilute sulphuric acid, so weak as not
to be sensibly sour to the tongue, more electricity will be evolved in

1176 The Galvanic Battery. [No. 108.

one-twentieth of a minute, than any man would willingly allow to pass
through his body at once. The loss with ordinary zine appears to
arise from portions of copper, lead, cadmium, and other metals being
set free on its surface by the action of the dilute acid, and these being
in contact with the zinc, form small, but very active Voltaic circles,
which cause great destruction of the zinc, and in the same proportion
as they serve to discharge or convey the electricity back to the zinc, do
they diminish its power of producing an electric current, which shall
extend to a greater distance across the acid, and be discharged only
through the copper or platinum plate which is associated with it, for
the purpose of forming a Voltaic apparatus.

These evils are remedied entirely by adopting that process of amalga-
mation of the zine described in a former section of this paper, by which
its surface is brought into one uniform condition, and those differences
of character between one spot and another, which are essential to the
formation of the minute Voltaic circles, above alluded to, effectually
prevented. _ Hence the full equivalent of electricity is obtained for the
zine oxidised, and a Battery so constructed is only active while the
poles, or, as Faraday calls them, the electrodes, are in connection, ceas-
ing toact, or be acted on, the moment this connection is broken. The
superiority of the amalgamated zinc is farther due to the state of the solu-
tion in contact with it, for as the unprepared zinc acts directly and
alone upon the fluid, which the amalgamated does not, the former by
the oxide it produces quickly neutralises the acid in contact with its
surface, so that, the progress of oxidation is retarded, whilst at the sur-
face of the amalgamated zinc, any oxide formed is rapidly removed by
the free acid present, and the clean metallic surface is always ready to
act with fall energy on the water. |

When an amalgamated zinc plate is immersed in dilute sulphuric
acid, the force of chemical affinity exerted between the metal and the
fluid, is not sufficiently powerful to cause sensible action at the surfaces
of contact, and occasion the decomposition of water by the oxidation
of the metal, but it zs sufficiently powerful to produce such a condition
of the electricity (or the power upon which chemical affinity depends, )
as would produce a current, if there were a path open for it. Now
the presence of a piece of copper touching both the zinc and the fluid
opens such a path, and its direct communication with the zine is far

1840. | _ The Galvanic Battery. 1177

more effectual than any connection formed between that metal and it
by means of any decomposable bodies or electrolytes, because when
they are used, the chemical affinities between them and the zinc pro-
duce a contrary and opposing effect to that which is influential in the
dilute acid; or if that opposing action be but small, still the affinity
of their component parts for each other has to be overcome, for they
cannot conduct without suffering decomposition, and this decomposition
is found experimentally to re-act upon the forces which in the acid
tend to produce the current, and in some cases entirely to neutralise
them. Where direct contact of the copper and zinc takes place, these
obstructing forces are not brought into action, and therefore the pro-
duction and circulation of the electric current are highly favoured.
Hence the cause of the very great importance-of metallic contact in the
Voltaic Battery.

The liquid in the cells of the Battery has the power of retarding
the circulation of the electricity generated, and it acts injuriously in
greater or less proportion, according to the quantity of it between the
zinc and copper plates, or, in other words, according to the distances
between their surfaces. Hence then the reason of the great increase
of power obtained by approximating the two metals, and Faraday states
that not only is this power greater on the instant, but also that the
sum of the transferable power in relation to the whole sum of the che-
mical action at the plates is much increased. Double coppers owe
their advantages in part to the same cause, but derive their superiority
chiefly from the circumstance that they virtually double the acting
surface of the zinc, or nearly so, the action on both sides of the metal
being converted into transferable force, and the power of the Battery,
as to the guantity of electricity evolved, highly exalted in consequence.

The cause of the heat excited during the passage of a Voltaic current,
remains still enveloped in considerable obscurity, and a more intimate
acquaintance with the modes of action of electrical forces will be
required, ere the difficulty can be fully removed. Uncertain as we
still are of the precise nature of the electric current, the conclusion
that the ultimate atoms of matter are in some way endowed or asso-
ciated with electrical powers, is forced upon us by nearly all the great
facts of the science. The researches of Faraday have led him to notice
the truly enormous quantity of this electrical power, associated with

1178 The Galvanic Battery. [No. 108.

these particles, and he has found, on evidence to which it is difficult to
refuse our assent, that no less than 800,000 charges of a Leyden Battery
consisting of fifteen large jars, charged by thirty turns of a powerful
Plate Electrical Machine in excellent order, are required to produce
electricity sufficient to decompose one single grain of water into its
elementary constituents! That the heat developed by the action of a
Battery, is due to the mutual electrical action of the particles of matter
thus highly charged, was originally suggested by Berzelius, the cele-
brated Swedish chemist, and of this idea Faraday, in the seventh series
of his researches, speaks with great commendation, but in the succeed-
ing series, he finds reason to modify his praise, and states that the heat
or light exhibit but a small portion of the electric power which acts,
and “are merely incidental results, incomparably small in relation to
the forces concerned, and supplying no information of the way in which
the particles are active on each other, or in which their forces are final-
ly arranged.

Such being therefore the state of doubt in which the immediate
cause of the development of heat by the Voltaic current is involved, I
do not dwell longer upon the point; but I cannot close this section
without briefly adverting to the very beautiful and comprehensive theory
proposed by Faraday to explain the varied phenomena of conduction
and discharge, as well as many others to which, as being unconnected
with the subject of this paper, I do not allude.

The division of bodies into conductors and non-conductors, or insula-
tors, is nearly contemporaneous with the origin of the science of electri-
city itself, and the states of conduction and insulation have in all
electrical theories been assumed as essentially different, although no
one has ever shewn in what their difference consists. By a series of
most beautiful experiments, Faraday has however shewn indisputably
that they are only extreme degrees of one common condition, and
that they consist in an action of the contiguous particles of matter de- —
pendent on the forces developed by electrical excitements. The first ef-
fect of an excited body on other matter in its vicinity is, according to
Faraday’s theory, the production among the particles of that matter of
a peculiar state of polarization, which constitutes izduction. If this
inductive or polarised state continues undiminished, then perfect 7n-
sulation is the consequence. If, on the contrary, contiguous parti-

1840. | The Galvanic Battery. 1179.

cles of the matter, whatever it may, be metallic or non-metallic, have
the power to communicate their forces, then conduction occurs, and
is a distinct act of discharge between these contiguous particles. The
lower the state of tension at which this discharge takes place, the
higher is the conducting power of the matter. Hence then throughout
a wire conveying a charge of electricity, there is a constant series
of discharges taking place between the contiguous particles of which
it is composed ; and Faraday intimates, in the form of a query, the possi-
bility that these discharges may be similar in kind, though almost
infinitely different in degree, to those which take place between two
charged bodies through the medium of the air, or other insulating sub-
stance. A wire, it has been experimentally proved, has the power of
sensibly retarding the passage of a current, and this power of retarda-
tion may be traced through a chain of substances till it reaches its
maximum in air, but nothing can be detected during this process to
shew that its nature has in any way been changed or modified other-
wise than in degree, and therefore Faraday asks, ‘“‘ may not the retarda-
tion and ignition of a wire be effects exactly correspondent in their
nature to the retention of charge and spark in air ?”

To enter farther upon the various theoretical questions naturally
brought before our view in examining the principles of the Galvanic
Battery, would extend this paper to a great, and indeed unnecessary,
length, and I trust that what has already been said, will suffice to point
out the great principles of its action. The chemical theory of the
Battery, and indeed the entire identity of chemical and electrical forces,
may now be considered as indisputably established by the researches of
Sir Michael Faraday, and the question, as was previously remarked,
thereby removed for ever from “the domain of doubtful knowledge to
that of inductive certainty.”

1180 The Galvanic Battery. [ No. 108.

APPENDIX.

Experimental Desiderata.

As many of the details connected with the practical application
of the Galvanic Battery still require to be experimentally determined
or confirmed, I have thought it might prove useful to append to this
paper a few Tabular Forms, shewing to a certain extent the experiments
required. Having no higher object than the establishment of rules
for guidance in common practice, these forms have not been pre-
pared with a view to great minuteness of quantitative measurement,
but they are still, it is conceived, sufficiently extensive to admit of
the deduction of valuable practical inferences, and should they not
be considered so, they can readily be modified.

In recording experiments, all particulars connected with the Battery
employed should be minutely and carefully specified, and it should
never be forgotten, that if these are neglected or imperfectly stated,
the value of the result obtained is most seriously diminished, and in
some cases entirely destroyed. Each series of experiments should be
prefaced by a detail of the dimensions of the copper and zinc elements
of the Battery ; of the state of the zinc rods or plates; of the number of
times they may have previously been used ; of the state of their surfaces ;
whether amalgamated or not; of the nature and quantities of the
solutions employed; of the nature and state of the partitions of the
connections throughout the Battery, and of such other points as the
experimenter may consider it useful to note. The same careful detail
should be entered into, relative to the conductors used. The results of
the experiments should, whenever it is practicable, be entered in their
proper columns in the forms immediately on being obtained, as it is
impossible to trust to memory for a series of numerical statements,
and a single error may cast doubt on a whole set of experiments.

s Maustrative Diagrams.

————— oe

Ss]

H
ss
|
if
ra
F
+
i

- ape ae ¥
CR er RE mee 9 RAT VP or

hag 5s

1840. | The Galvanic Battery. | 1181

TABLES OF EXPERIMENTS.

To determine the number of cells of a Galvanic Battery (Dimensions, §c., previously specified) re-
quired for effecting the Ignition of different substances, at different distances, and with different
Igniting Wires.

FIRST SERIES.
Conductors dry and uninsulated.

os) Oo |e Pola

ay = E EBs a 25 S x eles a oe) REMARKS
Bla le slag |Salsais |sajsajs |oaijoa
SlmlgclO sis Gels lB .jBae 2 Bais 8.
Peesisciseait PO Pu PaR Ram a™
2s (4 ie

Wt In:

1 { 40 |l-6th} 8. 2 2 3 3 4 5 6 7 8

2 | 60 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

3 | 80 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

4 |100 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

5 {120 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

6 |140 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

7 {160 0 0 0 0 0) 0 0 0 0 0 0
eee 01) 0 | O10. Ol 0} Oy Oe). OF 0
SiiGes) 0 | 0 0 OES On OO: HO PSO Os NCO
se. fo 0) | 0 0 On DONO} eG Oie Dil SOis0s ||. 0
asec ti 0):|" 10 0 GO. OU Oe Oar Peed 20

a ae. 1101 | '0 0 Orc0 | OW O- O cOm 20") 20

,| &e.| O|} 0 0 OL RO GOON: Or TOR | Oni
241500 0: O 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

* S. P. C., Saltpetre Cloth, Conductors increase in length in arithmeti-
F. P., Fine Powder, \ cal progression, the common difference be-
C. P., Coarse Powder, ing 20.

SECOND SERIES.
Conductors in water and uninsulated.

AQ, Water Fresh.

Platinum Ig- | Tron Igniting | Brass Igniting
niting Wire. Wire. Wire.

— ef | ee

No. of Experiments
Length of Conductor.
Conductor.

Diam. of Conductor.
No. of Junctions in

ss SS oS ee ee ee ee

=
SeScocec oo
coococoococon
eccoooocooon
ecooccoooon
cooooooon
ocoooooocn
eoeo asco on
ecococooocosua
cocoocoooo
ecococococoes
Ssecocococom

43. Water Salt.
Foym similar to the preceding. 7M

1182 The Galvanic Battery. [ No. 108.

THIRD SERIES.
Conductors in water, but insulated.

A. By Colonel Pasley’s method.

Form similar to the preceding.

G3, By Lieut. R. B. Smith's modification of ditto. —

Form similar to the preceding.

@, By Dr. W. B. O Shaughnessy’s method.

Form similar to the preceding.

FOURTH SERIES.
Conductors under ground and uninsulated,

A. In Dry Soil.

g g B Abie Platinum Ig- Iron Igniting |Brass Igni-
sls | 33 5 niting Wire. Wire. ting Wire.
e168 | 218 [a a

"EO csHca tones

mt a 8 ES N S | | f REMARKS.

gle a (> 8 SE S) S) . | <)

cle fo TS eles he Ae ee je dee ey |e eae
Slang! & |e 2 J .

SIE SIE [SOlBC A R/O, Alm) Ola Ie jo

Zid |A IA |A
1; 40 |i-cth 8 4 2 2 3 3 3 | 4 41/516
2; 60 | 0 0 0 0 0 0) 0 0 0 0;0) 0
3} 80 | 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0-)-O-|--0
4|100 | 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0/10); 0
ws) &e. | O-) 0 | Oxhuhoulimoble Osha Oc hq dsbeO 07 -Oulee
| &eo|-0.| O:); 0) 26 Neo, santo. XO | G7) OulaneD
are, (0b Ot 8-4-8 0-0-0 a Ortaatn

241500 |. 0.1.0 JO} - 0:40 | C7) 20 be nO halO |) OeleDr 1 SB

| |

43, In Wet Soil.
Form similar to the preceding.
@, In Rocky Soil. ‘
Form similar to the preceding.—Nature, and if possible, the ingredients
of the rock to be specified.
FIFTH SERIES.

Conductors underground, but insulated.

Form similar to the preceding.—Nature and extent of insulation to be
detailed.

11838

On the Common Hare of the Gangetic Provinces, and of the Sub-Hemalaya ; with
a slight notice of a strictly Hemalayan species. By B. H. Honecson, Ksa.,
Resident at the Court of Nepal.

(Lrerus MAcRoTus ET O10sTOLUS, NoBIS.)

It has often been remarked that the ordinary type of the genus Lepus
in the Gangetic provinces, differs materially from that of England, and
it has been further alleged that the Hare of the Sub-Hemalayan ranges of
hills is not similar to that of the plains below them. No one however has,
I believe, heretofore been at the pains to verify or refute these allegations,
which I therefore now purpose to test, and to show that the former is
sound, the latter unsound. I have specimens of the ordinary Hare of the
plains and of the hills now before me, and after the most careful compari-
son, can discern no difference between them in size, proportions, or even
in intensity of hue in the colours, further than as such every where varies
with age, health, and seasons. The type therefore of this genus in the
mountains and in their subjacent plains (on this side the Ganges at least) is
the same; and of this species, which we shall call Macrotus (from the large
size of its ears) the females are, as usual, somewhat larger than the males,
being from snout to rump nineteen to twenty inches, with an average
weight of 6 lbs. and a maximum of 83 to 9, whilst the males fall short
by one inch or more of this size, and seldom surpass 5 lbs. in weight. The
general structure and proportions are those of Lepus timidus, but the
size is much less, the English hare being ordinarily 8 lbs. and frequently
reaching 12 lbs.; and if I may trust my notes, as well as the fresh speci-
mens now on the table before me, the females of Macrotus invariably have
six teats, of which two are placed on the very top of the thorax, and four
remotely from them in a parallelogram in the central part of the abdomi-
nal region. This is a noticeable circumstance if the six to ten mamme
of authors be ascribed to the genus with sufficient care, and if Timidus, or
the European type, may be thence presumed to have ever more than six.
If so, the invariably restricted number of mamme in Macrotus will form
one feature of specific independency; another will be deduced from its
inferior size; and a third from the greater length of the ears as compared
with Timidus, to which, in its general proportions and colours, it certainly
bears a close resemblance ; even in colours however, there is at least one
material and constant difference, that whereas the dorsal aspect of the scut
or tail in Zimidus is black, in Macrotus it is of similar hue with the back,
but paler. Nor do I notice in Macrotus any peculiarity of structure in the
hair (towards tips enlarged, acuminate, and recurved) such as is ascribed to

1184 Common Hare of the Gangetic Provinces. [No. 108.

that of Timidus. The general colour of the Indian Hare is a deep cinnamon
red, copiously mixed with black on the body superiorly, but unmixed
upon the limbs and front of the neck and chest, and also on the nape
and dorsal aspect of the neck near it; pure white upon the head and
body below, as well upon the insides of the limbs near it, upon the
genital region, posterior margin of the buttocks, and whole inferior
and lateral surfaces of the tail. The front of the upper lip, the margin
of the mouth, a circle round the eye, and a line thence to the nostril
are always pale, rufescent, hoary, or purer white, and so also the bases
of the ears dorsally, anda strip thence continued towards the shoulders,
and bounding the purely ruddy hue of the soft nape. The superior
margin of the ears on both sides is black, but the general hue of the
fur on the ears anteally is similar to that of the head, whilst posteally
and interiorly the ears are nearly nude. The mustachios (which are
not undulated) are half black and half white, and though the arms or
cubits are usually unmixed with black, yet this is not always the case,
the animal in very high fur having the cubits, like the tibiz (externally)
powdered with black. The fur in general is very rich, full, and soft,
both the woolly and hairy portions, the former of which seldom exceeds
an inch in length, whilst the latter varies from ls to 1iinch. The hair

has mostly four rings from the base, thus—bluish hoary, black, red, and
black. The wool wants the terminal black ring every where, and is
for the most part white, but ruddy apically: the hair wants it on the
purely red parts of the animal, such as the abdominal aspect of the
neck and the limbs; and both wool and hair are devoid of all rings,
and wholly white upon the belly and parts adjacent, as well as upon
the inferior surface of the head. Some hairs are wholly black or dusky
on the back; but in general besides its bluish hoary base, every hair
on that surface of the animal, has two black rings divided by a red one,
which latter is of a deep cinnamon hue, almost exactly, or if the reader
pleases, brownish-red. The buttocks posteally are less dashed with
black than the middle of the back, which in fine furred animals is very
dark: but the ordinary dorsal colouring of the hair and wool prevails
on the buttocks, as well as on the dorsal aspect of the tail, both parts
being like the back, though somewhat paler. Occasionally the wool
and base of the hair are dusky, rather than hoary, and the intensity of the
red hue, as well as the quantity of black tipt hairs, depend on health,
age, and season, both in the hills and the plains. There are of course five
digits on the fore extremities, and four on the hind ones, but the thumb con-
sists of a nail only, and the other anterior digits are gradated, as in our hand;
whilst in the posterior extremities the central digits are equal, and of the

1840. | Common Hare of the Gangetic Provinces. 1185

laterals the interior is the longer. The mustachios are ample, extending
much beyond the base of the ears, not harsh, nor adpressed, nor undulated
as in Zimidus, and of many lengths. Above the eye are four to six lesser
bristles, and two or three longer ones below it on each cheek. Eyes re-
mote, and much nearer to the ears than to the snout; ears considerably

(or eo) longer than the head, so that when pulled forward they may be ex-

tended from 13 to 2 inches beyond the tip of the nose. Head compressed,
and arched entirely along the vertical line. Scut without the hair ex-
tending only half way from the knee towards the heel of the straightened
leg, and with the hair falling considerably short of the os calcis.

The following dimensions will complete the illustration of this species as
found in the mountains and plains.

Plains. Hills.
Mas. Mas. Foem.
Snout to base of scut, ... Be netugeh=6 1-6 1-7
Snout to occiput straight, 4 4 4 =
Ditto ditto, by curve, 4 3 42 plus 48
_Snout to fore angle of eye, Be Vieas S20 plug BD
Thence to anteal base of ear, 1 i I A. 12
Ears length from scull, 48 43 5
Ditto ditto from anterior inner base, 3 a 33 44
Width between eyes, Hos au wn 1? 12 7
Scut only, 34 3 ~ 3 -
Scut and hair, 44 5 5
Olecranon to carpus, 35. 3 “ 3 Fe
Thence to tip, long finger (not nail,) ... 2 2 25
a ; 14 15 1
Tibia or knee to os calcis, LH +e: 45 4 7 5
Thence to tip long toe (not nail,) see 42 4 42
Girth behind shoulder, win ae 8 93 103
Weight (very thin) aap Tet wat 4ilbs. 42]bs. 5lbs.

The following specific character may perhaps serve to distinguish our
animal: Lepus macrotus, with black tipt ears longer than the head. General
colour, full cimnamoneous red, shaded above with a black : tail dorsally con_
colovous with the buttocks, head below and belly pure white: in size less
than Timidus. Snout to rump 18 to 20 inches, and weight 5 to 7 Ibs. Head
(straight) 4. Ears five inches. abitatt. Gangetic plains and sub-
Hemalayas. Of the Tibetan species I possess only some wretched remains |
which enable me however to indieate the species thus :—

1186 Common Hare of the Gangetic Provinces. [No. 108.

Lepus Ovostolus, with fur consisting almost wholly of wool, considerably
curved and interspersed rarely with very soft hairs. Slaty grey blue for
the most part and internally, but externally fawn-tinted above, and
whitish below and on the limbs: some hairs on the back tipt with black
beneath a subrufous ring. Tail white, with a grey blue strip towards the
back. Apparent size of the last. Habitatt, the snowy region of the
Hemalaya, and perhaps also Tibet.

Hares of the first species are exceedingly abundant in the Nipalese
Tarai and British districts near it, but less so in the mountains, though
there also they may be found in most districts wherein the declivities
of the mountains are not very precipitous nor wholly covered with dense
forest. Hares love the lower and more level tracts within the mountains,
where grassy open spots are interspersed with copsewood under which
they may safely rest and breed; for in the mountains the hare never
resorts to holes or burrows; nor, I believe, voluntarily in the plains,
though I have heard the assertion that it does so. Jn the plains patches
of grass interspersed with cultivation are the favourite resorts of this
species, or Jhow shrubberies fringing the banks of nullahs, where, occasion-
ally the animals congregate in numbers wholly unknown to the moun-
tains. The Indian Hare, or Macrotus, breeds frequently during the whole
year, and produces usually two young ones at a birth. The young are
born with the eyes open, and furnished with teeth. In June 1835 I took
two from the left horn of the uterus (none in the right) of a female; and
these young, though unborn, had the eyes open, and the fur quite perfect.
In fact, the young follow their dam as soon as they are born.

CATHMANDOO,
February 1841.

Nepal, March st, 1841.

The account of the Hares which I sent you was written currente calamo,
and without my being at the trouble to look (shame on me) at my own
Catalogue of Mammals apud Linnean Transactions, where the Hare of
the plains is named Jndicus, and that of the Himalaya Gmodius. These
names might do, and changes are bad: but tropical appellations are object-
ed to, and in the plains there is another Hare, Nigricollis, wherefore the
names affixed to my paper with you should perhaps stand; but a note at
the foot of the page should identify them with Indicus et Gimodius respec-
tively of the Catalogue, thus: ‘These species are named respectively
Indicus and CGimodius in my published Catalogue. Nor perhaps was it
worth while to drop the local appellations, though Nigricollis constitute a

second species in the plains of India.”
B. Hopveson.

\
U
H
if

1187

A short account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur, in North Sind. By
Captain G. E. Wesrmacort, 37th Regt. Bengal N. I.

{Concluded from page 1113. ]

The Indus generally begins to rise in March and abate in the early part
of October, but varies in different seasons. In 1839 it just rose in the end
of March, but did not overflow until May. It commenced decreasing on
the 2Ist of August, and had fallen twelve feet at Bukur in the end of
September, and about four more the close of the month following. The
suddenness with which it rises and falls are only equalled by the snow
torrents of the Himalayas and Switzerland. I have known the river
increase several feet in a few hours, and people are frequently carried

away while bathing by a rush of water, which bears them along without

the power to resist it. On these occasions boats are driven against the
banks, and if old and crazy, break in pieces, and the passengers are drowned.

The shores of the river are fertilized by the annual inundations, and
artificial channels are cut from it in the interior of the country to prepare
the land for tillage. Some of these useful and munificent works belong to
the time of the Mogul emperors of Delhi. A great navigable canal called
the “Sind” leaves the river about thirty miles above Bukur, and after pass-
ing Shikarpoor pursues a southerly direction to Noushuhra, the boundary
of the Purgunnah of Moghulee, and enters that of Chandkoh. Lower
down it joins the Nara, which tumbles into lake Munchar after a circuit-
ous course of about 120 miles. Another great canal was cut on the east
bank by the late Meer Sohrab. It receives its water from the Indus, a few
miles below Bukur, and terminates im the desert soon after passing the city
of Khyrpoor. In the height of the floods, however, it flows southwards
in a continuous stream, diffusing plenty over a wide extent of country,
which would be, without it, an unprofitable waste, and a portion ofits waters
find their way back through different channels to the Indus. The supplies
of this canal have failed within the last two years, and unless pains are
taken to deepen it, will soon cease to flow. It would be a serious loss to
the people of the capital, who depend on it for wholesome water several
months of the year, that which they draw from wells being soft and
brackish, and hardly drinkable by persons unused to it. The filling up
the canal would occasion a diminution of the revenues, which will pro-
bably induce Meer Roostum to repair it. Both the Shikarpoor and Khyr-
poor canals frequently overflow their banks during the freshes of the
Indus, and dry up when the river subsides. The small cuts that irrigate

1188 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 108.

the country are exclusively at the charge of the farmer, who contributes
likewise to the expense of making and repairing the large canals within
his property.

As soon as the waters of inundation evaporate, the soil is ready to receive
all kinds of seed almost without preparation. It is sown in the month of
October, and always yields an abundant harvest. The river does not
oceupy above a fourth of its channel in the dry months, and not more than
a tenth of the soil on its banks, capable of cultivation, is turned to ac-
count. There are vast tracts in north Khyrpoor, which the inhabitants
of Bengal would seize with avidity, overrun with tamarisk, and the long
feathering grass known in India by the name of Moonj.

The tamarisk springs from the soil within a month after it is deserted by
the water, and villagers at a distance from the stream drive their buffaloes
to graze on the shoots and young grass which cover the banks. The herbage
is extremely nutritious, and communicates great sweetness to the milk of
eattle that feed on it. Cow’s milk is inferior to buffaloe’s milk in richness
and flavour. The people convert the milk to ghee, and dispose of it to
merchants and boatmen, who carry it for sale to the markets of Roree and
Sukhur. The peasants remain at the river in tamarisk sheds until the
floods oblige them to retire. Some of the sheds cover an area of several
hundred yards, and contain 400 and 500 buffaloes, with the herdsmen, their
wives and children. Half a dozen families often crowd into a narrow
space divided from the herd by a railing, and cook, eat, and sleep on the
ground among milk pots, platters, spinning wheels, and a few articles of
common furniture.

There are no rocks in the river above Bukur, and the extent of cultiva-
tion on the Khyrpoor side much exceeds that on the shore opposite; the
bank is cut to receive Persian wheels, and the peasant removes them when
the floods cease to another locality.

The stream of the Indus is foul and turbid, and though little encumber-
ed in the dry months with reeds and drift wood, is sufficiently rapid to
hold in solution quantities of sand and other matter it washes along in its
course. The number of shoals that perpetually shift their position ob-
struct the navigation, and render it necessary in the dry season to stop
boats while one of the crew is sent forward to sound the channel. Vessels
are constantly obliged to cross from one bank to the other, and the want
of paths through the dense jungle makes it difficult to carry the track
line, and serves materially to lengthen a voyage.

The east part of Khyrpoor is nearly desert, and the scanty supply of well-
water loathsome to the taste. The few spots which yield good pasture de-
pend on the rains, which often fail. The supply in 1839 was said to exceed

we el ed Bort pe ok eh a

— <_ aan

1840.] Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1189

what had fallen for years, but lasted only four days. In the two preceding
years a drought destroyed thousands of cattle.

The dye, or tamarisk, is the most abundant preduction of the wilds, and

almost as useful to the Sindee as the bamboo to the native of India. The
flowers (sakoor) are dried, pulverized, and infused in water, and form a red
fluid in which cottons are steeped to prepare them for dye. A considerable
quantity of flowers are exported to Persia and the Punjab. The wood sup-
plies the inhabitants almost exclusively with fuel, and they employ it in
the construction of houses, boats, and agricultural implements. The
-boughs are used for fences and cattle sheds, to line wells, and to thatch
houses, and are plaited into baskets, and mats for boats, for which their
strength and toughness admirably fit them. The young shoots form a
nutritious diet for goats and cattle.

Next to the tamarisk in point of usefulness is the Moonj, a species of
grass which rises twenty or thirty feet high. The peel is twisted into
rope for masts and track lines, the texture depending a good deal on the
length of time the grass is beaten. The ropes last a twelve month if kept
constantly wet, but hot and dry weather destroys them in a third of the
time. The string made from the plant is used to lace the common country
bedsteads, and the thick part of the stem for screens (shutees) for the
eeiling and walls of houses. The upper stem bears a long feathering
flower, and is made into screens and baskets to hold grain and chaff for
cattle.

The Kas is another description of wild grass, sometimes used to thatch
huts, and cattle browse on the shoots. The Pees reed grows on the hills, and
is much used for rope, and more pliable than Moonj, but wet destroys it ; and
there is a long flag called putar found on the banks of streams and lakes,
made into soft pliable ropes, which boatmen pass round their loins in
tracking. ’

Nitre is found in great abundance effloresced on the surface of the soil,
and the people manufacture salt more than enough to supply their wants.
Coarse salt sells in Roree at four and five muns the rupee, and a fine kind
at ten seers.

Coarse cotton cloth (Khasa) is manufactured in the principal towns and
villages, chiefly for home consumption, and a little is exported to Afghan-
istan and Persia. Common loongees are fabricated at the villages of

_ Raneepoor, Gumbut, Khoora, and Duraz, situated together to the south of
| the capital. They are chiefly cotton with silk borders, and a few of silk
_ and cotton mixed, and very inferior to the fabrics of Thalfa and Buhawul-
_ poor. Silk cloths are woven at Roree, Khyrpoor, and Shikarpoor, but the
| weavers are ignorant how to flower and variegate them. Sind caps are
ae |

1190 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 108.

chiefly made at Shikarpoor and Roree, and a common one with a cotton
top and silk sides costs a rupee. Common shoes of brown leather are
made every where at from four to sixteen anas a pair. They are inferior
to those of Buhawalpoor, and the people are unacquainted with the art of
embroidering them. Manufactories of paper and gunpowder are esta-
blished in all the large towns. The best paper factories are at Shikarpoor
and Larkhanu, but produce paper of inferior quality to that of Kashmeer
and Delhi. |

Dromedaries and asses constitute the principal means of conveyance.
The duty on grain is often levied on the load, and merchants to save
money overload their cattle, and put 800 lbs. on a camel and 250 on an ass.
A fine camel will carry this weight easily, but six hundred weight is an ay-
erage burthen on a long journey, and a female carries one hundred pounds
less. The latter is only employed in case of necessity. The best saddle camels
come from Kuchee and Jussulmeer, and sell in Khyrpoor at from 100 to
150 rupees, and baggage camels at from 30 to 60 rupees. These were the
prices before the British approach; they are now almost double. Camels
are ridden on a journey by people of rank, and carry their clothes, provi-
sions, and a servant armed with a sword and matchlock. Merchandise is
brought overland from India and central Asia exclusively on the camel, as
‘it is the only animal that can endure the heat and fatigue of the desert in
the summer months. It finds nourishment in the most inhospitable spots,
and performs a stage of twelve and fifteen miles with ease. Caravans
travel at night in the hot months, and the camels are left to browse in the
day-time, but in winter the day is devoted to the journey, and the night to
repose. These animals are not used to carry swivels, as in Rajisthan, but
they turn mills and water-wheels. The Sind camel is the species with one
hump, or Arabian camel, usually called the dromedary, and the small breed
‘of Khyrpoor is not capable of supporting much fatigue, nor of lifting the
load a good camel of western India will carry. Disease, hard work, and
poor diet occasion a great mortality among them every summer.* The
lower classes have a large number, and cannot afford them grain, and they
feed in the wilds on juwasee, and other nutritious shrubs. These depend on
the rain, and in seasons of drought, such as 1837 and 1838, the animal is
reduced to a state of great misery, and numbers perish. Large herds are
pastured by a single peasant, whose maintenance is almost the only charge
on the proprietor.

Part of the Thur, or Indian desert to the south-east of Khyrpoor, belongs
to the Ameers of Hydurabad, and is celebrated for a very superior des-

* During the hot months of 1839 the camels of the British Commissariat at Sukhur
died at the rate of one per cent. ?

1840.] Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1191

eription of goats and cattle. The ghee is excellent, but the dealers adul-
terate it with flour before they carry it to the markets.* A Khyrpoor
goat gives commonly three-quarters of a seer of milk, and a fine one that
yields a seer is worth two rupees. Goats kept for the table sell at from
twelve to twenty anas a piece. A male costs one rupee, and when trained
to fight, which is a rather favourite pastime, twice and thrice the sum, and
a kid from eight to twelve anas. A good breed comes from Gumo, in the

_ district of Khyrpoor, but Boordgah is considered to produce the finest

goats, sheep, and cattle, of any place in the prince’s territory. Oobaro, in
north Khyrpoor, produces ghee in great abundance, and immense herds of
buffaloes are grazed on the banks of the Indus in the districts of Boong
and Bara.+ The females cost from twenty-five to forty rupees, } according to
the quantity of milk they yield, a calf ten, and the highest price of a
male is twenty-five rupees. A ram costs 13 rupee: a ewe that gives half
or three quarters of a seer of milk, the same: ewes reserved for slaughter
one rupee, and a lamb from ten to twenty anas.

The best horses and asses come from Afghanistan and Persia. The
horse of Sind is small, lean, and of miserable aspect, but hardy, and capable
of enduring great fatigue. Mules for burthen and hire are kept chiefly at
Khyrpoor by Talpoorees, who are too poor to entertain servants, and
usually accompany the animals.

The ass, like his fellow of Arabia and Egypt, is a small active animal,
with considerable power of endurance, and so useful that there is hardly a

* In India ghee is adulterated with Muhooa oil, the shukurkund, or sweet potatoe,
and the ghoiya vegetable, &c.

+ The width of the Khyrpoor territory at Bara and Boong is only ten or twelve
miles, and extends along the Indus about thirty miles north of Sulzulkot, and terminates
between Boong and Rajinpoor. The possessions of the Ameer of Khyrpoor are repre-
sented in Arrowsmith’s map to include Rojhan, the chief town of the Muzaree Belooch,
but do not project north of Keen in Kuchee, which is nearly opposite Boong. The late
Rajah Runjeet Sing seized and annexed Miyan Rojhan to his dominions in the
middle of 1836, because of an attack by the Khyrpoorees on his frontier post.
Arrowsmith’s map of central Asia, dedicated to Lieutenant, now Lieut. Colonel Sir A,
Burnes, is I believe the most correct chart of the Indus that has been printed, and at
that time (1834) Rojhan belonged to Khyrpoor.

The travelling distance from Buhawulpoor, in Daoodpootra, to Feerozpoor is 160 kos,
or 225 English miles. The kos in Daoodpootra is about one mile and three furlongs
English, and the frontier extends within 56 miles of Feerozpoor. The Indus constantly
changes its channel, and a survey of its course this year might give a very inaccurate
representation of it the next. In the summer of 1539 upwards of 4000 bighas of land,
partly cultivated, situated midway between Ooch and Mittun, were transferred by a
caprice of the stream from the Sikh territory to Buhawulpoor on the east bank. The
river is gradually deserting Ooch, which is now upwards of three miles from the bank
in the dry season.

{ These were the prices at Roree and Sukhur before the British entered Sind, and
may be taken as the average throughout the country.

1192 Account of Khkyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 108.

family of Moosulmans and Hindoos without one. He brings grass and
fuel, carries the merchant and his grain, and the poor keep him for hire.
He is never fed on grain, and subsists in the wilds the best way he can,
but is always in sleek and comfortable condition.

The pig is not found in Sind in a domestic state, but the villages, like
those of India, swarm with a breed of half-wild disgusting dog, who subsist
almost entirely on offal.

Tigers, wolves, jackals, boars, porcupines, deer, and hares, harbour in
the forests; and among the amphibious animals are the alligator, otter,
badger, and porpoise. Alligators inhabit the creeks and minor streams
that diverge from the Indus, and are held sacred by Hindoos and Moosul-
mans. Tigers are rare, and kept by Moojawurs attached to the tombs of
eminent saints to attract visitors. The hog is the scourge of the farmer,
and he is obliged to employ watchmen at night to preserve his fields from
their ravages. Wolves carry off poultry, but seldom attack grown-up per-
sons. Badger and otter skins form an article of export to Afghanistan.
Snakes, scorpions, and centipedes abound in rocky situations, and the last
attain a large size. Flies, mosquitoes, and many varieties of beetle and
grasshopper appear when the inundations subside, but are less numerous
and troublesome than in the wet season in India. Leeches are plentiful,
and extensively used for venesection. Among the birds are a peculiar
kind of Myrops or bee-eater ; the black partridge, similar to that of Kuch,
but differing from the species found in the north provinces of India; the
grey partridge. Two kinds of woodpecker found also in the Konkan ;
the razor-beak, similar to that of Gujerat; several kinds of gull; the
pelican ; a species of plover, peculiar, I believe, to Sind; and the Kunchee,
or Bhooketta of India, a black bird with long feathers in the tail, remark-
able for its antipathy to the crow. Though a third less in size than its foe,
the Bhooketta attacks it with so much vigour and determination, that it
trembles with fear, and endeavours to escape without offering resistance.
Geese, ducks, divers, snipe, and other water-fowl are uncommonly plentiful.
The first congregate in thousands on the banks of the Indus and the exten-
sive lakes and morasses formed by its overflow, and form part of the
food of the lower classes.

The multitude of fish in the Indus, and the lakes and streams that flow
from it, also supply the inhabitants with food. The saleswomen dispose
of the small fish by weight, and sell the large ones to purchasers in
any quantity they require, by guess. The following catalogue of six-
teen, includes, I believe, all the species found in the Indus in Upper Sind.
I have added the price in the Roree market of the largest and finest
of the kind, but it varies of course with the season and drought.

1840.] Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1193

The Khuggur* ranks first in point of flavour and wholesomeness, and is
called par excellence, “‘’The fowl of the Indus.” It attains the length of
ten or twelve inches, and sells for about three pys.

The Dumrat (Rohoo of the Ganges) is considered next to the Khuggur
in excellence. It comes into season in September, and is plentiful the fol-
lowing month. It grows to the length of 43 feet, and sells for twenty pys.

The Pulla, a kind of carp (Roree of the Ganges, and Hilsa of Bengal.)

The Theleet+ is a dark coloured fish, of good flavour, twenty-six inches
long, and sells for nine pys.

The Shakirf{ is eighteen inches long, and sells for five pys, but is not a
favourite. There are a few always in the market, but October is the best
month for them.

The Singara} is well flavoured, and much eaten. The largest measure
about twenty-four inches, and sell for six pys.

The Pundun* (Ruya of the Ganges and Jumna) spawns in the month
of Sawun. The largest are six and seven feet long, and sell for eighteen
pys, but are not prized from being full of small bones.

The Goj* (eel) grows three feet long, but is little caten, from its resem-
blance to a snake. It sells for four pys.

The Lahoor,*+ Mo6oko6r,* and Putonee* are each about eighteen inches
long, and cost three and four pys. The first is much eaten, but the last is
disliked from being full of small bones.

The Dumun} (Kutera of the Ganges?) is nine inches long, and costs two
pys. It is full of bones.

The Sonee} measures eight inches long, and sells at three pys the
seer. Like all bony fish it is eaten sparingly.

The Pullura is three inches long, and sells at the same price.

The Ghart and Kooree+ are each two inches long, and cost four
and five pys the seer. They are great favourites.

When the river is in a state of flood the fishermen live in boats, and
at other times on the banks in temporary huts built of reeds and tamarisk
cut in the forest. They farm tracts of the river, one or two miles long, by
the year, and sometimes pay in kind at the rate of a third or a fifth, and at
others head money every second month. Two or three men residing
under the same roof, pay less than a single individual.

A fisherman of Roree pays every two months, Rs. ... ... 3
PW OeHSHeEMenatOOe her, 5... s.s0 sie! adi tene). Ga (eee edad
Three fishermen together, ... ... baie Pegs! oc cher sees emia

* Always in the market.
t In season in October and Noyember.

1194 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. (No. 108.

The Pulla fish has been sometimes compared to the salmon, from the
extreme richness of its flavour, and is excellent either fresh or salted.
When full grown it measures about eighteen inches long, and comes into
season in Upper Sind in the month of Sawun, when the river is full, and is
in its prime about six weeks. The people prize it less than others of the
finny tribe from its heating quality, which is said to generate itch
and another disagreeable disorder in those who eat it constantly, and it is
filled with small bones. The poor Sindees, among other dirty practices,
broil and eat the entrails. The price of Pulla depends on the drought. In
1838 a full grown one sold in the Roree market for two pys, but the sup-
ply failed in the season following, and the demand made for it by the
British, raised the price to six pys.

The peculiar manner of fishing for Pulla has been well described by
Burnes in his voyage up the Indus. It is a novel spectacle to see the
stream in the floods covered with men floating fearlessly on vessels of
baked clay. A vessel (muttee) will usually contain twenty gallons of wa-
ter, andis much flattened at the sides. Those half the size have handles
‘through which the fishermen pass a rope to tie to their waists. The fisher
covers the opening at the top of the jar with the pit of his stomach and
swims into mid-stream, with a net ready for use on his shoulders. The net
is woven inlarge meshes, and fixed at the upper end of a bamboo, twelve
or fourteen feet long, with branches at the top like a fork. He plunges the
net vertically into the water and remains motionless with his thighs drawn
up on the jar until the fish are snared, when he tightens the mouth of the
net, disengages the fish, spears them, and drops them into the vessel.

The fisher usually selects a reach of the river for his empioyment, and
after floating the length of his beat, gains the shore to deposit his spoil.
He either transfers the jar to his head, or leaves it hanging to his loins, and
with the net on his shoulder walks across the point he swam round, and
again commits himself to the water. Fallen trees swept along by the cur-
rent sometimes break the earthen vessel, and endanger the fisherman’s life.
In situations liable to this accident, he substitutes for the muttee a large
gourd enclosed in netting, which he binds over the pit of his stomach. It
obliges him to swim low in the water, and often his head and shoulders
alone are visible.

The fishermen of the Indus have spare figures and swarthy complexions;
they wear beards like the other Sindees, and a wrapper of blue or white
calico round their heads and loins.

A muttee, or earthen jar, costs from 12 to 16 anas.

A net with a handle of bamboo, or bank woced, 12 anas.

A gourd, 1 or 2 pys. |

i ae a ee ee oe

1840.}| Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1195

In lakes, and shoal water produced from an overflow of the Indus, large
quantities of Pulla are taken in nets, called jalee, fabricated and worked by
eight fishermen (Mohone. )

Another kind of net used by one man is six-sided, five feet in diameter
at the opening, and shaped something like an umbrella without a handle:
sticks, four feet long, supply the place of whalebone, and the intervals are
filled with net, strong enough to hold fish three feet long. The cost of
making does not exceed twelve anas.

The military of Khyrpoor may amount to 10,000 or 12,000 men (Moo-
sulmans), and are paid part in cash, and part in grain at harvest. The
Ameer grants lands to chiefs and jaegeerdars on condition of their support-
ing a certain number of troops for the service of the state in war time.
They usually belong to the tribe of their chief, and work in his farm and
household when not employed by Government. The soldier’s stipend is dis-
bursed half-yearly at harvest, but is frequently in arrears. The infantry get
from thirty-six to forty-eight rupees per six months from their chiefs, and
half a rupee a month extra in war time from Government. The cavalry
receive from ten to thirty rupees a month, and are divided into five grades.

A few of approved courage receive 10 Khurwars* of grain, and 400
rupees in cash half-yearly.

The 2nd class about 8 Khurwars of grain, and 200 Rs. half-yearly.
The 3rd class about 6 Khurwars of grain, and 140 Rs. half-yearly.
The 4th class about 4 Khurwars of grain, and 100 Rs. half-yearly.
The 5th class about 2 Khurwars of grain, and 80 Rs. half-yearly.
In actual war the pay of the first class is increased to 2 rupees a day.
PRTGIARSY cock eee sock ace tice pees Leet fees) La rupee per-arenl.
Grdtand 4th Classes, co sc: Weeye se eens eee LL Upee per diem:

Most of the chiefs are Talpoorees, and also receive an increase of pay
when employed, according to their rank.

A Moghul officer in the service of Shah Nuwaz Khan, the minister of
Meer Ulee Moorad, receives twenty khurwars of grain and two hundred
and fifty rupees in cash yearly to furnish four mfantry soldiers. The
grain is wheat and joowaree, delivered in equal quantities; the first in the
Rubbee harvest, and the last in the Khureef, and the officer is at the charge
of conveying it to his farm. Thesoldiers are Moghuls of his own tribe,
and only serve in war, at other times they till his lands free of expence.
If the officer’s services are required in peace he gets his food from the
minister, and always a suit of clothes yearly. The Moghul pays his
soldiers at the rate of seven rupees a month, calculated at twenty-one

* One khurwar is equal to 15 muns, or 600 seers.

1196 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 108.

rupees worth of grain and the same amount in cash each harvest, and
they furnish their arms, and when travelling mess with their chief.

Before the British troops occupied Sind there was scarcely any market
for grain, but the demand for it has increased since 1839 to such an
extent that the Ameers will be obliged probably to reduce the allowance
to their troops, and place their pay on a new footing.

The soldiers of the Principality are chiefly cavalry, half of whom ride
ponies, and the others camels, horses, and mules. Their arms are swords,
shields, matchlocks, and knives. The Ameer’s secretary inscribes the name
of the recruit and that of his tribe in a register, and it is said that the
whole military force could be assembled at the capital within eight days.

The soldier is never punished with stripes, and rarely abused. Meer
Roostum makes the chiefs responsible for the conduct of their men, and
deprives the guilty of part of their jaegeers. ‘They receive their discharge
if dissatisfied. The military are proud, and impatient of rebuke; and
though faithful to a commander whom they love, are easily induced by ill-
treatment to offer their allegiance to another.

There are no forts in Khyrpoor of any importance except Bukur and
Dijee, and they are in bad repair, and incapable ofresisting European artil-
lery. There are Kots at Shergurh, Moobarukpoor, Oodur, Shahgurh on the
Jeysulmeer frontier, Subzul on the Daoodpootra frontier, Kandura be-
tween Roree and Khyrpoor, and a few other places. They are merely high
mud walls built round a square, and pierced for musketry, but without
guns.

Dijee-Kot, or Ahmudabad, merits notice from having been the capital of
the Soomras, and was destroyed by Ullah-ood-Deen, Emperor of Dilhee,
towards the end of the fourteenth century of our era. It has not yet been
visited by a European, and I am chiefly indebted for the following account
of it to a Moghul officer lately in the service of the governor Ali pe
youngest brother of Meer Roostum.

Dijee stands on a hill about eight kos south of Khyrpoor, and three hun-
dred yards from the east bank ofthe river Meerwah, which is fed from the
Indus, but contains water only three months in the year. The prince
uses it as a depot for treasure, grain, and military stores, and resides in the
walled village below. There are four or five houses in the fort, and a well
of brackish water, which supplies the garrison in time of siege. It is
surrounded by a stone and brick wall, about thirty feet high and four thick,
without a ditch. The only entrance is from the east through four gates
connected by walls, and a ghorchu is mounted over theinner one, but none of
the others are defended by cannon. The following guns of iron and brass

are on the rampart :—

1840.] Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1197

1 Eight cubits long.

3 Seven cubits long.

5 Ghorchu (so called from being drawn by horses) of four or five cubits.

8 Ramjungiyo, or Jinjalls, six or seven cubits.

3 Gobare (mortars) 23 cubits.

Each Ghorchu requires eight horses to draw it. Most of the guns are
new, but would do little against a European army, and the miserable condi-
tion of the Sind artillery is proverbial.* The small village of Dijee is
surrounded by a wall and rampart twenty feet high, and seven thick at
the base; it mounts six Ghorchus, but is too much decayed to offer re-
sistance. Two of the eight gates are closed, and the others without
shutters. A sheet of water, ten or twelve feet deep, and 150 or 200 yards
wide, which has been formed partly by digging earth for the fortifications,
encircles the place during the floods of the Indus, and dries up in the
cold months. The village contains three wells of good water, and the
country is cultivated on all sides except the east, where there are hills.
The crops are Joowaree, Bajree, and Indigo. Fuel is brought from a dis-
tance of two kos, and consists of tamarisk, Kundee, and Ber, (wild bullace).
Ali Morad is probably entrusted with the command of Dijee because he is
the martial genius of the family, and can assemble between 2,000 and
3,000 picked warriors in two days, from villages within a circle of twenty
kos of his residence; they are chiefly Belooch, with some Afghans and
Sindees, and one-half cavalry and the other half infantry.

The town of Bukur fills an important place in the history of Sind, and I
have abridged the following account of it from a work in the possession of
a Suyud family at Roree and Sukhur. The dates in native manuscripts
are often faulty, and should be received in this instance with caution.

About the middle of the seventh century of the Hijru a Suyud of illus-
trious family, named Moohummud Mukaee, arrived at Bukur. He was the
offspring of Ameer Moohummud Soojan and a daughter of the then king
of Persia (a Turk), who presented him on his marriage with the tract of
country situated between Mushud and Kandahar. Moohummud Shoojan
subsequently made an expedition to the south of his principality as far as
the banks of the Indus, and liking the situation determined to revisit it.
He directed his attendants to write an account of the spot, and retraced his
steps to Mushud, where he died soon after, and was buried in the mau-

* The Sindees have an exaggerated notion of the destructive power of our guns.
When the Ameens of Hydurabad threatened in 1838 to oppose the march of our troops,
a nobleman of their Court, who had heard strange accounts of our shells and shrap-
nells, advised them to desist, as it would be rash to attack an enemy whose cannon
discharge balls from both ends.

i Oo

1198 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 108.

soleum of his grandfather Huzrut Iman Human Sooltan Khoorasan Ubool
Husun Ulee, son of Moosa Ruza. He left a son named Uhmud, and his
widow pregnant of another. When the period of mourning was expired
she went on a pilgrimage to Mudina, and from thence to Mukka, where
she brought forth Meer Moohummud, surnamed Mukaee, from his birth-
place. On her return to Persia she married a relation, and travelled with
him and Moohummud Mukaee to Bughdad, where they were hospitably
received by a nobleman named Shuekh Shahab-ood-deen Soohrwurdee.
He formed a great friendship for Mukaee, and determined to give him his
daughter in marriage, but his relatives supposing him a person of obscure
birth, opposed it. The young man was indignant at their conduct, and
asked them to accompany him to the burial place of Moohummud, that he
might convince them of his holy origin. On reaching Mudina they enter-
ed the tomb of the prophet, when Mukaee exclaimed, “ Salutation to thee,
O ancestor,” and a voice from the sepulchre replied, “Salutation to thee, O
son ;” which proof of sanctity so affected his companions and the towns-
people that they fell at his feet, and after showing him extraordinary
respect begged him to confer a blessing on their city by tarrymg some
time init. He declined, on the plea of returning immediately to Bughdad,
but determined first to visit Nujub, to give his companions another proof
of his holy lineage. On entering the tomb of Ulee he addressed the spirit
of the departed as he had done Moohummud, and a voice from the sepul-
chre confirmed his origin.

Shahab-ood-deen was overwhelmed with shame at what had happened,
and after asking and receiving his forgiveness gave him his daughter in
wedlock. In due time the lady brought forth a son called Sudr-deen,

whose tomb is in the fort of Bukur, she died immediately afterwards, and

her father followed a. u. 587.

Among the papers that came into Moohummud Mukaee’s possession on
his father’s death was the account of the Indus, already mentioned, and
being curious to see the spot he travelled thither in the year of Hijru*
658. His companions agreed in considering it favourable for a settlement,
and having mounted the hills to reconnoitre they discovered two herds-
men grazing cattle. These men undertook to point out the spot that was
so much admired by Moohummud Shoojan, and departing at night they
arrived at dawn the following day at the foot of a hill, which the horses

* The late Captain Macmurdo of the Bombay army, states that Bukur was founded
by the Arabs, and built from the ruins of Atore. He mentions, on the authority of the
Tohfut al Girami, that the town did not exist in the time of the Hindoo government,
and that it got its name Bukur from Moohummud Mukaee. some years after its
foundation. é

1840.] Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1199

and camels of the caravan, although urged repeatedly forwards, would not
pass.* Moohummud Mukaee declared this a proof it was the site chosen
by his father, and kneeling down offered thanksgiving, and because a
cowherd conducted the caravan, and it arrived at the place at dawn, he
called it Bukur, which means in the Arabic tongue “a cow,” and “ the
morning.”

At this period the inhabitants of the country were infidels, and when
the governort Alim Khan Urghoon heard of the new worship he proceeded
to seize and punish the offender ; on appearing however before Moohummud
Mukaee he suddenly lost the power of injuring hin, and his disposition
changed entirely : he entreated to be admitted to the bosom of Islam, and
became one of its most devoted followers. He offered to assign lands to
Moohummud Muhaee which the latter declined, and wished to purchase a
spot where he could build temples to God. Alim Khan accompanied
Sudr-deen to Sehwan to choose a site, and Suyud Ali, a friend of his
father’s, persuaded him to settle there, and gave him his daughter in
marriage. He purchased lands in the vicinity, which he called ‘“‘ Rusool-
poor,” but had not been long there when Moohummud Mukaee disapproved
of his residing so far from Bukur, and recalled him. He then desired him to
mount a domestic on a camel, and promised to purchase of Alim Khan
and bestow on him as much land as the animal could traverse between
dawn and dusk. The man rode through a district on the east bank of the
Indus, which became thence forward the property of Sudr-deen, who cul-
tivated and peopled it. The district is two kos from the town of Roree,
and retains the name of Alee-wahun it received from Sudr-deen. It con-
tains the villages of Machee and Turee Chanee, and part still belongs to
the descendants of Moohummud Mukaee, and they pay no revenue to
government.

Mohummud Mukaee died a. u. 691, and the Suyuds raised his son Sudr-
deen to the chief dignity, Alim Khan’s death followed soon after, and in
the year 697 Sudr-deen invited Nusrut Khan, of the Khilchee tribe, the
then Sooltan of Mooltan, to take possession of Bukur. The Sooltan on his

_ arrival gave his daughter in marriage to Budr-deen, son of Sudr-deen, and
swore on the Koran to assign a third of his dominions to her in dower,
but. broke his engagement and gave in lieu of it the country of Umeer
-~Wuhun, now called Surjudpoor, in North Khyrpoor, which continued in the
possession of Budr-deen’s descendants until the Kalhoras deprived them

* This seems to confirm Captain Macmurdo’s opinion that Bukur was not originally
‘Surrounded by water. .
| + He must have received this title on his conversion to Islam; his former name is

not given,

1200 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 108.

of it.* The issue of this union was two sons and two daughters, one of
whom married her cousin, the son of Tajood-deen, and received half of
Umeer Wuhun for a dowry, Sudr-deen married first the daughter of his
uncle Uhmud, by whom he had six sons and two daughters, and secondly
the daughter of Suyud Ali of Sehwan, who brought him four sons and two
daughters. On his death his eldest son Budr-deen succeeded to the guddee
of the Suyuds. Sometime afterwards his brothers Ullah-ood-deen and Ta-
jood-deen went to hunt in the forest of Ali Wuhun, and applied to the
steward of the chase to defray their expenses; this he declined without
Budr-deen’s order, and his brothers enraged at his refusal slew him. Budr-
deen was restrained by his relations and the Ulema from punishing this
atrocious act, but their counsel displeased him, and he left Bukur resolving
to fix his residence for the future at Mooltan. He was met, however, at
Ooch by Hoosen Khan, a powerful Zumeendar of the Langa tribe, who had
heard that the chief Suyud of Bukur was approaching, and went forth with
his family to greet him, prevailed upon him by offers of service to settle in
that city. He married Hoosen Khan’s daughter, and his brothers having
afterwards expressed regret for their conduct, returned with his wife to Bu-
kur; about this time he betrothed his daughter to Suyud Julal of Bokhara,
who lived on the island of Khwaju-ka-than in the Indus above Bukur,
which gave great offence to his brothers, with exception of Tajood-deen, to
whom Moohummud revealed in a dream his approbation of the match.
His brothers continued in the same mind, and Budr-deen withdrew after
the wedding with Julal and his wife to Ooch, and never returned to his na-
tive city. The descendants of Tajood-deen, son of Sudr-deen by his
second wife, and grandson of Moohummud Mukaee, now occupy the first
place among the Suyuds of Bukur and Roree. His great-grandson Saood-
deen sat on the cushion a. u. 980. The posterity of Moohummud Mu-
kaee are scattered over the country between Lahor and Thutta, and reside
chiefly at Lahoor, Ooch, Mooltan, Bukur, Sukhur, Rooree, Shikarpoor,
and Pulot.

I did not ascertain the date Bukur was first fortified. Capt. Macmurdo
mentions that when the Urghoons made it their capital it-stood on an is-
land in the Indus, and Shah Beg built a brick wall round it for its defence.
I find in the history of the Suyuds that Shah Hoosen Khan Urghoon held
the government towards the middle of the tenth century of the Hijru,

* Nusrut Khan died a. u. 717, and left a brother named Allah-ood-deen, who was
at Bukur at the time of his death. This event was followed by a revolution, and many
competitors started for the throne, but I am not aware who succeeded to it. The MS.
states briefly that the Jam of the Soomra tribe arrived about this time at Bukur, and
assumed the government. .

1840.| Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1201

and rebuilt the fort ninety* tunab, or 1350 yards in circuit. Nadir Shah is
said to have destroyed the works when he invaded Sind in 1747-48, but
they differ little at this day from the description given of them in the time
of Shah Hoosen. He made the wall fifteen yards high and four thick, and
pierced it with four gates. The Koon, SE. facing Roree, is now shut;
the Kingree S. ; the Khururee N. towards Sukhur also shut ; and the Nag
to the N. E.; none of the gates have outworks or barbicans, but steps are
cut in the rock for the convenience of obtaining water. The fort is an ir-
regular oval, and has sixty-one bastions of different sizes connected by an
embattled curtain, and the diameter, measured from the Koon to the Khu-
ruree gate, and from the Nag to the Kingree gate, is the same, namely
twenty-one tunab, or 315 yards. Hoosen Khan appointed Muhmood Khan,
a noble of his court, to command the fort while he travelled between Mool-
tan and Thutta, and it was at this period (a. u. 928) that the emperor
Humayoon was defeated by Sher Shah the Afghan, and fled towards Bukur.
When Muhmood Khan heard of his approach he hastily built an Alum
Punah, or outer-wall to the fort, which embraced the whole of the limestone
rock in the Indus, and was 125 tunab, or 1875 yards circuit, twelve yards
high, and four thick, with four gates opposite those on the inner wall. It
had seventy bastions, and two gardens called Nuzurgah and Goozrgah,
which are now planted with date trees. Muhmood Khan had scarcely
completed the defences when Humayoon arrived, and requested admittance.
The governor gave no answer, and closed the gates, and reduced the impe-
rial army to great distress for provisions. The Suyuds in Bukur pitying
their condition, sent the emperor a present of sixteen hundred Khurwars+
of grain, which relieved the wants of his army for a time, but the garrison
still held out, and he was obliged eventually to raise the siege, and marched
to Jeysulmeer. Afterwards he withdrew to the fortress of Umurkot in the
desert, where the empress gave birth to the infant Akbar, a. nu. 949. Hu-
mayoon subsequently returned to Bukur, and leaving his Wuzeers Moojir-
hid Khan and Moohibb Ali Khan with the army to besiege it, set out for

*Tunab. A Tunab according to the measurement then in use was derived from
Arabia, and equal to fifteen yards. The following are the dimensions of the Ara-
bian tunab and jureb.

6 Barley grains placed lengthwise one above the other, .. .. 1 finger.
32 fingers, CoRR MANY | ais” 0:00 Clad ain Caimab vas.” Vole nM cin’ Sis% je aie Ue

CREEP. antics, cs c0ysp es vised) as.) ebcren, ee rd AMA:
4 Tunab, raatiicis oa. ker Ma an Pee oat olde aia aren REe Lye

Thus a jureb comprised an area of 3600 yards.

This measure is still used in Kabool, except that only twenty-four fingers go to
the ziru.

¢ A Khurwar is equal to about 1050 lbs. avoirdupois.

1202 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 108.

Kandahar. They failed in obliging Muhmood Khan to capitulate, and he
died during the siege, and was succeeded by an officer of the same name.
After this the Wuzeers marched to Thutta. Moohmud or Moohummud
Khan, acquired independent, sovereignty and historians distinguish him by
the title of Sooltan. He died 980, while Meer Eesa of the Turkhanee
tribe from Thutta was besieging the fort.* In the same year Sadood-deen,
son of Meran, of the lineage of Moohummud Mukaee Kuguree, was chief of
the Suyuds of Bukur, amounting to seventeen hundred families. They had
suffered great inconvenience and privations during the siege, and deter-
mined with the consent of their superior to abandon the fort. They
accordingly settled on the east bank of the river on the Lohuree hills, a lit-
tle to the south of Bukur, and founded the city called after the hills Lohree,
improperly Roree.

The fortifications were rebuilt and restored the last time by the go-
vernor Nuwab Ghoolam Sudeeg Khan, about fifty or sixty years ago, in the
reign of Timour Shah, to whom Bukur then belonged. To obtain bricks he
broke down the tombs of Puthans which covered the heights of Sukhur,
and reduced them to a complete ruin. The open space between the walls
is of irregular breadth, being in some places thirty feet, in others less than
twelve. The Alum Punah to the NW. is now about eight feet high, and
more than double the height to the south, and looped for matchlocks, but
without embrasures: It does not extend to the east and south-east faces,
where the Indus almost washes the base of the wall, and leaves no path
over the rocks. About half the Alum Punah on the faces not mentioned
is fallen, and was in course of repair when our troops arrived in 1838.
The rampart is twelve feet wide. The natives consider the fort impregna-
ble, but a few rounds from heavy artillery would throw down any part.
The lofty embattled pinnacles are imposing to the eye even in ruin, and
the fort is admirably situated on the Indus between the towns of Roree
and Sukhur, but the superior elevation of the hills on both banks make
it of little value as a stronghold. The British have converted a hill near
Sukhur into a battery for seven cannon, and a few hundred native infantry
and a small detail of artillery formed the garrison of Bukur in the autumn
of 1839. A few ceriss and peepulf trees take root in the walls, and hasten
their ruin. A large bastion to the NE. has already fallen, and others

* The tomb of this enlightened prince still exists in good preservation among the
Kalhora sepulchres at Thutta, and is remarkable for the beauty of its carvings.

¢ Captain Macmurdo states that the Arghoons were jealous of the great power
possessed by the Suyuds, and compelled them to leave the town, and occupy Lohree.
This was probably true, and the fact of their sending grain to Humayoon’s army
proves their bad feeling to the governor.

{ Mimosa cerissa and Ficus indica.

1840. | Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1203
|

totter. The fortifications are brick hardened in the sun, and faced with
large square bricks and tiles laid in mud instead of cement. Part was for-
merly encrusted with porcelain glazed, coloured, and ornamented with
Persian inscriptions.

The once flourishing city of Bukur contains now only twenty-five
houses, and exhibits a deplorable picture of desolation. The British have
converted the governor’s palace on the east wall into a powder magazine,
and the entire area is covered with mounds fifteen or twenty feet high of
bricks, the debris of buildings and ordure that have accumulated for ages.*

The Indus sweeps round Bukur in a rocky channel, half a mile wide, in
form of a horse-shoe, of which the fort occupies about the middle, and can
be traced in clear weather through a perfectly level country for fifty or
sixty miles. The stream directs its force at present against the west bank,
a little above Sukhur, and were it to give way, there are no obstacles to
oppose the course of the river over the flat plains. In event of this con-
tingency, and the Indus deserting Bukur, it would be valueless as a military
position; and it will probably happen at no distant period, unless checked
by a strong embankment: the current turns now about eight miles from
its natural direction.

In 1839 the Indus began to subside the last week of August, leaving
extensive shoals opposite the fort, which arrested reeds and timber. It
rose a little the three last days of the month, but six weeks afterwards
shoals filled above a third of the bed, and decayed vegetable matter and
slime, exposed to a burning sun, produced exhalations that generated
remittent fevers. In the end of October the river had fallen about sixteen
feet, and entirely deserted the NE. and SW. angles of Bukur, leaving a
bank on the north face, a quarter of a mile in circuit, and a shallow ford
alone divided the fort from the island of Khwaju-ka-than. The bank to
the SW. was three feet above water level, and more than a furlong in
circuit. The Indus appears to be forsaking its western channel, which
had in the beginning of November only four and a half feet water in the
deepest part, but the strong current could not be forded. The eastern
channel has a width of nearly five hundred yards.

* Quantities of gunpowder, amounting to a hundred pounds together, were found
buried in three places, and are supposed to have been introduced by the Talpoorees to
blow up our troops. In July 1839 a Sipahi while cooking was thrown violently on his
back by an explosion, but escaped without injury, though his food was projected into
the air. People had lighted fires on the spot for months, and that an explosion did not

take place before is ascribed to the dampness of the earth, which is filled with salt-
petre. Had the great Magazine ignited, it would have destroyed every soul in the
fort, and rent the fortifications to atoms.

+ Captain Thompson, the Principal Engineer of the Bengal Column of the Army of
the Indus, threw a flying bridge over this channel, which was swept away shortly after

1204 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. (No. 108.

In July and August the river pours down floods of water over the rocks
at short intervals with angry violence, and casts up waves a mile and a
half below Bukur with a noise that can be heard a distance of several
miles. It frequently dashes boats in pieces, and drowns people bathing.
In 1839 it thrice carried away the pont volant connecting the fort with
Sukhur, and sacrificed the lives of two men employed to replace it; and
the ferry boat that left Sukhur every morning for Roree lost about a mile
and a half in the transit, which it accomplishes in the cold months in about
seven minutes.

Bukur is the only pretty spot on the Indus in its course through Sind.
The growth of timber is less luxuriant than at Gouahatee, the principal
town of Assam, but the broad and rapid stream with rocks frowning over
it, and the picturesque groves and islands, remind the traveller forcibly
of that beautiful and unhealthy spot. The view of the town of Roree
from the rampart is a fine subject for the pencil of an artist, and embraces
on the north a small island, which the Moslem and Hindoo have endowed
with a sacred character. A shrine and tombs, terminating in numerous
gay spires of coloured porcelain, cover another island below the fort, and a
third lower down the stream forms the abode of a solitary anchorite, who
has lived there many years on the donations of pilgrims. Fruitful date trees
mixed with the mango, plantain, and pomegranate, line the shores of the
stream for miles, and flocks of pelicans, remarkable for the whiteness of their
plumes, are seen in the summer months sailing majestically on the current.

Note on the rivers Nara and Arrul in North Sind.

The Nara ranks first among the streams of North Sind that receive their
waters from the Indus, and spreads fertility over a district inferior in
wealth and importance to none in the Ameer’s dominions. I ascended
the stream in June 1839 in a vessel of seven hundred muns burthen,
and as the country it runs through has only been visited by two or
three European travellers, I have thrown: together a few notes on the
voyage, which occupied a fortnight.

Nara signifies a snake in the Sind dialect ; and the river richly deserves
the title, from the extraordinary sinuosity of its course, equalling, ifit does
not surpass, that of the Goomtee in Oude. From the point where it leaves
the Indus, about thirty-five miles below Bukur, to its junction with lake
Munchar, is about fifty miles in a direct line, but nearly one hundred and
twenty by the course of the stream. The distance across a belt of land in

the army crossed in the middle of February. Another bridge over the western
channel, connecting Sukhur with Bukur, stood till the end of March, when the floods
destroyed it.

1840. | Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1205

one of the turnings which the boatmen took an hour to circle was found
to be only twelve paces From the sharpness of the turns it is often im-
possible to carry sail more than fifteen minutes together, and even when
the wind is favourable for boats ascending the stream, they are dragged
great part of the way by the track rope.

The Nara is navigated throughout its course four or five months of the
year by vessels of eight hundred muns burthen. Boats proceeding north-
ward always take this route in the inundations, to escape the current of
the Indus, which it is impossible to breast without a strong favourable
breeze. Those bound to Bukur re-enter the great stream about thirty-
five miles below the fortress, and always return by it to the ocean.

The only part of the river where an obstacle occurred, was at the hamlet
of Gahé, where the men, to save time, went up a channel which the
farmers had lately opened by cutting an embankment to let off the floods
which had risen suddenly, and threatened to destroy the crops. Here the
stream, which has a westerly course above the village, turns abruptly
south, sweeping round a sharp angle with immense force, and it was only
after a dozen attempts that the men succeeded in dragging and pushing
the boat up the rapids.

The stream rolls along a rapid volume of water from thirty to fifty
yards wide, but sometimes diminishes to twenty, and has an average
depth of about four. There are a good many ferries in the upper part
of its course, traversed where the current is strong, by a pont volant worked
by a man, who receives half a pye for conveying over a foot passenger, and
double the amount for a horse or bullock.

The Nara is surrounded, where it leaves the Indus, with shoals and shift-
ing sands, which make it difficult for boatmen to find the entrance. It is
skirted in places by a wide expanse of fields unbroken by forest, and
clusters of cottages at intervals of two or three furlongs. The grain
cultivated is chiefly wheat, joowaree, and rice, and a good deal of cotton
and a little tobacco. I saw ten or twelve Persian wheels working
together, and in the gardens apple and nut trees, mangoes, grapes, and
limes, luxuriant rose bushes, and a profusion of white and scarlet oleander.
None of the fruits are remarkable for size or flavour. The soil is sand
or stiff clay, and canals from six to ten feet wide, cut from the Nara,
receive the floods and convey them through plains divided by low ridges
and embankments: the crops are most luxuriant, but the mode of tillage
slovenly, and the manure of a worthless description.

Fifteen miles from lake Munchar are extensive low lands base of trees,
and little elevated above the level of the Nara, so that banks are required to
_ prevent the river overflowing. Part is cultivated with rice and wheat, and

1206 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 108.

part pastures sheep, herds of horned cattle, and a small breed of horses.
Before the British arrived in Sind, grain was so plentiful that the people
measured at a guess the quantity demanded by purchasers, and even now
about forty seers of wheat are sold on the farms for a rupee.

The shores untouched by the plough are without paths, and the dense
jungle of acacia and tamarisk of large growth that overhang the water is
never cut, and is a serious impediment to boatmen in tracking. It would be
a great benefit to commerce, if the peasants were obliged to remove the
trees. Their villages are usually at a short distance, and they obtain
wood for fuel, building, and agricultural implements from the jungle, and
might without much additional trouble cut it on the river banks.

The country towards lake Munchar is lower and more intersected by
streams than the tract to the northward, and extensive lakes and sheets of
water covered with lotos and rushes harbour multitudes of geese and
other water-fowl. Neither the domestic goose nor the duck is an habitant
of this region, and though the river swarms with fish there is not suffici-
ent demand for it to induce people to make fish-catching a profession.
The common fowl is plentiful, and the people hardly know what price to
ask for it. They are glad to exchange their poultry for earthen platters
and pipes, and glass bottles of British manufacture, and our boatmen
were seldom without a chicken for supper. . There are no alligators in the
Nara, but it is infested by a small leach, which is troublesome to those whe
bathe in it.

Shortly before the-river joins lake Munchar, it flows through a channel
which had lately been deepened,-and the earth thrown up on the banks
gave it the appearance of a canal, but the resemblance soon disappeared.
The thick groves of tamarisk exclude the air, and make the atmosphere in
summer oppressively close, and when the floods subside in September
and October the soil engenders miasma. No dew fell during the time we
were on the river, and our party slept in the air surrounded by swamp
and jungle without suffering injury. ,

The people on the shores of the Nara are nearly all Moosulmans.
Their hamlets consist usually of small groups of cottages at short inter-
vals along the banks, and a sequestered spot in the vicinity, sheltered by
trees, is set apart for the dead, and held sacred from intrusion. The huts
are generally on rising ground, and built of mud with terraced roofs, on
which the farmers raise a chamber of reeds, where they pass the night in
summer to escape the suffocating heat and stings of musquitos and other
vermin that swarm the river. When the peasant is too poor to incur this
expence, he removes his mat, or bedstead, to the roof of his cottage,
and in situations liable to inundation, resides in a shed covered and fenced

|
(

i
i

1840. ] Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1207

with tamarisk boughs. Sometimes he relinquishes part of this humble
dwelling to his cattle.

The only town on this route besides Sehwan, is Khyrgaon, situated on
the west bank of the Koodun, a branch of the Nara, and has not yet found
a place in the maps; it is about thirty miles from lake Munchar, and has
seven mosques and between 2,000 and 3,000 inhabitants, about a fifth
of whom are Hindoos. The bazar was last year totally destroyed by fire,
and the people were rebuilding it in a very superior style to that of the
Sehwan and Thutta markets, which it promises to surpass in width and
loftiness. The chief articles exposed for sale are striped and coloured cottons.

The lake Munchar bears E. 10 N. from the town of Sehwan, and about
sixteen miles distant. In the season of inundation it spreads far beyond
its limits, and overflows the groves of tamarisk and rushes on its shores.
The figure is a long oval, between forty and fifty miles in circuit, and the
greatest length is east and west. The shores are fringed with lotos, and
rushes six feet high, except on the south-west side, where there is a waste
of sand. Barren hills are seen at a distancerising in altitude as they recede
from the lake, and form the modern boundary between Sind and Beloochis-
tan. A hot dazzling vapour floats in summer over these desolate heights,
which are as unpromising to the eye as the mountains on the coast of Ye-
men, and afford no shelter for travellers. The solitary village of Jungar,
with the domed sepulchre of Peer Bubber, is to the south, and the only in-
habited spot distinguishable; near it are extensive meadows where sheep
and buffaloes pasture. Among the varieties of fish that inhabit the lake
I recognized the Rohoo, the Silun, and the Saolee, which are speared with
bamboos barbed with iron, a common mode of fishing where water is suf-
ficiently clear to distinguish objects below the surface, which is never the
case in the Indus.

Lake Munchar presents a beautiful sight in the season when the lotos
is in blossom ; the plants occupy a circle of more than twenty miles, cover-
ing the surface of the water with a thick carpet of leaves and flowers far
beyond the range of vision. A channel fifty or sixty feet wide, winds with
many sinuosities through the midst of the lotos beds, and a current sets to
the eastward at about two miles an hour. The water is clear, but has ra-
ther an unpleasant taste of vegetable matter, and a pole, three fathoms

_ long, was dropped into it frequently without touching the bottom. To reach

the Nara in the western limit of the lake, boats force a passage through
reeds and lotos, and no one unacquainted with the navigation could disco-

_ ver the mouth, it is so completely hidden from view by these plants.

The river Arrul may be considered almost a continuation of the Nara,
and after emerging from the east side of lake Munchar has a course of

1208 Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 108.

about twenty miles to the Indus. The banks are fringed thickly with
tamarisks and acacias, and an undergrowth of camel-thorn and turf, There
are a few hamlets on the banks, and a good deal of land under tillage.
The river expands nearly a hundred yards at Sehwan, and the depth in the
middle is never less than twelve feet. Below the town its course is circuit-
ous. Sehwan stands on an eminence on the west bank of the river, about
four miles from its mouth, and close to the Lukkee hills, part of the great
chain of Hala, that forms the west boundary of Beloochistan. The hills
approach the Indus a little below the mouth of the Arrul, and consist of
lime, in which a great variety of petrified shells, wood, and coral, are em-
bedded, well worth the attention of geologists. I had not leisure to visit
them, but Major Smee of the 5th Bombay Infantry, an indefatigable collec-
tor of shells, found the following specimens during two days he passed at
Lukkee :—

Several species of Trochi,

A species of Helix,
——— Bulimus,

—_——-—. Turritella,
a sae Cy pen,
—_—_——-—- Conus,
——_——— Terebellum,
——__——__—- Oliva,
Voluta,
—__—_————. Cryptostoma (genus of Voluta,)
——_————. Ostrea,
Pecten,
and a large species of Nautilus, measuring eighteen inches across. I be-
lieve the cowrie and core are rarely found in a petrified state. There are
likewise hot springs in the neighbourhood, impregnated with sulphur and
alum, and the last is an article of export.

Ruined houses, mosques, and sepulchres cover an enormous space at
Sehwan, and are a melancholy record of the prosperity of the town under
the Summa Jams, the Urghoons, and the Moghuls, before the Kalhoras de-
prived it of its independence. The modern town is said to contain 2000 fa-
milies, of which a fifth are Hindoos, and there are forty grain sellers’ shops.
The houses are mud, and rise to several floors, the uppermost being often
built on arches, and surpass in style and accommodation those of Hydura-
bad and Thutta. The bazar is narrow and crooked, but of considerable
length, and covered with mats to exclude the sun. Belooch caps, shoes,
silk strings for drawers, and a few other silk articles for the lower orders,
are fabricated and exposed for sale. There is scarcely any trade, and an

1840.] Account of Khyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. 1209

entire absence of bustle and activity. At the time of our visit there
were forty boats at the town, including one of 300 muns in progress of
construction. Twelve were small craft belonging chiefly to Sehwan, and
the rest to towns on the Indus. More than half were without cargoes.

The shrine of Lal Shah Baz, a holy man of Khorasan, is the great object
of attraction to Moosulmans and Hindoos, who flock hither from the
Dukhun, Northern India, and the Punjab. The tomb is a quadrangular
edifice covered with a dome and lanthorn; round it are small domes and
blue enamelled spires and coloured porcelain tiles, and inscriptions in the
Arabic letter decorate the walls. A gothic arch admits the visitor to a
paved court with arcades, where a number of mendicants lodge, and solicit
alms in a tone of command rather than entreaty. A door on the side
opposite the entrance, closed by handsome shutters of hammered silver,
leads to a lofty domed chamber with Arabic inscriptions, niches, and a
canopy. It contains the tomb of the saint covered by rich cloths, and the
balasters with silver plates, much corroded by time. The numbers of
pigeons that have sanctuary in the building give it a musty, disagreeable
smell. The sepulchre is reputed to be rich in money and endowments,
and enjoys the revenues of the Sehwan gardens, and many villages in the
district. The Ameers of Hydurabad make pilgrimages to the shrine, and
went there in 1828 to return thanks to Allah for restoring health to the late
Morad Ali, the principal Ameer.

The fort of Sehwan stands on a scarped rock, about a hundred feet
above the Arrul, and divided from the town to the south by a deep
channel, which is dry nine months of the year. The interior is completely
ruined, but the corner towers and shell of two noble gateways are tolerably
perfect.

The temperature of the air on the Nara, in June, was considerably higher
than on the Indus, as shown in the following table :—

Average range of the Thermometer on the |Average of Thermometer on

Nara from 4th to 18th June 1839. the Indus during six days
of June 1839.

ee | ee ee

PREMPRCe PMO OG 21 0 Oe Dees Oneae Gee 850
te ROMP cn Sie od ff Slein LiUe eA ie wah) Stee 103¢ 96°
3 P.M. Pi.) cas Mens «ve. (caiieeisear 98°
BERS Peis. car! woe | ke 102° 96°
8 P.M. Fas SARS cea eh TG bt. oe) News 96° 9]lo

The mercury on the Nara rose several days at 3 p.m. to 111° and 112¢,
and once to 113° of Fahrenheit.

1210 Account of Kkyrpoor and the Fortress of Bukur. [No. 108.

Note on Khyrpoor in North Sind.

Land owners who hold Sunnuds (title deeds) of rent free tenures of the
Emperors of Dilhee and their successors, pay no revenue to the state.

Suyuds pay one-fourth of the crop; and the wng, or expense entailed by
Government in collecting the revenue, is remitted.

Some noble families of Moghuls, Puthans, and Sindee Zumeendars pay
one-fourth like the Suyuds.

A second class of cultivators pay one-third, a third class two-fifths, and
a fourth class one-half the crop. The cess varies in different districts, and
is regulated by the prince or his lieutenant.

Proprietors of gardens pay revenue in cash. I have stated in my ac-
count of Khyrpoor that government leaves only one-sixteenth of the pro-
duce to the owner. I find on reference to my notes that in some places
it exacts sixty, and in others seventy-five per cent. Indigo is taxed a
fourth, and is not cultivated in the districts of Roree and Sukhur.

Buhawul Khan, the Nuwab of Daoodpotra, collects in kind, nomi-
nally a third and fourth of the crop, but fines and exactions leave
the farmer only half the produce of land near towns and villages pos-
sessing facilities for irrigation. Land distant from inhabited spots, and
watered from wells, is taxed a fourth and sometimes a fifth for a
term of years, according to agreement with the Zumeendar, who clears the
land and digs wells, to irrigate it. The people complain universally of
the high assessment, and the prince obliges Zumeendars to grind in their
mills a certain quantity of grain produced on the royal farms without re-
muneration. His oppressive measures have depopulated a large extent of
country, and numbers of the inhabitants have settled on the west bank of
the Sutluj, where the assessment though nearly as heavy as in Daoodpotra,
is levied fairly. The land on the west bank is of better quality, and yields
a large return, which enables the peasant to support his burthen, and he
enjoys complete security of life and property under the police system in-
troduced by the late Runjeet Singh. The inhabitants have put aside their
arms, and in the large district of Mooltan, bordering on the Sutluj, I am
informed that it is rare to find a sword or matchlock in a family.

The people of the Sikh states west of the Sutluj paya fourth and fifth of the
crop either in cash or kind, and the former is sometimes obliged to purchase
the government share at a price greatly in excess of the market rate. There
are also profit and loss settlements adopted, apparently from the system in
operation in the British provinces, which are unfavourable for the farmer.

The ruler of the Punjab takes half the produce of “ Silab,” or land inun-
dated by rivers, and a fourth or fifth, and sometimes as little as a seventh,

‘of land irrigated from wells, according to situation and fitness for agricul-
ture. The ruyeeuts are on the whole better off than in Daoodpotra and
Mumdot, where they save nothing, and make a bare subsistence.

The cess in the Puthan Chiefship of Mundot in the Sikh states east of
the Sutluj under British protection, amounts to a third and fourth of the
crop, and in 1839 the people were in a state approaching starvation from
the total failure of the periodical rains.

G. E. Westmacort, Captain,
37th Regiment Native Infantry.

1211

Three new Species of Monkey ; with Remarks on the genera Semnopi-
thecus et Macacus. By B. H. Honeson, Esa.

Whoever has occasion to refer to the family of the Simiade in
works of Zoology, will, I think, be struck with the fugitive and doubt-
ful manner in which several proximate forms are generically separated
from each other; and this impression is peculiarly likely to arise,
if the reference be made with a view to classifying the ordinary Indian
species. Are the larger ones (Langoors) Semnopithect or Cercopi-
thect ? Are the smaller ones (Bander) Macaci ant alium quid? It is
universally laid down that the Semnopithect and Cercopithect both
have cheek pouches; yet is there not really any trace whatever of
these pouches in their prototypes, the Langoors of India, not at least
in those of Nepal: and whilst Cuvier’s type of the former genus has
andromorphous canines, Horsfield’s has these teeth as formidably
developed as in the true Carnivora; the difference in ¢his case being
consequent only on nonage or feminity, though insisted on by authors
as essentially diagnostic of separate types or genera.

Again, what animal exhibits the typical characters of Macacus ? If
Fhesus, then are our Indian Banders not Macaci, as generally alleged,
for they have neither the elongated snout, nor the very short tail of
that species: nor are their canines longer than in the Langoors, to
which they bear a strict likeness in the outline of the profile, and in the
facial angle; the only differences in these respects being caused by the
greater dip between the brows at the base of the nose, owing to the
superior saliency of the orbital bones, and by the shortness of the round
terminal nares.

Without further preface, I shall now proceed to give a summary
description of our Nipalese species of Langoor and of Bander, prefixing
to each an amended indication of the generic character, for the reasons
above assigned.

SIMIADZ.

GENUS. SEMNOPITHECUS.

Generic character. Facial angle 45 to 50; face flat; nose short, with
long narrow lateral nares ; head depressed ; limbs long; thumbs small,
remote ; callosities large ; no cheek pouches; 5th tubercle on last molar

1212 Three new species of Monkey. 3 [ No. 108.

present or absent (a trivial idle mark); canines variable, large only in
grown males, for the most part; stomach sacculated and banded as
well as intestine; tail very long, commonly tufted, and usually exceed-
ing the length of the animal. Very agile; grave deportment; gregari-
ous; not docile. "

Species new. Schistaceus hodie (Nipalensis of Catalogue). Habit of
Maurus. Dark slaty above ; below and the entire head, pale yellow; mere
hands and feet somewhat darkened or concolorous with the body above;
a pencil of black hairs radiating upwards from the brows; concolorous ;
tail longer than the body, and more or less tufted ; skin black ; nude on

face, and on last phalanges of anterior digits; hair on the crown short -

and radiated, on the cheeks long, directed back, and hiding the ears ;
piles or fur of one sort, nor harsh, nor soft, moré or less wavy, three to
five and a half inches long on the body, closer and shorter on the tapered
tail: thirty inches long : tail without the hair, thirty-six: hand six and
a half; foot eight and a half. Females smaller, with shorter canines.
Habitatt. Tarai forest and lower hills, rarely the Kachar also.

Genus Macacus.
Pithea (Ong, antiq.) nobis.

Generic character. Facial angle 50. Muzzle not elongated ; cal-
losities large; buttocks often nude ; structure compacter, but generally
resembling that of Semnopithecus, only that the thumbs are larger; the
orbits more salient; the head rounder; cheek pouches distinct and large ;
the canines similarly variable, being large and grooved in grown males
only ; the nares short, round, and terminal ; the stomach simple, though

the coecum and rectum be sacculated ; and, lastly, the tail shorter,

though usually equal to half the length of the animals. Agile; lively;
gregarious ; familiar ; intelligent; and very docile in confinement.

Ist. Species, new. Oinops (orvw) nob. (Nipalensis* of Catalogue).
Tail, without the hair, half the length of the entire animal; ears partially
exposed ; buttocks posteally nude, and like the face, carneous red ;
colour of fur a full brownish yellow-red or deep rusty, passing into slaty
grey on the anterior quarters, and purpurescent slaty internally. Twenty-
two inches long. Tail, without the hair, ten ; hand four and a half; foot
six; pile or fur of one sort, as in the last, and of like quality and set

* Topical names dropt, as seldom appropriate.

1840. | Three new species of Monkey. 1213

generally : two to three and a half inches long on body, shorter on the
tapered, untufted tail, and not radiating on the crown of the head.
Females smaller, with less canines. Habitatt. Tarai and lower hills.

2d. Species, new. Pelops (7nAo¢ et wy) nob. Structure and aspect
similar to the last. Colours more sordid or purpurescent, slaty partially
merged in rusty ; buttocks posteally (except the callosities) clad: face
nude and dusky, flatter than in the last. Twenty inches long. Tail,
less hair, nine and a half; hand four and a quarter; foot five and
seven-eighths. Habitatt. Northern region of hills exclusively. Fur ful-
ler and more wavy than in Oinops.

N. B.—In all the above three species, the digits are basally con-
nected by membrane, which in the posterior extremities reaches for-
ward beyond the first phalanges. In the first, the thumb scarcely
reaches the base of the metacarpus : in the second and third species, it
extends only half way down the first phalanx of the index. In the
posterior extrimeties the same digit has a size and strength, especially
in the Macaci, more analogous to those of the thumb in our hand. In
Semnopithecus this digit extends a little beyond the base of the
metacarpus. In the Macaci to the end of first phalanx of proximate

digit.
NEPAL,
March, 1841.
——<SSS Ww

OES A\
Le SSL

Oe
j ening eS ——— =>

SSS ESS
—— ; =—_ .
>

HEAD OF MACACUS OINOPS.

er he

ce ‘

1214

General notice of the tribe of Kujjukzyes ( Upper Sinde). By Capt. N. Hart, 2nd
Regt. Grenadiers (Bombay Army.)

The Kujjukzyes are the descendants of a Kakur chief named Kujjuk, who
resided with nine other Kakur chiefs in the village of Mejhtur,* ten koss
from Borjaba in Kakuristan. In consequence of a feud in which Kujjuk
was overpowered, he fled with his family and dependants to Seewee,} in
northern Kuchee (to which town he had been in the habit of emigrating
during the winter) and settled there. At that time the Governor of the
country was Jeeymed Khan, the son of Baroo, the founder of the Baroozyes.
They granted one cubit’s breadth of the waters of the river Nareet to Kujjuk,
to enable him to raise grain fer his people. One evening on bringing in their
flocks from the jungle a he-goat was missing. The tracks being followed
up the next morning, the animal was seen baited by a wolf, which had not
been able to destroy it. They secured the goat, and carried it home in
triumph. This occurrence was considered so propitious by Kujjuk and his
followers, that they determined on building a town on the spot. Some
years afterwards, when their numbers had much increased, they obtained
the grant of a larger portion of the waters of the Naree from Mirza Khan,§
the son and successor of Jeeymed Khan, and to evince their gratitude
were ever foremost in the service ofthe Baroozyes. In process of time this
grant was increased to eight cubits. From Mirza Khan Baroozye to
Mahmood Khan, the father of Habeeb Khan, the power of the family de-
clined, while that of the Kujjuks increased ; and on Mahmood Khan’s at-
tempting to enforce the payment of the tribute claimed by the Dooranee
monarch, they slew him. ,His son Habeeb Khan being unable to controul
them, and being obliged to abandon Seewee, from which city they had cut
off the water for their own use, the Candahar Sirdars sent Hajee Khan
Kakur, with an army to demand the arrears, due since the dismemberment
of the Dooranee monarchy. At this period, the tribe had eight chiefs,
descendants of the sons of Kujjuk. They agreed to bribe Hajee Khan to
destroy their enemy Habeeb Khan Baroozye, who was then living in the
village of Kooruk, four miles from Seewee. The Hajee accordingly seized him
one day in durbar, and gave him over to the Kujjuks, by whom he was put
to death. His brother Sadoola Khan fled with his three nephews, (Shukur

* In Tassin’s map E. Long. 690 20/. Lat. 300 30/.

+ By Tassin E. Long. 690 45/ Lat. 290 40/, formerly called ‘‘ Koohung.” The fort still remains,
though the town has long since been in ruins.

{ This river has a bund across it, and cuts measured by the cubit are made from it for the
supply of the different villages.

§ Founder of Mirzapoor near Mittree, at present in ruins,

Se ee

1840. | General notice of the tribe of Kugjukzyes. 1215

Khan, Misree Khan,* and (name unknown) to Candahar, but their com-
plaints were not attended to for a long time. At length Sadoola Khan was
ordered to return to Kuchee and collect the revenue as his forefathers had
done. The Kujjuks persuaded him that the Hajee alone had been the
cause of his brother’s death, and for some years they gave him a small por-
tion of the tribute, but having quarrelled with him for demanding the
whole amount, they killed him. His nephews fled to Lehree, and sought the
protection of the Doomkees, where they remained some years. But reduced
to extreme poverty, they were necessitated to throw themselves on the
mercy of their enemies for subsistence, and the Kujjuks saw with pride
the descendants of the Bazoozyes, once the governors of Kuchee and their
masters, now begging at their gates for relief. For a year or two they
were permitted to reside in the town, but then sent to Kooruk, where
they have since remained.

To such a degree of power -had the Kujjuks risen, and so great was
their influence, that in a. u. 1228-9 (a. p. 1813), when Ahmed. Yar
Khan (the son of Bairam Khan), Surfuraz Khan (son of Moostapha),
and Mall Zeinub, Nusseer Khan’s daughter, fled from the protection of
Mahmood Khan, the reigning prince of Kelat, they took refuge in the town
belonging to that tribe, and Meer Khan, the head chief, agreed to assist
them in obtaining a settlement of their claims. Mahmood followed them
with an army, and for four days was encamped in front of the place, but
doubtful of taking it, he granted two shares of the revenue of Dadur to
the Mall, two to Ahmed Yar Khan, agreed to treat Surfuraz Khan as his
own son, and then withdrew. In Mehrab Khan’s time also, they suc-
coured some fugitives, arfd that prince appeared before their walls with
a large force, but eventually retreated without coming to blows.

On the occasion of destroying the village of their neighbours, the
Murukzanees, about thirty years ago, Meer Khan was slain by a matchlock
ball. The surviving Murukzanees sought refuge in the village of Duhpall,
where they now reside.

The names of the Kujjuk chiefs, the descendants of the sons of Kujjuk,
are :—

1. Ismael Khan, son of Punjoo, Punjoozye. (The head chief Punjco being
the eldest son.)

2. Eesan Khan son of Alee Khan Baranzye.

3. Syud Khan __,, Door Khan Dowlutzye.
_ 4, Kurim Khan ,, Taj Mahomed Kashee.
5, Hassun ps Meer Khan Kashee

* Lately serving in the Beeloche levy.
y 8 y

1216 General notice of the tribe of Kujukzyes. [No. 108.

6. Meeran son of Jan Mahomed Kuryazye.

7. Door Khan _ ,, Nusseer Kuryazye.

8. Keemool Khan,, Tutebar Sagzye.

The tribe is said to have numbered from seven hundred to one ae
fighting men this year.

The waters of the Naree, though latterly almost entirely kept by the
Kujjuks for their own use, was formerly divided as follows :—

To the city of Seewee eight shares and one “ Ghanga,”’* for the use of
its gardens.

The village of Kujjuk, 8 shares
i Kooruk, 8 icy)
os Gooloo, Gi,
is Lohnee, Ai Fey
- Murukzanee, 3 ,, Taken by Kujjuks
e Sapee, Gyils ,j
ey Abdoola Khuer, 3 _,,
5 Mahmood, De,
rn Bukhera, 2 vikws

Extracts from Capt. Hart’s letter transmitting the above.

“A few miles from our camp is a large mound of earth, evidently the
remains of an ancient city. The people call it “ Dumb-i-Dulora Shah,”
who they say was a Kaffer king, who once reigned in Sinde, but owing to
his manifold crimes, particularly that of marrying his sister, showers of
ashes were rained on his cities by the Almighty. May not this king be
Dahir-ben-Chuch, sovereign of Sinde, when first invaded by the Mahome-
dans?

‘“‘ Should any thing turn up I will not fail to send it. I am told of five
other similar mounds, where caves are said to have been found, but veracity
is not a Sindian virtue, so until I can send people to search, I must doubt
it. There are so few persons who do know any thing of the country, that
at times I almost despair of acquiring any information; what I do get is
purchased, for no one will open their mouths without being paid for it.
Books (where so few can read aught but the Koran) are not to be had; one
Moolla in Dadur says he had one containing an account of the ‘‘ Dumbs,”
but it was burnt when his house was destroyed last November. That you

* Ghanga, a water course always running—differing from that measured by the cubit, which was

only allowed to each cultivator one day and night in his turn. It was called a ‘‘ Puo,” and
again subdivided into ‘‘ Hitts,” or finger breadthis.

1840. | General notice of the tribe of Kuyukzyes. L217

may judge how ignorant they are, even of their own annals, I send a copy of
an inscription cut on the side of a hill at the entrance of the Chota Bolan
pass. There are some tombs not far from it, but the villages in the imme-
diate vicinity being deserted, no one can tell me any thing about it. I have
sent copies to Shikarpoor and other places, without success. I was at first
told it was done by the Kaffirs, and led on a wild goose chase, thinking .
I had at length got something worth communicating, but the letters that
are legible are so plainly Persian, that it is not worth troubling oneself
further about it, except perhaps to fix a date, could it be read. Even at
Bagh, the capital of the district, where I offered any sum for an account of
the town even, noone would write it. The only way would be to
employ persons for the purpose, send them to the principal places, and
then glean from their accounts and the Chuch Nama. I will, if you wish,
send you all I have picked up, but I fear it will not repay you the
trouble of reading.”

Norte.— The translation of the inscription, which is modern Sindee, was given me
by a native merchant in Calcutta, who understands the language tolerably well.
It is nothing more than a receipt for one hundred rupees, with the names of witnesses
to the payment,(!) and in another style of character a query, as to what had become
of a certain Oula Mirza, with a reply, that nothing was known of him. Some cyphers
(probably a date) are illegible to my translator. I have written to Captain Hart,
urging him to pursue his researches in Sinde, and he has since obliged me with an
interesting notice of the Brehoees. py

Second Notice of some forged Coins of the Bactrians and Indo-Scy-
thians.—By Lieut. ALEXANDER CUNNINGHAM, Engineers.

When I first drew attention to the subject of counterfeit coins, my
remarks were chiefly directed towards those which had been cast in
moulds formed from genuine ancient coins: I had then seen none of
any other kind; but I was aware of the existence of one piece which
could not have been cast; namely, the gold piece of Amyntas in the
possession of Lady Sale, ‘‘ which is in all respects similar to the copper
coin of the same king, except that the figures are reversed.” Not
having seen the coin, I was induced to say, that ‘the fact of the type
having been reversed, showed an advance in the art of forgery ;” for
I did not suppose that a spurious coin which had deceived any one,
could be so ludicrously barbarous in execution as that of the forgeries

1218 Second Notice of some forged Coins [ No. 108.

in the accompanying plate: for all of which, as well as for several cast
forgeries, I am indebted to the disinterested kindness of Dr. Chapman of
the 16th Lancers, who sent me all the suspected specimens in his own
cabinet, and impressions of other suspected coins which he had seen,
accompanied also with several genuine coins, that I might have, by
a personal examination and comparison of them, the very best possible
means of drawing correct conclusions regarding the genuineness of the
suspected coins.

The forgeries which I am now about to notice are of two distinct
kinds, of which the most likely to deceive, consists of pieces formed
in moulds from genuine ancient coins. These are generally repro-
ductions in gold of ancient silver coins; though some few specimens
are known of silver, formed from genuine copper coins, and even silver
gilt pieces have been offered for sale. This kind of forgery is how-
ever not likely to do much injury to the cause of numismatic science ;
for the cast pieces only repeat the very types and legends of genuine
coins. Now the very fact of a gold piece being of the same size, type,
and make as a known true silver coin, should at once lead a collector
to suspect its genuineness, and to examine carefully whether the gold
piece has not been cast. Of the genuine gold Bactrian coinage only
one specimen of Euthydemus is at present known; and this scarcity
alone should make collectors cautious how they purchase a gold Bac-
trian piece, unless it should be of a round form, and of a type unknown
either in the silver or copper money of the same prince.

From what I have said, it will be evident that our best safe-guard
against cast forgeries, lies in the cupidity of the forgers, who reproduce
the ancient silver coins in gold, that their profit upon each piece may
be greater; and by this very change of metal we have an almost
certain proof, furnished by the short-sighted forger himself, that the
piece cannot be genuine. Were the forgers of cast coins however
to confine themselves to the multiplication of szlver casts of genuine
silver coins, the only means of detection would be in the want of
sharpness and distinctness both in the figures and in the letters, and
more especially where they join the field or ground of the piece ; and
in an excess of sharpness about the edges, instead of the smooth
rounded edge of a genuine coin; as well as in a kind of dull frosted
appearance, which cast coins usually have. |

1840. | of the Bactrians and Indo- Scythians. 1219

I will now describe the three gold pieces that Dr. Chapman has
brought to my notice, all of which have evidently been cast in moulds
formed from genuine silver coins.

The first is of Menander, and is a cast of a well known type, having
a bare diademed head to the right, and on the reverse Minerva Pro-
machus : this was purchased at Kabul for 30 rupees; some ducats also
which were bought from the same person by another gentleman, have
since turned out to be forgeries.

The second is likewise of Menander, but of a different type; the
bare diademed head of the king being to the left, and his right hand
being raised in the act of hurling a javelin forward. This was also pro-
cured at Kabul.

The third is of Antimachus, being a gold cast of the commonest
type of the silver drachmas of that prince ; with a figure of Victory on
one side, and on the reverse a horseman at speed. This piece was
likewise purchased in Kabul, and I have no doubt that all three of
them are the manufacture of the same hand.

The first of these pieces is in the possession of Major Fitzgerald,
and the others belong to Dr. Chapman, who when they were presented
to him by a friend, at once suspected them to be forgeries ; and my
examination of them only confirms his suspicion.

The gold piece of Menander belonging to Dr. Chapman, weighs 74
grains, whereas the gold piece of Antimachus weighs only 56 grains ;
the difference between them being 18 grains. From an examination of
seven genuine drachmas of Menander, and of five of Antimachus, I
find that the heaviest of them weighs 40 grains, and the lightest one
32 grains ; the difference between them being only 8 grains, or less
than one-half of the difference between the two gold pieces. But
as gold is less liable to injury and corrosion than silver, the extreme
difference of weight between ancient gold coins should not be so great,
as that between ancient silver coins; yet here we find that the differ-

ence between these two gold pieces is more than double the greatest
: difference to be found between any two silver coins. Now as this
| excess of difference between the gold coins is too much to have arisen
| from the effects of time, we must look for some other cause ; and that this
_ cause can only be that the two gold pieces have been cast in moulds
formed from genuine silver coins, is proved by the following facts.

1220 Second Notice of some forged Coins [ No, 108.

1. The heaviest of the genuine silver coins weighs 40 grains; and
as the relative specific gravity of silver to ‘en is about 11 to 20, we
have ; as 11 is to 20, so are 40 grains to 72 , grains ; the weight which
a gold piece would be if cast in a rails formed from a silver coin
weighing 40 grains, and within ee grain of the actual weight of the
cast gold piece of Menander.

2. The lightest of the eenune silver coins weighs 32 grains ; and
therefore as 11 : 20 :: 382: 58. grains; which would be the
weight of a gold piece if cast in a facule formed poe one of the light-
est genuine silver coins; and which is within 2= , grains of the actual
weight of the cast gold piece of Antimachus.

3. The difference between two pieces thus formed is 725 —58-— “=l4-,
or nearly double the difference between the here and lightest
genuine silver coins; and also very nearly the actual difference be-
tween the two gold pieces under examination. The metal of the Anti-
machus is of a paler colour than that of the Menander ; and therefore
as it must contain more silver, its relative specific gravity must be less :
if however the metal of the two pieces had been the same, the differ-

ence between their weights would have been a grain or two nearer the

difference which I have calculated.

From these facts, then, I come to the conclusion that, as the weights
of these two pieces are the same as the weights of gold casts made in
moulds formed from the heaviest and lightest genuine silver coins;
and as the difference in weight between the two pieces is more than
double what it should be if they were genuine coins, and very nearly
the same that it would be if they were cast as before said ; these pieces
of Menander and Antimachus must be forgeries taken from genuine
silver coins: a conclusion which is fully borne out by all the suspici-
ous circumstances observable in their appearance.

There is a faintness and an indistinctness in the outlines of the
figures on these pieces, that stamps them at once as cast coins; and
where the relief in the figures on the original coins is small, it is
seldom reproduced in the casts; as in the instance of the gold piece
of Antimachus, on which the horseman has no neck, and the horse
has scarcely any visible pasterns; and where the letters are at all
crowded on the original coin, the spaces between them become filled
up in the cast piece, and render the legend almost illegible ; as in the

i ee eee

1840. | of the Bactrians and Indo- Scythians. i221

gold forgery of Menander, where the letters ANA are joined together
by several flaws; and this place I suppose to have been the mouth
of the mould, and that the letters have become confused together by
the more rapid cooling of the molten metal towards the neck of the
mould, which prevented it from entering perfectly into the hollows of
the letters at that part. From the same cause the letters BAZIA
on the gold piece of Antimachus are totally obliterated. I may add
also as a further proof of the spuriousness of these pieces, that, when I
showed them in the midst of several genuine silver coins to a native
goldsmith, and asked him if he could make me some casts from them,
he replied, that the figures and letters of the casts would not be so
clear and distinct as on the original coins; and then added, as he
picked up one of the gold pieces, ‘“ This was made in a mould.”

Of the second kind of forgeries, the specimens which have come to
my notice, are chiefly of silver, with the exception of Lady Sale’s gold
piece of Amyntas, and the gold piece of Kadphises engraved at the
foot of the accompanying plate.

No. 1. A round silver piece of the size of a tetradrachm, weighing
243 grains. It is evidently imitated from a coin similar to Dr. Swiney’s
tetradrachm, published by Mr. James Prinsep in the Jour. As. Soc. of
Bengal, for November 1836; if not indeed from that very coin;
which I had frequent opportunities of seeing, when it was in Dr.
Swiney’s possession. Its relief was exceedingly bold, as I have
shown in the left hand section of the plate, and this boldness is what
will always be wanting in forgeries made by natives of India, whether
from modelled moulds, or by engraved dies. The section to the right
is of the spurious piece of Euthydemus; and a single glance at the
two sections will be sufficient to show the great difference in the
relief of the head of the two coins.

It is true that there are ancient tetradrachms of Euthydemus of
great rudeness of execution ; (vide, Jour. As. Soc. of Bengal, June
1833 ; plate 11 ; Fig. 6,) but even they are distinguished by a boldness in
| the relief of the head, which is not to be found in any of the modern
forgeries, which I am about to describe. These ancient rude tetra-
drachms are discovered chiefly in the neighbourhood of Bokhara, from
'whence many have passed into Russia, and have been published by

the celebrated Russian antiquary M. Kéhler. I have one now before
: OE

|
{|
|

1222 Second Notice of some forged Coins [No. 108.

me which likewise came from Bokhara; it weighs only 140 grains,
and is therefore properly only a heavy didrachma: it is in high relief,
and of extremely barbarous make ; but as coins of this description are
found in great numbers about Bokhara, there can be no doubt of its
genuineness. This specimen must therefore have belonged to a local
coinage of Euthydemus, which was confined to Bokhara alone as a
tributary state; for if Bokhara had been under the immediate govern-
ment of Euthydemus, there would either have been a royal mint esta-
blished, or none at all; but if Bokhara was, as I suppose, a state
tributary to Euthydemus; then it is easy to believe that one of the
stipulations of the tribute was, that the money of the Bokhara state
should be coined with the head, and in the name of the paramount
sovereign.

Another point which distinguishes the engraved tetradrachm as a
spurious one is its utter barbarousness as a work of art ; the sketch in
the plate gives a faithful outline of the head, preserving all its pecu-
liarities ; of which the most remarkable is a full eye ina side view of
the face. This singularity at once stamps this piece as a forgery, and
proclaims it to be the work of a native of India, whose artists invariably
represent a full eye, even in a side face.

A third peculiarity is the fringe observable around the eye, on the
forehead, before the ear, beneath the chin, and on the shoulder ; which
almost tempts me to believe that the forger had copied his die from
Mr. Jas. Prinsep’s engraving ; for these fringed parts in the spurious
coin are the very portions that are shaded darkly in Mr. Prinsep’s
etching. This supposition is still further borne out by the want of

the central portion of the upright stroke of the monogrammatic letter

® on the reverse of the spurious piece; this part in Mr. Prinsep’s
etching being so much fainter than the other strokes of the letter,
that it might easily have escaped the eye of a forger, who was ignorant
of the Greek characters.

The last peculiarity which I need notice is, that the standing figure
of Hercules on the reverse is without a club: for the forger ignorant
of the figure represented on the true coin, has overlooked the fact that
the lower part of the left arm is concealed beneath the lion’s skin: he
has accordingly transformed the club, which reposes in the hollow of
the arm on the original coin, into that half of the arm which should be

ee a i ee ee ee ee , ee a a a

1840. | of the Bactrians and Indo- Scythians. 1228

hidden by the lion’s skin, which it carries, and he has omitted the
club altogether. This omission alone is sufficient to prove that the
engraved tetradrachm is a forgery ; but when taken in conjunction
with the lowness of relief in the figures, the ludicrous barbarism of its
workmanship, the full eye in a side face, the two feet of Hercules turn-
ed to one side after the fashion of Indian art, and with the incomplete
monogrammatic letter @, there can be no doubt whatever that it is a
forged coin.

I observe that both the legs of Hercules exhibit a double outline to
the right, which can have happened only from double striking ; prov-
ing clearly that this piece must have been struck from dies engraved
by the forger. When dies are once engraved they may be used either
for striking, or, with the addition of some clay round the edges to
separate the two dies to a distance requisite for the thickness of the
coin, they may be used as a mould for casting forged pieces ; and indeed
Dr. Chapman, to whom this piece belongs, mentions that there is a
cast of it in existence. The piece was procured at Bajawur ; and it
has been subjected to the fumes of sulphur to give it a dark appear-
ance.

No. 2. A small round silver piece of the size of a drachma, weighing
61 grains ; it is one of two pieces in the cabinet of Dr. Chapman; and
there is a third specimen also weighing 61 grains in the possession of
another gentleman, of which an impression is now lying before me.

The execution of this piece is considerably more barbarous than that
of the spurious tetradrachm of Euthydemus just described. The
head faces to the left, instead of to the right, as on all the genuine
coins of Eucratides: one of the three spurious pieces however has the
head to the right. The change in the direction of the head, from
right to left, may possibly be owing to the inadvertence, and not to the
cunning of the forger; for if he engraved his die from a genuine coin,
and not from an impression, the die would have the head in the same
direction as the coin, and the stamps made from it would be reversed.
I doubt however whether the forger had a genuine silver coin in his
possession ; if he had one, he would surely have made several casts
from it, instead of putting himself to the expence and trouble of cut-
ting dies. I am therefore inclined to believe that the forger had
nothing more than a sketch to guide him in engraving the dies of this

1224 Second Notice of some forged Coins [No. 108.

grotesque piece of Eucratides. The eye is scarcely visible, and the
nose, mouth, and chin are worthy only of a ludicrous mask. The caps
and palms of the Dioscuri are also strangely disfigured ; and the name
is corrupted to LIXAAATIAA on the first specimen, and on the
third to BAETAE Q> LIXKPATIG § all which suspicious circum-
stances prove most incontestably, that these pieces are forgeries.

No. 3. A square silver piece of large size, weighing 118 grains;
procured by Dr. Chapman at Peshawur. The execution of this piece
is very much superior to that of any of the others in the accompanying
plate; but there are several suspicious appearances about it, which
induce me to believe it to be a forgery. Of these the principal are ;
its square form ; its identity in size and type with a copper coin
already known, having an owl on the reverse; and the total omission
of the Bactrian Pali letter P s, at the end of the word Maharajasa,
although there is plenty of room for it on the piece. It is curious to
observe that the same omission occurs on the genuine copper coin
published by Mr. Prinsep, from the corner of the coin having been cut
off (vide Jour. As. Soc. of Bengal; November 1836. Fig. 6,) and
on this account alone I am inclined to suspect that this forged piece
must have been stamped by a die copied either from that identical coin,
or from a sketch or impression of it. I have no doubt whatever that
the piece is a forgery.

No. 4, is likewise a square silver piece of large size, and is of ex-
tremely barbarous workmanship; the title of BAZIAE Q® is spelt
BAZAIE QOS, and the name is written MEVAH...3 some of
my objections to the genuineness of the last coin, apply equally to
this ; namely, its square form, and its identity in size and type with
a known copper coin, having Minerva’s Gorgon-headed shield on the
reverse. ‘These facts alone are sufficient to raise suspicion ; but when
coupled with the barbarously rude execution of the piece, and with
the jumbling of the letters of the legend, I have no hesitation in de-
claring it to be a most pitiful forgery.

No. 5, is another square silver piece of large size, and of the rudest
possible workmanship. The king’s head and the figure on the reverse
are both in directions contrary to what they are upon the original coin ;
and this reversal of the figure of Minerva, betrays that the piece is a
forgery ; for it brings the buckler upon the right arm, and leaves the

1840. | of the Bactrians and Indo- Scythians. 1225
a

left arm to wield the spear; thus making the goddess of Wisdom left-
handed. The legend also is much corrupted, and reads BACUE QS
NIKAoToPo > AMYN ..3 the missing letters of the name be-
ing the very same that are wanting upon the coin that was stolen from
Colonel Stacy.

In the legend of the reverse, I observe that the initial letter of the
name in the corrupted Bactrian Pali characters has a foot-stroke to
the left, the same as in Mr. Jas. Prinsep’s engraving ; but this stroke
does not appear on the plaster cast of that coin, which I have now
before me; nor on a genuine round silver drachma of Amyntas, which
through the kindness of Dr. Chapman I have been able to examine. On
both of these, the initial letter of the name is the same as is found
initial in all the names beginning with the letter A.

All the circumstances observable about this piece, stamp it at once as
a forgery ; its extreme rudeness of workmanship, its corrupted legends,
and its having the buckler of Minerva placed in her right hand, all
prove it to be a spurious piece ; which its square form, and its identity
in size and type with a known copper coin, only serve to confirm be-
yond the possibility of a doubt. It was procured at Peshawur from
a man who had also a similar piece in gold; and the latter may very
likely be the very piece which is now in the cabinet of Lady Sale.
Here then, in addition to the spurious piece already made known by
Mr. Raoul-Rochette, we have two more in gold and silver agreeing
in all respects, save that of metal, with the copper coin of Amyntas,
which was stolen from Colonel Stacy. The same sloping cut which is
attributable to accident in the original coin, is here found repeated in
all these spurious pieces; and I have therefore little doubt that they
have all been copied from sketches or impressions of that very coin.

In No. 6, I have given the Bactrian Pali characters of the name of
Menander, as I find them upon a beautiful square coin of that prince of
middle size. The first letter is m, inflected with the vowel e ; the se-
cond is ”, with a dot to the left below, which invariably represents the
long a; the third character is a compound, the curve at the top thus c,
being one-half of the Bactrian character € 2 ; the middle portion is d;
and the foot stroke to the right is 7, which occurs exactly in the same
way in the name of Eucratides, and in the word putrasa ; and the last
letter is s. Thus the four characters read simply according to the

1226 Second Notice of some forged Coins [No. 108.

Greek, Méndndrasa. I may add however that this is the only coin on
which ] have seen the name written in this way.

In No. 7 I have copied the Bactrian Pali characters of the name of
Amyntas, as they appear upon the beautiful drachma belonging to Dr.
Chapman. The first letter is the initial a; the second is m, inflected
with the vowel ¢; the third is compounded of the half of the letter
(as above) and ¢; and the last is s; the whole four letters reading
together in perfect accordance with the Greek, Amintasa.

It is a curious fact that the engraved originals of all the five forged
coins, now published, are to be found in the same plate in the Journal
of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, (Pl. 46. Nov. 1836) ; and as I have '
shown that the foot stroke to the initial letter of the Bactrian Pali name
of Amyntas, which is found in the engraving in that plate, does not
exist on the actual coin, and that the wanting portion of the stroke of
the monogrammatic letter @ on the spurious tetradrachm of Euthy-
demus is the very portion that is faintly sketched in Mr. Prinsep’s
engraving ; I am almost tempted to believe that the forger of these
spurious coins is in possession of a copy of that plate; and that all
these forged pieces have been imitated from the engravings contained
in it. It is scarcely possible that a native of the East, resident in
Afghanistan, should have one of these plates in his possession ; and as all
the information which I have received from Dr. Chapman and from
others, tends to prove that a white man is the superintendent forger
of many false coins, I have little doubt that he (the white gentleman)
is in possession of a copy of that plate, and of others; and that he has
pointed out to his native assistants the particular coins which he
wished to be forged. Of the common coins, such as drachmas of
Menander and Antimachus, tbe forger has made casts, because he was
easily able to procure original specimens; but of the rarer coins, such
as those of the types imitated in the forgeries which I have just des-
cribed, the fabricator, unable to obtain original specimens from which
to form his moulds for casting, has taken advantage of Mr. Prinsep’s
etchings, and has imitated them as well as he was able. Such at least
is the conclusion that I have come to from the facts before me; and I
have hopes that before long, I shall be able to expose the white gentle-
man, who superintends the forging of these coins, to the merited con-
tempt of the public. |

1840. | of the Bactrians and Indo-Scythians. 1227

No. 8. A small round silver piece, weighing 38 grains, in the cabi-
net of Dr._Chapman ; a duplicate of this piece is in the possession of
Captain Hay, who has kindly favoured me with an impression of it ;
and I am thus, by a careful comparison of Dr. Chapman’s coin with the
impression of Capt. Hay’s piece, able to say that they have both been
struck by the same dies; and also that Capt. Hay’s coin must have
been struck before Dr. Chapman’s piece, for on the reverse of his
coin there is no visible flaw, whereas on the reverse of Dr. Chapman’s
coin there is a great flaw passing across the male figure, and a lesser
flaw across the female figure: proving that the reverse die must have
become cracked from repeated hammering, and that there are most
probably many more similar counterfeits in existence. The original
of this piece will be found engraved as No. 7, of plate 28, vol. iv.
Jour. As. Soc. of Bengal.

The chief objections to the genuineness of this piece are; Ist. its
metal, none of the Indo-Scythian coins yet discovered being of silver ;
2nd. its size and type, which are identical with those of a gold coin
already known; 3rd. the jumbling of the letters on the obverse, where
I observe that the letter A is the only legible character of the words
PAO NANO PAO3$ 4th. the want of a halo round the head of
NANA, which is never omitted upon the genuine coins in gold and
copper; and to these I may add, the filling in of the arms and body of
the half length figure on the obverse with small strokes, apparently
copied from the shaded lines in Mr. Prinsep’s engraving.

The Indo-Scythic coins of Kadphises, Oerki, and Kanerki are
always of superior execution ; the relief of the figures is bold and
rounded ; and not low and flat as on this silver piece ; besides which,
the limbs and bodies of the figures on the genuine coins are never
formed of outline strokes, as on this silver piece, but are boldly and
creditably engraved. I have no doubt, from all these circumstances,
that this silver piece is a forgery.

No. 9. A round gold piece in the possession of Mr. Conolly, C. S.
It is of very inferior execution, and is evidently copied from the coin
published by Mr. Jas. Prinsep as No. 1 of the same plate in which the
original of the spurious piece just described is given. Dr. Chapman,
who suspected this coin to be spurious, kindly procured me an impres-
sion of it, from which I have made the accompanying sketch, A cast

1228 Second Notice of some forged Coins — — { No. 108.

of the original genuine coin is now before me, and I can therefore
vouch for the correctness of Mr. Prinsep’s engraving.

On the obverse of this rude piece it is observable that the little
charioteer of the original is replaced by two unmeaning strokes; and
that the principal figure, as well as the body of the chariot, is orna-
mented with a row of small lines, which I believe to have been copied
from the shading of Mr. Prinsep’s engraving. The Greek legend is
besides faulty: there being but a mere stroke for the A of Basileus,
and the final ¢ of Kadphises being altogether omitted; and these
two letters are the only faulty ones in Mr. Prinsep’s engraving. On
the reverse the standing figure with a trident exhibits a double outline
from double striking ; and the body has three sloping lines drawn across
it, which are the very number of shaded strokes in Mr. Prinsep’s
sketch. The Bactrian legend is particularly faulty; as I suppose from
the incompleteness of the original engraving, from which the dies of
this piece appear to have been copied.

We have lu, Maha distinct enough, but then follows [] s, for
which the two upright strokes of the 7 and 7, which are alone visible
in the*etching, might easily be mistaken.

From all these coincidences between this spurious gold piece and
the engraving published by Mr. Prinsep, and from its extremely
barbarous workmanship, I have no doubt whatever that it is a forgery ;
and I suspect that it must have been copied from Mr. Prinsep’s
engraving. It is certainly very curious that the same fact, which I
have observed regarding the engraved originals of the Bactrian forge-
ries being found all in the same plate, is to be noticed of the engraved
originals of these two Indo-Scythian forgeries, which are likewise
found together in another plate of Mr. Prinsep’s Journal. I shal]
therefore not only be not surprised, but I shall expect to see other
forgeries of the rarer original coins engraved in those two plates ; for
I cannot help suspecting that the person who has forged all these
coins is in possession of copies of those two plates.

From the long remarks which I have made upon the coins of this
second class of forgeries, it will be evident that the best test for distin-
guishing a genuine coin is its excellence as a work of art; and this
test will hold good with the earlier coins of the Indo-Scythians, as
well as with the whole series of the Bactrian coins, which have pure

Counterfert Coins.

A. Curnniigl arr, aed 7. Archer Zvi:

1840. | of the Bactrians and Indo-Scythians. i 1229

Greek names. The forged specimens which I have described are, with
the exception of the Owl Menander, of such grotesquely barbarous
workmanship, that a single glance is sufficient to detect their spurious-
ness. A collector therefore in examining a coin of this class has only
to pay particular attention to two points; namely, whether its work-
manship be worthy of Grecian art; and whether the double legends
are perfect ; in carefully attending to which he will escape the pur-
chase

Of many medals, ‘‘ which if neither rare
Nor ancient, will be so, preserved with care.”

Since writing the above notice, several other.glaring forgeries have
‘become known to me through the kindness of zealous friends. From
Captain Hay I have received sketches of two square silver pieces of
Menander, the exact counterparts of Nos. 3 and 4 of the accompa-
nying plate. In the Bactrian Pali legend of No. 3, I observe the same
remarkable omission of the final P sa, of Maharajasa, although there is
abundance of room for it on the forged piece. Captain Hay suspected
them to be forgeries when he first saw them ; but as they formed part
of a large collection which was offered for sale, he was constrained to
purchase the whole.

From Lady Sale I have received impressions of her gold Amyntas,
which is of square form, and is in all respects, save that of metal,
identical with the barbarous silver piece engraved.as No. 5: it is
therefore, as I supposed in my former notice, an undoubted forgery.
Lady Sale also purchased two other gold pieces at the same time from
the same dealer; one of them a Kadphises in his chariot, similar to
No. 9 of the accompanying plate, and the other a Kadphises with a
common bull, reverse, both of which I cannot help suspecting to be
worthless, from the bad company in which they were found.

I have likewise received no less than nineteen forged silver pieces
from my brother Lieut. J. D. Cunningham, at Peshawur, who knowing
them to be forgeries, kindly purchased them for me with the hope
that their early publication might put collectors upon their guard. Of
these nineteen pieces, three are forgeries of a Roman drachma, and
the remaining sixteen are forgeries of the drachmas of Menander ; six
being of the helmeted type, and ten of the bare-headed type, of which

a 7s

1230 Second Notice of some forged Coins, &c. [ No. 108.

five have the face looking to the right, and five have it to the left : the
reverse of all of them being Minerva Promachus. It is needless to
describe them more particularly, as they are equally barbarous in
execution with those which have already been noticed ; but there is
one peculiarity observable about them, which alone is sufficient to
stamp them as bungling forgeries ; namely, that the legends on all the
pieces of Menander are reversed both in Greek and in Bactrian Pali,
the former reading from right to left, and the latter from left to right.
The average weight of these pieces agrees with that of the genuine
coins, being 36} grains.
ALEXANDER CUNNINGHAM.

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